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John Kenneth Galbraith

 
Biography: John Kenneth Galbraith
 

John Kenneth Galbraith (born 1908) was a leading scholar of the American Institutionalist school and arguably the most famous economist in the post World War II world. His views were a stinging indictment of the modern materialistic society that championed personal achievement and material well-being over public interest and needs. In spite of these views, he served as an advisor in both the American and Canadian governments from the 1930s onward.

John Kenneth Galbraith was born on October 15, 1908 in southern Ontario, Canada, on the shores of Lake Erie to a farming family of Scotch ancestry. He studied agricultural economics at the Ontario Agricultural College (then part of the University of Toronto; now, the University of Guelph) and graduated with distinction in 1931. He went on to study agricultural economics at the University of California, receiving his Ph.D. in 1934 after submitting a dissertation on public expenditures in California counties. In this year he also began his long, though frequently interrupted, tenure at Harvard University, where he became an emeritus professor. Galbraith's academic career frequently gave way to public service. He worked in the Department of Agriculture during the New Deal and in the Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply during World War II, where, according to John S. Gambs, he was "virtually the economic czar of the United States until he left in 1943" From his wartime work emerged a monograph, The Theory of Price Control (1952), which, though not widely influential, contained some of the seminal ideas of his major works.

After the end of the war in Europe, Galbraith worked with the Office of Strategic Services directing research on the effectiveness of the Allies' strategic bombing of Germany. In 1947 he was one of the liberal founders of the Americans for Democratic Action. After working prominently as a speechwriter in the presidential campaigns of Senator Adlai Stevenson, Galbraith went on to chair the Democratic Advisory Council during Dwight D. Eisenhower's Republican administration. In 1956 he visited India where his fascination with the country inspired his later works. He campaigned for President John F. Kennedy, and after Kennedy's victory he was named U.S. ambassador to India in the early 1960s. An outspoken critic of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, he campaigned on behalf of the presidential ambitions of Senators Eugene McCarthy (1968) and George McGovern (1972). Later he worked in the campaigns of Congressman Morris Udall (1976) and Senator Edward Kennedy (1980).

Galbraith's major intellectual contributions lie in the trilogy The Affluent Society (1958), The New Industrial State (1967), and Economics and the Public Purpose (1973). Along the way he published over 20 other books, including two novels, a co-authored book on Indian painting, memoirs, travelogues, political tracts, and several books on economic and intellectual history. He also collaborated on and narrated a Public Broadcasting System television series, "The Age of Uncertainty."

American Capitalism

Other than his main trilogy, and perhaps The Theory of Price Control, Galbraith's American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (1952) stands out in importance. The central argument of this book is that the growth of economic power in one economic sector tends to induce countervailing power from those who must bargain with the powerful. Hence, unionized labor and politically organized farmers rose in response to powerful manufacturers. The government is often involved in supporting the rise of this countervailing power and, in Galbraith's view, should be.

With its characteristic emphasis on the reality of economic concentration and on the microeconomics background of stabilization issues, this book solidified Galbraith's position as a continuing spokesperson for the New Deal perspective in economics. Galbraith coupled the new economics of John Maynard Keynes with the New Deal corporatist view, as did other Institutionalists of the time, notably C.E. Ayres and Allan G. Gruchy. With this book Galbraith's interest in power and his strong dissent from the neoclassical synthesis which was maturing at that time were set. The competitive modes so often used in economics textbooks, which had then been resurrected in the neoclassical synthesis which combined neoclassical microeconomics with Keynesian macroeconomics, maintain that good results follow from certain assumptions about the structure of the economy. Galbraith argued that such assumptions are not met in the actual economy, are unlikely to ever be met, and probably should not be met. He recognized power as an essential element of economic life and argued that only by examining the power of corporations, unions, and others could economists address the vital issues of social control and economic policy.

The Affluent Society

The Affluent Society examined the continuing urgency that affluent societies attach to higher consumption and production. The general explanation for this paradox, familiar to students of Veblen, is that obsolete ideas are held over from one historical period to another. These ideas persist not by inertia alone but also because they are convenient to powerful vested interests. The Affluent Society argued that the outmoded mentality of more-is-better impeded the further economic progress that would be possible if contemporary affluence were put to more reasonable use. Advertising and related salesmanship activities create artificially high demand for the commodities produced by private businesses and lead to a concomitant neglect of public sector goods and services that would contribute far more to the quality of life.

