- The activity or sport of pursuing game.
- The act of conducting a search for something: house hunting.
- Electronics. The periodic variation in speed of a synchronous motor with respect to the current.
|
Results for hunting
|
On this page:
|
For more information on hunting, visit Britannica.com.
As a popular pastime of the nobility, it is hardly surprising that hunting in its various forms should play an important part in medieval fiction. Like tournaments, hunting scenes, whether involving falcons, hounds, or simply the bow and arrow, are extensively used in imaginative writing. Often, such episodes are purely decorative, without any real narrative function. Frequently, though, the hunt is both a social occasion and an opportunity for the demonstration of bravery and agility; and the locus of the hunt itself, the forest, offering the possibility of becoming separated from one's companions or entourage, provides an appropriate setting within which adventures (natural and supernatural) can readily arise. In some cases the pursuit of mythical or magical creatures may be traced back to folk-motifs common to many cultures. The value attached to falcons and hawks is amply demonstrated by the readiness with which they are presented (and received) as gifts; their symbolic importance is exemplified by their role in prophetic dreams and, on a less exalted level, in the use (notably in the chansons de geste) of images concerning their rapidity, with which that of knights or their horses is habitually compared. In some contexts the hunt is also the occasion for bloodshed and murder, and can serve as an image for destructive sensuality.
As well as appearing in fictional texts, hunting gave rise to another form of literature. A number of, often highly technical, treatises on the subject survive; some, like the 14th-c. Livres du Roy Modus et de la Reine Ratio of Henri de Ferrières (written for an aristocratic patron) and the very popular Livre de la chasse (1387-91) by Gaston III, comte de Foix (Gaston 1Phébus), were originally composed in French and are elaborate expositions of the theory and practice of the chase; others, translations of Latin works such as Frederick II's De arte venandi cum avibus, or of the treatises on falconry by Alexander Medicus and King Dancus, provide further evidence that there was a demand for practical and instructive works on the subject written in French. Some of this material was also translated into other Romance languages. Treatises of this sort complement and confirm the detailed descriptions of hunting given in fiction, and they underline the growing use of the vernacular for didactic and scientific purposes in the later Middle Ages.
[David A. Trotter]
Bibliography
Early modern Europe was a settled agricultural and commercial society. As such, hunting played a secondary or negligible role in supplying the nutritional needs of all but a handful of Europeans. Yet hunting had a symbolic importance in European society out of proportion to its economic importance because it was closely linked to the culture of monarchy. In most of Europe, hunting was a privilege restricted to the nobility. In general, the noble monopoly of hunting derived from seignorial control over the forests in which hunting took place. In some lands, such as England, the king exercised exclusive seignorial jurisdiction over all forests; in other lands, such as France, seignorial jurisdiction over forests came with jurisdiction over the neighboring villages and so could be "owned" by anyone. Such control enabled kings and aristocrats to restrict hunting to a very narrow social stratum. Even some nobles were prevented from participating in the hunt.
Most of the social history of hunting revolves around the justifications for and enforcement of noble monopoly. Non-nobles sometimes chafed at being prevented from hunting for sport, but they were more frequently troubled by the fact that the noble monopoly on hunting for sport prohibited commoners from hunting for food or stopping wild animals from damaging their crops. Conflicts over hunting were, therefore, part of a larger negotiation over relations of power between nobles and peasants. The three main types of hunting—hunting vermin, hunting for food, and hunting for sport—touched on different aspects of those relations.
Eradicating Vermin
Hunting vermin, animals that posed a threat to crops or livestock, was the least contested area of hunting in the early modern era. Common people were allowed, even encouraged, to destroy vermin and they were eager to do so. The main kinds of vermin hunted in early modern Europe were stoats, otters, foxes, and wolves.
The treatment of wolves is most emblematic of early modern European attitudes toward vermin. Throughout Europe, rulers or their officials offered bounties for wolf hides or other evidence of the destruction of wolves. Criminals were sometimes permitted to pay off fines or debts by supplying wolf pelts. Wolves were to be killed whenever and by whatever means. They were feared not just for the threat they posed to livestock, but also (though with how much justification remains an open question) as a threat to humans. The policy of wolf eradication was very successful in some parts of Europe. Already by 1560, wolves were extinct in England. The last confirmed killing of a wolf in Scotland took place in 1691. Wolves were extinct in Ireland by 1770. On the other hand, wolves continued to survive on the Continent throughout the early modern era.
Initially, foxes were treated in the same manner as wolves. But in the eighteenth century, hunting foxes began to take on the character of sport hunting rather than vermin hunting. Until that time, the prime small game animal for "coursing" had been the hare. Aristocrats discovered that foxes made a very good target for coursing hounds. So, they began to foster the stability of fox populations by building fox shelters and even importing foxes from other regions; thus there was a continuing source of sporting pleasure. It was not until the nineteenth century that foxhunting lost its significance as a means of controlling vermin and became the main sporting pastime of the English aristocracy.