Galbraith's breakthrough as a best-selling author came with The Affluent Society. The widespread attention guaranteed some, albeit reluctant, hearing of his dissenting ideas in the economics profession. Indeed, he was eventually honored with the American Economic Association's prestigious presidency over the objections of some of the association's more conservative members. With its emphasis on the role of culture and history in economic life, and especially its review of the debilitating effects of an invidious pecuniary culture which seemingly had no higher social purpose than expanding material welfare, The Affluent Society gave a much needed awakening to the American Institutionalist school of economics. The book also influenced both the Great Society program and the rise of the American "counterculture" in the 1960s.

The New Industrial State

In The New Industrial State Galbraith expanded his analysis of the role of power in economic life. A central concept of the book is the revised sequence. The conventional wisdom in economic thought portrays economic life as a set of competitive markets governed ultimately by the decisions of sovereign consumers. In this original sequence, the control of the production process flows from consumers of commodities to the organizations that produce those commodities. In the revised sequence, this flow is reversed and businesses exercise control over consumers by advertising and related salesmanship activities.

The revised sequence concept applies only to the industrial system - that is, the manufacturing core of the economy in which each industry contains only a handful of very powerful corporations. It does not apply to the market system in the Galbraithian dual economy. In the market system, comprised of the vast majority of business organizations, price competition remains the dominant form of social control. In the industrial system, however, comprised of the 1,000 or so largest corporations, competitive price theory obscures the relation to the price system of these large and powerful corporations. In Galbraith's view, the principal function of market relations in this industrial system is not to constrain the power of the corporate behemoths but to serve as an instrument for the implementation of their power. Moreover, the power of these corporations extends into commercial culture and politics, allowing them to exercise considerable influence upon popular social attitudes and value judgments. That this power is exercised in the shortsighted interest of expanding commodity production and the status of the few is both inconsistent with democracy and a barrier to achieving the quality of life which the new industrial state with its affluence could provide.

The New Industrial State not only provided Galbraith with another best-selling book, it also extended once again the currency of Institutionalist economic thought. The book also filled a very pressing need in the late 1960s. The conventional theory of monopoly power in economic life maintains that the monopolist will attempt to restrict supply in order to maintain price above its competitive level. The social cost of this monopoly power is a decrease in both allocative efficiency and the equity of income distribution. This conventional economic analysis of the role of monopoly power did not adequately address popular concern about the large corporation in the late 1960s. The growing concern focused on the role of the corporation in politics, the damage done to the natural environment by an unmitigated commitment to economic growth, and the perversion of advertising and other pecuniary aspects of culture. The New Industrial State gave a plausible explanation of the power structure involved in generating these problems and thus found a very receptive audience among the rising American counterculture and political activists.

Third Book of the Trilogy

Economics and the Public Purpose, the last work in Galbraith's major trilogy, continued the characteristic insistence on the role of power in economic life and the inability of conventional economic thought to deal adequately with this power. Conventional economic thought, with its competitive model and presumptions of scarcity and consumer sovereignty - what Galbraith called the "imagery of choice" - serves to hide the power structure that actually governs the American economy. This obscurantism prevents economists from coming to grips with this governing structure and its untoward effects on the quality of life. Galbraith employed what he called "the test of anxiety" in this attack on conventional economics. He argued that any system of economic ideas should be evaluated by the test of anxiety - that is, by its ability to relate to popular concern about the economic system and to resolve or allay this anxiety. Galbraith contended that conventional economic thought failed the test of anxiety and again offered his basic model from The New Industrial State as an alternative approach to understanding the contemporary economy.