Hunting for Food
Game animals played a larger and more diverse role in the diet in the early modern era than they would in later centuries. Wild boar and venison, sometimes killed by the king himself, were a regular feature of royal feasts. Since the royal table could be amply supplied with meats by domesticated animals, these dishes were more important symbolically than nutritionally. For example, Francis I (ruled 1515–1547) of France sent venison pasties (a type of meat pie) from a deer he had personally hunted as a gesture of good will to Henry VIII (ruled 1509–1547) of England. For commoners, there were few restrictions on catching marginally edible fare such as badgers or starlings, but they were usually barred from hunting prime edible game animals such as wild boar and deer. Some resorted to poaching to provide meat for their diet or to sell at market.
Poaching was illegal in early modern Europe, but it was not uncommon. Forest account books show numerous fines for illegal capture or killing of game. In rare cases, poaching was a capital offense, but in most of Europe, the most widespread punishment was a stiff fine. Some cases of poaching were clearly as much symbolic protest acts as efforts to get something to eat. In seventeenth-century England, it was not at all rare for gentry to poach on the lands of their neighbors. Most historians assume that forest officials were often bribed to look the other way. Perhaps the best-known effort to suppress poaching was the Black Act in England in 1724, which, among other things, made deer-stalking in royal forests a capital crime. The numbers of animals taken in the areas affected by the Black Act were small. It is impossible to say how frequently poachers were caught in early modern Europe and, by extension, how important game was for the livelihoods of villagers in the vicinity of forests.
Hunting for Sport
Hunting explicitly for sport had been a noble, and especially a royal, prerogative since ancient times. It was considered an important test of bravery and skill with arms that would carry over into battle. The early modern era continued practices that had been prevalent in the Middle Ages. Hunting adapted readily to gunpowder weapons, though crossbows and longbows, and even swords or knives, remained common weapons even into the seventeenth century. Though early modern royalty continued to keep falcons as they had in the Middle Ages, the most prominent form of sport hunting in the early modern era was coursing with hounds. The dog became the prized adjunct to the hunt. Hunting literature, such as George Gascoigne's The Noble Art of Venery and Hunting (1575), proliferated in the early modern era. Much of it was written for or dedicated to notable royal hunters. Tales of kings or noblemen finishing off an enraged animal that charged the hunters, endangering their lives, became a trope of royal propaganda.
The early modern era was suffused with a casual cruelty toward animals. Hunting for sport partook of some of that same casual cruelty. It was common to round up wild animals, sometimes in large numbers, and herd them to a place where the hunters could easily slaughter them. Contemporary depictions of the hunt often show the hunters standing behind a blind or shooting stand while drivers chased dozens of animals in front of their waiting guns.
Certain creatures were especially prized for their ability to create an exciting chase. The three animals most frequently prized for their coursing were red deer, fallow deer, and hares. For the latter, the sport was primarily to watch the chasing hounds in action. Hares were fast and nimble and so made for an exciting spectacle. The hunter did not shoot the animal, but instead allowed the dogs to tear the animal to pieces once it had been caught. Deer, on the other hand, could be flushed out using hounds, but the object was for the hunter to shoot them. Red deer stags were the most prized target because they combined a noble bearing with an exciting chase. Wild boar were less prized for the chase, but remained a fit target because they were dangerous when cornered.
The royal or noble hunt was, in part, a performance—a demonstration of mastery over nature as a justification for monarchical authority. Sometimes, the hunt would be a small affair, with the king or nobleman and a few intimates; other times it would be a large public occasion with hundreds of participants and spectators. The hunt encouraged ritual gestures that reinforced the sense that it was an expression of royal majesty. For example, when James I of England (ruled 1603–1625) successfully shot a red deer in an aristocratic hunting party, he would personally slit the throat of the dying animal to begin dressing it; he then would insist that all of the members of the shooting party smear the blood of the animal on their faces. Since the king shed the animal's blood, this gesture brought royal favor to the participants. Though hunting was primarily a masculine activity, women also participated as spectators and hunters. Elizabeth I of England (ruled 1558–1603), for example, hunted avidly. On one occasion her hunt consisted of repeatedly firing a crossbow into a paddock filled with deer, killing three or four of them. The slaughter was accompanied by tunes played by the queen's musicians and a singing nymph who placed the crossbow into her hands.
A literature of forest management arose alongside the literature on the aristocratic virtues of hunting. Royal gamekeepers made sure that royal forests were continuously stocked, just as demesne officials made sure that royal demesnes were planted and harvested. Indeed, sometimes deer had to be imported to maintain population levels. One hundred head were sent from Haughton Forest to Windsor Forest in 1711, for example. In densely populated parts of Europe, game reserves were walled or fenced off to keep game in and poachers out. Palaces served as hunting lodges for the king.
The burdens that fell on peasants who lived in or near forests were connected to forest management. Peasants were usually prohibited from owning hunting dogs of their own. Instead, some were required to board the king's or a nobleman's dogs and make them available whenever the owner wanted to hunt, with only part of the costs defrayed by the owner. Peasants might also be called on to perform corvée ('unpaid labor') during the hunt as beaters or carters of slaughtered animals. It was often galling for peasants forced to perform such services to watch as the hunters ran their horses through the fields, destroying the peasants' own crops. There are innumerable supplications seeking to modify the obligations to perform such duties and protect the crops during the hunt. The frequency of such supplications underscores how little they changed hunters' behavior.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth century, there was a small groundswell of antihunting sentiment, primarily amongst religious thinkers. Hunting for sport was considered wasteful, an indulgence in luxury. These criticisms did not merge with the criticisms by peasants of the damage caused to their own crops by the hunt, so there was never any sustained effort to change hunting practice during the era, just a small decline in the numbers of aristocrats who enjoyed the sport. Nevertheless, hunting retained its aristocratic character at the end of the eighteenth century and would only be opened to commoners with the French Revolution.
Bibliography
Berry, Edward. Shakespeare and the Hunt: A Cultural and Social Study. Cambridge, U.K., 2001.
Eckardt, Hans Wilhelm. Herrschaftliche Jagd, bäuerliche Not und bürgerliche Kritik. Göttingen, 1976.
Manning, Roger B. Hunters and Poachers: A Social and Cultural History of Unlawful Hunting in England, 1485–1640. Oxford and New York, 1993.
Salvadori, Philippe. La chasse sous l'ancien régime. Paris, 1996.
Schindler, Norbert. Wilderer im Zeitalter der französischen Revolution: Ein Kapitel alpiner Sozialgeschichte. Munich, 2001.
Thompson, E. P. Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act. New York, 1975.
—JOHN THEIBAULT
The regulation of hunting is a matter reserved to the states as part of their police power under the Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (Totemoff v. Alaska, 905 P.2d 954 [Alaska 1995]). Congress maintains statutes that regulate hunting on federal land. States may further regulate the federal lands located within their boundaries so long as their laws do not conflict with federal laws.
South Dakota and Georgia illustrate the sort of hunting laws typically maintained by a state. In South Dakota hunting is regulated by title 41 of the South Dakota Codified Laws Annotated, section 41-1-1 et seq. Under title 41 hunters must obtain from the game, fish, and parks commission a license for the privilege of hunting in South Dakota. Other states maintain similar commissions or boards to implement licensing procedures and policies.
Licensing parameters vary from state to state. Most states have minimum age requirements. In South Dakota, for example, no person under the age of twelve may obtain a license, but an eleven-year-old may obtain a license to hunt between September 1 and December 31 if she or he will turn twelve in that period. A child under the age of sixteen may obtain a basic game and fish license without cost, but only if she or he has completed a firearms safety course. A parent of the child must apply for the license, and the child may hunt only with a parent, guardian, or responsible adult (§ 41-6-13).
In Georgia any person over the age of twelve may hunt on his or her own land. If a person between the ages of twelve and fifteen seeks to hunt, he or she must complete a hunter education course, and then may hunt only with a parent or guardian. This is true even for children between the ages of twelve and fifteen who are hunting on the land of their parents or guardians. A person between the ages of sixteen and twenty-five must also complete a hunter education course before obtaining a hunting license.
States may make licensing exceptions for certain persons. In Georgia, for example, persons over the age of sixty-five may receive a hunting license without paying a fee. Furthermore, persons who are permanently and totally disabled may obtain a hunting or fishing license for free (Ga. Code Ann. § 27-2-4 [1996]).
In some states an additional license must be obtained to hunt certain animals whose populations are of concern to the state. In South Dakota these animals are small game, big game, fur-bearing animals, and migratory waterfowl. An additional license is required for these animals so that the commission can keep track of the number of persons hunting them and conserve their populations.
To control animal populations, state licensing commissions also allow the hunting of certain animals only at certain times of the year. These time periods are called open seasons, and they are set each year by the state regulatory commission. Open seasons limitations sometimes come with special exceptions. In South Dakota, for example, residents do not need a license to hunt game birds on their own land during an open season.
Most states place separate restrictions on resident versus nonresident licensing and hunting for certain animals. In South Dakota, for example, nonresidents may hunt only if they have obtained a special nonresident license. A nonresident may hunt small and big game, waterfowl, and wild turkey. A nonresident must obtain a nonresident predator license to hunt predators, but if the nonresident has a nonresident small-game, big-game, waterfowl, or wild turkey license, the nonresident may hunt predators in the animal group authorized by that license without a separate nonresident predator license (S.D. Codified Laws Ann. § 41-6-30). Predators include jackrabbits, prairie dogs, gophers, ground squirrels, coyotes, red foxes, gray foxes, skunks, crows, and porcupines.
States may place additional restrictions on the hunting of certain animals. In Georgia, for example, feral hogs may be hunted only in certain situations. For instance, a hunter may not shoot a feral hog during deer season unless the hunter and all persons accompanying the hunter are each wearing a total of at least five hundred square inches of daylight florescent orange material as an outer garment above the waistline. In South Dakota fur-bearing animals are completely off-limits to nonresidents. No person may apply for a license to take protected fur-bearing animals unless she or he has lived in the state for ninety days prior to the application date (§ 41-6-24).
State hunting statutes also specify standards for firearm power. In South Dakota, for example, no one may hunt big game with a muzzle loading rifle that discharges a projectile less than forty-four hundredths of an inch in diameter. No one may hunt big game with buckshot, or with a single ball or rifled slug weighing less than one-half ounce. No self-loading or autoloading firearm that holds more than six cartridges may be used to hunt big game, and no fully automatic weapons may be used to hunt big or small game (§ 41-8-10, -13).
States may enact a variety of other restrictions on hunting. In Georgia, at night no person may hunt any game bird or game animal except for raccoon, opossums, foxes, and bobcats. Those animals may be hunted at night, but only with a lantern or a light that does not exceed six volts (Ga. Code Ann. § 27-3-24). In South Dakota no dogs may be used in the hunting of big game, no person may use salt to entice big game, and no person may use artificial light in hunting (S.D. Codified Laws Ann. § 41-8-15, -16). However, an animal damage control officer may use an artificial light to take a nuisance animal from land, with the landowner's written permission (§ 41-8-17(3)).
Most states consider hunting a right of residents and a valuable promotional tool for tourism. Many states even have hunter harassment statutes, which punish persons for intentionally distracting hunters. Under such statutes a person may be arrested and prosecuted for attempting to discourage hunters or drive away game.
See: fish and fishing.
The search for a scapegoat is the easiest of all hunting expeditions.
— Unknown
Quotes:
"One knows so well the popular idea of health. The English country gentleman galloping after a fox -- the unspeakable in full pursuit of the uneatable."
- Oscar Wilde
"When a man wants to murder a tiger he calls it sport; when a tiger wants to murder him he calls it ferocity."
- George Bernard Shaw
"Though I am an old horse, and have seen and heard a great deal, I never yet could make out why men are so fond of this sport; they often hurt themselves, often spoil good horses, and tear up the fields, and all for a hare, or a fox, or a stag, that they could get more easily some other way; but we are only horses, and don't know."
- Anna Sewell
"It is very strange, and very melancholy, that the paucity of human pleasures should persuade us ever to call hunting one of them."
- Samuel Johnson
"When you have shot one bird flying you have shot all birds flying. They are all different and they fly in different ways but the sensation is the same and the last one is as good as the first."
- Ernest Hemingway
"They take unbelievable pleasure in the hideous blast of the hunting horn and baying of the hounds. Dogs dung smells sweet as cinnamon to them."
- Desiderius Erasmus
See more famous quotes about Hunting
Hunting is the practice of pursuing animals for food, recreation, trade or for their products. In modern use, the term refers to regulated and legal hunting, as distinguished from poaching, which is the killing, trapping or capture of animals contrary to law. Hunted animals are referred to as game animals, and are usually large mammals or migratory birds.
By definition, hunting strictly speaking, excludes the killing - though similar techniques may be used - of individual protected animals, such as bears which have become dangerous to humans, as well as the killing of non-game animals, domestic animals, or vermin as a means of pest control. Hunting can be a necessary[2] component of modern wildlife management, for example to help maintain a population of healthy animals within an environment's ecological carrying capacity when natural checks such as predators are absent.[1] In the United States, wildlife managers are frequently part of hunting regulatory and licensing bodies, where they help to set rules on the number, manner and conditions in which game may be selected for harvesting.
The pursuit, capture and release, or capture to eat of fish is called fishing, which is not commonly categorized as a kind of hunting, although many hunters may also fish. Trapping is also usually considered a separate activity. Neither is it considered hunting to pursue animals without intent to take them, as in wildlife photography or birdwatching. The practice of hunting for plants or mushrooms is a colloquial term for gathering.
Hunting has an extremely long history and may well predate the rise of species Homo sapiens. While our earliest primate ancestors were probably insectivores there is evidence that we have used larger animals for subsistence for up to 1.8 million years and that hunting may have been one of the multiple environmental factors leading to replacement of holocene megafauna by smaller herbivores[2] however the North American megafauna extinction was coincidental with the Younger Dryas impact event, making hunting a less critical factor in prehistoric species loss than had been previously thought. [3]
Hunting was a crucial component of hunter-gatherer societies before the domestication of animals and the dawn of agriculture. There is fossil evidence for spear use in Asian hunting dating from approximately 16,200 years ago.[3]
With the establishment of language and culture hunting became a theme of stories and myths, as well as proverbs,
Many species of animals have been hunted and caribou/wild reindeer "may well be the species of single greatest importance in the entire anthropological literature on hunting."[4]
Even as animal domestication became relatively widespread, hunting was usually a significant contributor to the human food supply, even after the development of agriculture. The supplementary meat and materials from hunting included protein (literally "the most important") food, bone for implements, sinew for cordage, fur and feathers for ornament, with rawhide and leather also used in clothing and shelter. The earliest hunting tools would have included rocks, spears, the atlatl, bow and arrows.
On Ancient reliefs, especially from Mesopotamia, kings are often depicted as hunters on big game such as lions, specially from a war chariot, another virile status symbol; perhaps the archetype is the legendary biblical Nimrod (king). The cultural and psychological importance of hunting in ancient societies is represented by deities such as the horned god Cernunnos, or lunar goddesses of classical antiquity, Greek Artemis or Roman Diana. Taboos are often related to hunting, and mythological association of prey species with a divinity could be reflected in hunting restrictions such as a 'reserve' surrounding a temple. Euripides' tale of Artemis and Acteon, for example, may be seen as a caution against disrespect of prey or impudent boasting.
Hunting is still vital in marginal climates, especially those unsuited for pastoral uses or agriculture. Inuit peoples in the Arctic trap and hunt animals for clothing, and produce complicated parkas consisting of up to 60 stitched pieces capable of withstanding sub-zero temperatures. From the skins of sea mammals they may make water-proof kayaks, clothing, gloves and footwear.
With domestication of the dog, birds of prey and the ferret, various forms of animal-aided hunting developed including venery (scent hound hunting, such as fox hunting), coursing (sight hound hunting), falconry and ferreting. These are all associated with medieval hunting; in time various dog breeds were selected for very precise tasks during the hunt, reflected in such names as pointer and setter.
Even as agriculture and animal husbandry become more prevalent, hunting often remains a part of human cultures where the environment and social conditions allow. Hunting may be used to kill animals who prey upon domestic animals or to extirpate native animals seen as competition for resources such as water or forage.
As hunting moved from a subsistence activity to a social one, two trends emerged. One was that of the specialist hunter: rather than a general masculine task, hunting became one of many trades pursued by those with special training and equipment. The other was the emergence of hunting as a sport for those of a higher social class. Here in middle English the word "game" finds its meaning extended from a sport to an animal which is hunted.
As game became more of a luxury than a necessity, the stylized pursuit of it also became a luxury. Dangerous hunting, as for lions or wild boars, usually on horseback (or from a chariot, as in Pharaonic Egypt and Mesopotamia) also had function similar to tournaments and manly sports: an honourable, somewhat competitive pastime to help the aristocracy practice skills of war in times of peace.
In most parts of medieval Europe, the upper-class (aristocracy and higher clergy) obtained as proud privilege the sole rights to hunt (and sometimes fish) in certain areas of a feudal territory. Game in these areas was certainly used as a source of food and furs, often provided via professional huntsmen; but it was also expected to provide a form of recreation for the aristocracy. The importance of this proprietary view of game can be seen in the Robin Hood legends, in which one of the primary charges against the outlaws is that they "hunt the King's deer".
Hunting played an important role in the culture of the antebellum South. In most southern states, members of the slaveowning elite attempted to mimic the English aristocracy by imposing a variety of hunting laws and, in a few cases, by creating private game reserves. In general, these efforts failed due to the determined efforts of slaves and poor whites to hunt. Consequently, beginning in the early 19th century, members of the elite began importing the idea of "sport" from England. This allowed them to construct a cultural difference between their approach to hunting, which focused on pursuit and the thrill of the chase, and the hunting methods used by poor whites and slaves, which focused on the acquisition of skins, hides, and fresh meat.
Persistence hunting may well have been the first form of hunting practiced by paleolithic humans. It is likely this method of hunting evolved before humans invented the spear thrower or the bow-and-arrow. Since they could not kill their prey from a distance and were not fast enough to catch the animal, the only reliable way to kill it would have been to run it down over a long distance.
In this regard one has to bear in mind that as hominids adapted to bipedalism they would have lost some speed, becoming less able to catch prey with short, fast charges, but gaining endurance and become better adapted to persistence hunting. The evolution of the distinctively human sweating apparatus and relative hairlessness would have given hunters an additional advantage by keeping their bodies cool in the midday heat.
During the persistence hunt an antelope, such as a kudu, is not shot or speared from a distance, but simply run down in the midday heat. Depending on the specific conditions, hunters of the central Kalahari will chase a kudu for about two to five hours over 25 to 35 km (15 to 22 miles) in temperatures of about 40 to 42 °C (104 to 108 °F). The hunter chases the kudu, which then runs away out of sight. By tracking it down at a fast running pace the hunter catches up with it before it has had enough time to rest in the shade. The animal is repeatedly chased and tracked down until it is too exhausted to continue running. The hunter then kills it at close range with a spear.
The persistence hunt is still practised by hunter-gatherers in the central Kalahari Desert in Southern Africa.
Although various animals have been used to aid the hunter, none has been as important as the dog. The domestication of the dog has led to a symbiotic relationship in which the dog has lost its evolutionary independence and provided aid in hunting to man in exchange for support. The modern hunting dog represents the combined efforts of generations of mankind in a way that is probably unparalleled.
The use of dogs in hunting represents a collaboration of persons over time which reaches back to the dawn of our species. Their evolution through selective breeding from wolves which hunted for themselves to the pointer and other hunting dogs which find, identify and retrieve prey entirely in service to man is extraordinary.
The very word for hunting in Ancient Greek, kynègia, is derived from kynos 'dog'. In the Ottoman empire some 33-34 of the 196 orta (companies, none under a hundred men) of the elite force of Janissaries were Sekban, i.e. dog guards, destined in peace time for the ruler's beloved (dog) hunting pastime.
Dogs today are used to find, chase and retrieve game and sometimes to kill it. Hunting dogs allow man, with his less acute senses of smell and hearing, to pursue and kill prey that would otherwise be very difficult or dangerous to hunt.
In time, this aristocratic type of hunting came to be seen as a sporting activity. Ultimately, the rising middle class or bourgeoisie adopted the practice and retained its image.
Although skilled recreational hunters may choose to become more selective hunters in attempts at taking a mature animal, many people hunt not only for the hunt but also to enjoy the outdoors. Many enjoy the bounty it provides as an alternative to store bought (domesticated) meat.
The advent of recreational hunting spurred the advent of the modern environmental conservation movement. Hunters such as Aldo Leopold, John Muir, and Teddy Roosevelt, moved by a loss of land, which they had become attached to through hunting, became the founding fathers of the modern Conservation movement.
Since prehistory, the importance of hunting for most cultures was reflected in their religions. For example, many old (often zoomorph) deities are either predators or prey of man. In pagan religions, specific rituals may be present before and after a hunt, the rituals done may vary according to the species hunted or the season the hunt is taking place.
Often a hunting ground, or the hunt for one or more species, was reserved or prohibited in the context of a temple cult.
From early Christian times, hunting, in one form or another has been forbidden to clerics. Thus the "Corpus Juris Canonici" (C. ii, X, De cleric. venat.) we sais "We forbid to all servants of God hunting and expeditions through the woods with hounds; and we also forbid them to keep hawks or falcons." The Fourth Council of the Lateran, held under Pope Innocent III, decreed (canon xv): "We interdict hunting or hawking to all clerics." The decree of the Council of Trent is worded more mildly: "Let clerics abstain from illicit hunting and hawking" (Sess. XXIV, De reform., c. xii), which seems to imply that not all hunting is illicit, and canonists generally make a distinction declaring noisy (clamorosa) hunting unlawful but not quiet (quieta) hunting.
Ferraris (s.v. "Clericus", art. 6) gives it as the general sense of canonists that hunting is allowed to clerics if it be indulged in rarely and for sufficient cause, as necessity, utility or honest recreation, and with that moderation which is becoming to the ecclesiastical state. Ziegler, however (De episc., l. IV, c. xix), thinks that the interpretation of the canonists is not in accordance with the letter or spirit of the laws of the Church.
Nevertheless, although the distinction between lawful and unlawful hunting is undoubtedly permissible, it is certain that a bishop can absolutely prohibit all hunting to the clerics of his diocese, as was done by synods at Milan, Avignon, Liège, Cologne and elsewhere. Benedict XIV (De synodo diœces., l. II, c. x) declared that such synodal decrees are not too severe, as an absolute prohibition of hunting is more conformable to the ecclesiastical law. In practice, therefore, the synodal statutes of various localities must be consulted to discover whether they allow quiet hunting or prohibit it altogether.
It is important to note that the bible places no such restrictions on any Christian; however, the animal must be properly drained of blood before consuming. This would be in accord with what is found in the Bible book of Acts chapter 15, verses 28 and 29, specifically, "For the holy spirit and we ourselves have favored adding no further burden to you, except these necessary things, to keep abstaining from things sacrificed to idols and from blood and from things strangled and from fornication. If you carefully keep yourselves from these things, you will prosper. Good health to you!"
During the feudal and colonial epoch on the Indian continent, hunting was a true 'regal sport' in the numerous princely states, as many (Maha)rajas, Nawabs, etcetera, maintained a whole corps, attached to their court, of shikaris, i.e. native professional hunters. Since these had to be armed (not unlike the common lancer units; both could be mounted), they might also double as a supplementary police corps or military contingent; they would be headed by a master of the hunt, who might be styled Mir-shikar. Often these were recruited from the normally low-ranking local tribes (e.g. pre-Aryan Bhils in Rajasthan's premier kingdom Mewar), because of their traditional knowledge of environment and hunting techniques, but thus could be closer than most subjects to the ruler, who would often hunt big game (preferably the emperor of Asians wildlife, the (Bengal) tiger) in majestic style: on the back of an elephant, often commandeering extra helpers as drivers to scare the game out of the grass or jungle till it came within gun reach. As hunting was an important princely pass-time, worthy hunting lodges were constructed (as in feudal Europe).
After European guests of these princes had enjoyed the honor of taking part in these elephant hunts, some colonial Sahibs started organizing their own, and tiger numbers especially dwindled alarmingly. Later, independent republics and neighbouring Himalayan monarchies (as Nepal) acted to curb such massively disturbing 'expeditions', in the name of conservation, although the threat of extirpation, and of extinction by poaching remains real for many species and habitats. A few sects in India, particularly the Bishnoi, are antagonistic to hunting.
The band Enter Shikari's name derives from this word.
A safari (from Swahili word meaning a long journey) is an overland journey (especially in Africa).
Safari as a distinctive way of hunting was popularized by US author Ernest Hemingway and president Theodore Roosevelt. It is a several days or even weeks-lasting journey and camping in the bush or jungle, while pursuing big game. Nowadays, it's often used to describe tours through African national parks to watch or hunt wildlife.
Hunters are usually tourists, accompanied by (licensed and highly regulated) professional hunter ("PH"), local guides, skinners and porters in more difficult terrains. A special safari type is the solo-safari where all the license acquiring, stalking, preparation and outfitting is done by the hunter himself. Among trophy hunters, those who outfitted the safaris themselves would receive the greatest admiration.
On the rise, even before integral ecotourism was, is the animal-friendly version known as photo-safari, where the only shots aimed at wildlife come from camera lenses. The synonym Bloodless hunt for hunting with the use of film and a still photo camera was first used by the Polish photographer Włodzimierz Puchalski.
Fox hunting is recognisably the type hunting which is most associated with the United Kingdom. Originally a form of vermin control to protect livestock, it became a popular social activity for newly wealthy upper classes in Victorian times, and a traditional rural activity for riders and foot followers alike. The complicated rituals of the fox hunt are addressed in the article fox hunting.
Similar to fox hunting in many ways is the chasing of hare with hounds. Sight hounds such as greyhounds may be used to run down hare in coursing with scent hounds such as beagles used for beagling, the hunting of hares on foot. Other sorts of foxhounds may also be used for hunting deer or mink.
These forms of hunting have been controversial in the UK. Animal welfare supporters believe that hunting involved the causing of unnecessary suffering to foxes (and to a lesser extent horses and hounds), whilst proponents argue that it is both culturally and economically important. Using dogs to chase wild mammals in this way was made illegal in February 2005 by the Hunting Act 2004. The issues involved are addressed in the article fox hunting legislation.
Hunting deer by foot without hounds is called game stalking.
The open season for grouse famously begins on August 12, the so-called Glorious Twelfth. The definition of game in the United Kingdom is governed by the Game Act 1831.
The shooting of game birds, especially pheasant, partridge and grouse, is a widespread sport in the UK. Shooting, as opposed to traditional hunting, requires little questing for game - around 35 million birds are released onto shooting estates every year, some having been intensively reared. Shoots can be elaborate affairs with guns placed in assigned positions with assistants to help load shotguns. When in position, "beaters" move through the areas of cover swinging sticks or flags to drive the game out. Such events are often called "drives". with the British Association for Shooting and Conservation saying that over a million people per year participate in shooting, though this figure includes game shooting, clay shooting and target shooting.[5]
North American hunting predates the United States by thousands of years, and was an important part of many pre-Columbian Native American cultures. (Today, Native Americans retain some hunting rights and are exempt from some laws as part of Indian treaties and otherwise under [[federal law]—examples include eagle feather laws and exemptions in the Marine Mammal Protection Act. This is particularly important in Alaska Native communities).
Regulation of hunting is primarily performed by the state law; additional regulations are imposed through United States environmental law in the case of migratory birds (such as ducks and geese) and endangered species.
Regulations vary widely from state to state, and govern the areas, time periods, techniques and methods by which specific game animals may be harvested. Some states make a distinction between protected species and unprotected species (often vermin or varmints) for which there are no hunting regulations. Hunters of protected species require a hunting license in all states, for which completion of a hunting safety course is sometimes a prerequisite.
Typically game animals are divided into several categories for regulatory purposes. Typical categories, along with example species, are as follows:
Hunting big game typically requires a "tag" for each animal harvested. Tags must be purchased in addition to the hunting license, and the number of tags issued to an individual is typically limited. In cases where there are more prospective hunters than the quota for that species, tags are usually assigned by lottery. Tags may be further restricted to a specific area or "wildlife management unit." Hunting migratory waterfowl requires a "duck stamp" from the Fish and Wildlife Service, which is similar in concept to a tag.
Harvest of animals other than big game is typically restricted by a "bag limit" and a "possession limit." A bag limit is a maximum number of a specific animal species that an individual can harvest in a single day. A possession limit is a maximum number of a specific animal species that can be in an individual's possession at any time.
Guns used in hunting are also typically regulated by game category, area within the state, and time period. Regulations for big game hunting often specify a minimum caliber or muzzle energy for firearms. The use of rifles is often banned for safety reasons in areas with high population density or limited topographic relief. Specific seasons for bow hunting or muzzle-loading black powder guns are often established to limit competition with hunters using more effective firearms.
Hunting in the United States is not associated with any particular class or culture. In fact, 78% of Americans support legal hunting,[4] but relatively few Americans actually hunt. At the beginning of the 21st century, 6% of Americans hunted. Southerners in states along the eastern seaboard hunted at a rate slightly below the national average (5%), and while hunting was more common in other parts of the South (9%), these rates did not surpass those of the Plains states, where 12% of Midwesterners hunted. Hunting in other areas of the country fell below the national average. [6] Overall in the 1996–2006 period, the number of hunters over the age of 16 declined by 10%, a drop attributable to a number of factors including habitat loss and changes in recreation habits.[7]
Current regulation of hunting within the United States goes back to the 19th century. Some modern hunters see themselves as conservationists and sportsmen in the mode of Theodore Roosevelt and the Boone and Crockett Club. Local hunting clubs and national organizations provide hunter education and help protect the future of the sport by buying land to set aside. Some groups are for hunters generally and some groups represent a certain hunting interest, such as Ducks Unlimited and Delta Waterfowl. Many hunting groups also participate in lobbying the federal government and state government.
Each year, nearly $200 million in hunters' federal excise taxes are distributed to state agencies to support wildlife management programs, the purchase of lands open to hunters, and hunter education and safety classes. Since 1934 the sale of Federal Duck Stamps, a required purchase for migratory waterfowl hunters over 16 years old, has raised over $700 million to help purchase more than 5.2 million acres (20,000 km²) of habitat for the National Wildlife Refuge System lands that support waterfowl and many other wildlife species, and are often open to hunting. States also collect monies from hunting licenses to assist with management of game animals, as designated by law. A key task of Federal and state park rangers and game wardens is to enforce laws and regulations related to hunting, including species protection, hunting seasons, and hunting bans.
Varmint hunting is an American phrase for the killing of non-game animals seen as pests. While not an efficient form of pest control (poisoning and trapping are much more effective), it does provide recreation and is much less regulated. Varmint species are often responsible for detrimental effects on crops, livestock, landscaping, infrastructure, and pets. Some animals (such as wild rabbits or squirrels) may be utilized for fur or meat, but often no use is made of the carcass. Which species are "varmints" depends on the circumstance and area. Common varmints include various rodents, coyotes, crows, foxes, feral cats, and feral hogs. Some animals once considered varmints are now protected, such as wolves. In the US state of Louisiana, a non-native rodent known as a nutria have become so destructive to the local ecosystem that the state has initiated a bounty program to help control the population.
The principles of Fair Chase have been a part of the American hunting tradition for over 100 years. The role of the hunter-conservationist, popularized by Theodore Roosevelt has been central to the development of the modern Fair Chase tradition. Today, 95% of American Hunters see hunter ethics as an important part of the hunting tradition and recognize that Ethical Hunting extends beyond the bounds of legal or illegal activity.[5]
Along with Indian Blackbuck, Nilgai and many other
exotic deer and antelope many
from Africa, there are also Barasingha now found living in
the wild in Texas,
Hunting can be an important tool for managing[8] wildlife resources. Hunting gives resource managers a valuable tool to control populations of some species that might otherwise exceed the carrying capacity of their habitat and threaten the well-being of other wildlife species, and in some instances, that of human health and safety [6]. Hunting reduces the annual crop of new animals and birds to allow the remaining animals sufficient food and shelter to survive. Some environmentalists assert that culling can lead to an increase in population of predator animals[9] or that introducing appropriate predator animals would achieve the same benefit with more efficiency and less environmental impact, but some livestock owners disagree, seeing human killing as more explicitly selective. For science on this topic see: Aldo Leopold.
An example of using hunters in wildlife management can be found in the "Snow, Blue and Ross' Goose Conservation Order 2005." [7] The Conservation Order allows hunters, after all other waterfowl seasons are closed, to shoot an unlimited number of these species of geese. The reason for the Conservation Order is that these species have grown so numerous that they are destroying the Arctic environment which many species of animals use as breeding grounds.
Animal management authorities sometimes rely on hunting to control certain animal populations. These hunts are sometimes carried out by professional hunters although other hunts include amateurs. Overpopulations of deer in urban parks might be hunted by animal management authorities. In some cases, particularly in the American East, populations of deer have risen to such environmentally destructive levels that organizations such as the Audubon Society have called for increased hunting to prevent environmental degredation.[8]
Open season is when wildlife is allowed to be hunted by law and is usually not during the breeding season.
Closed season is when wildlife is protected from hunting and is usually during its breeding season. Closed season is enforced by law, any hunting during closed season is punishable by law and termed as illegal hunting or poaching.