After the years he served in both the American and Canadian governments, Galbraith returned to scholarly activity, extensive travel, and writing, using Harvard University as his home base. Although "conventional economic wisdom" has remained firmly entrenched, Galbraith continued to kick at some of the props supporting it. In January 1997 Galbraith, delivering a lecture at the University of Toronto, again espoused his views that governments should create jobs by direct intervention in the economy. Although he represented the obscure Institutionalist school of economic thought, he nonetheless continued to convey his message that "there must be, most of all an effective safety net [of] individual and family support for those who live on the lower edges of the system. This is humanely essential. It is also necessary for human freedom. Nothing sets such stern limits on the liberty of the citizen as the total absence of money." Only the future will likely force a resolution of Galbraith's principles. Either the visibility of the Institutionalist perspective will rise or Galbraith's work will experience the neglect common to other scholars of that school. Nonetheless, Galbraith's influence on the structure of the American economy will be felt for decades to come.

Further Reading

The best biographical work on John Kenneth Galbraith is his highly readable memoir, A Life in Our Times (1981). His influence and discussions of his work show up frequently in the Journal of Economic Issues. The book-length secondary literature on Galbraith includes Allan G. Grunchy, Contemporary Economic Thought (1972); Charles H. Hession, John Kenneth Galbraith and His Critics (1972); Myron E. Sharpe, John Kenneth Galbraith and the Lower Economics (1973, 2nd ed., 1974); John S. Gambs, John Kenneth Galbraith (1975); C. Lynn Munro, The Galbraithian Vision (1977); Frederick J. Pratson, Perspectives on Galbraith (1978); and David Reisman, Galbraith and Market Capitalism (1980).

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Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: John Kenneth Galbraith
 

(born Oct. 15, 1908, Iona Station, Ont., Can. — died April 29, 2006, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.) Canadian-born U.S. economist and public servant. After studying at the Universities of Toronto and California (Ph.D., 1934), he held important government posts during the New Deal and World War II. As a professor at Harvard University (1949 – 75), he was active in public affairs, serving as an adviser to Pres. John F. Kennedy and as ambassador to India (1961 – 63). His influential liberal writings, often praised for their literary merit and popular appeal, examined the strengths and weaknesses of U.S. capitalism and consumerism. The Affluent Society (1958), a critique of the wealth gap, called for less emphasis on production and more attention to public services, and The New Industrial State (1967) traced similarities between "managerial" capitalism and socialism.

For more information on John Kenneth Galbraith, visit Britannica.com.

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: John Kenneth Galbraith
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Galbraith, John Kenneth (găl'brāth) , 1908–2006, American economist and public official, b. Ontario, Canada, grad. Univ. of Toronto (B.S., 1931), Univ. of California, Berkeley (M.S., 1933; Ph.D., 1934). After becoming (1937) a U.S. citizen and teaching economics at Harvard (1934–39) and Princeton (1939–40), he entered government service, working (1941–43) in the Office of Price Administration. He was an editor of Fortune magazine from 1943–48, also serving on the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey (1945) and in other governmental advisory posts before returning (1949) to Harvard. An adviser to Democratic presidents from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Bill Clinton, most prominently to John F. Kennedy, he also was (1961–63) U.S. ambassador to India. He rejoined the Harvard faculty in 1963 (he became a professor emeritus in 1975) and continued his political activities, serving (1967–69) as chairman of Americans for Democratic Action. A Keynesian economist and a celebrated liberal, Galbraith advocated government spending to fight unemployment, supported the use of more of the nation's wealth for public services and less for private consumption, and warned against an unregulated free-market system. An influential thinker and a popularizer of economic thought, he wrote more than 40 books including American Capitalism (1952), The Great Crash 1929 (1955), The Affluent Society (1958, rev. ed. 1985), The Liberal Hour (1960), The New Industrial State (1967, rev. ed. 1971), Economics and the Public Purpose (1973), The Good Society (1997), and The Economics of Innocent Fraud (2004). A witty and urbane man with wide-ranging interests, he also wrote a book on Indian art (1968) and several novels.

Bibliography

See his memoir, The Scotch (1964, repr. 1985); autobiography, A Life in Our Times (1981); Ambassador's Journal (1969); and history, Name-Dropping: From FDR On (1999); J. Goodman, ed., Letters to Kennedy/John Kenneth Galbraith (1998); J. R. and J. B. Stanfield, ed., Interviews with John Kenneth Galbraith (2004); A. D. Williams, ed., The Essential Galbraith (2001); biography by R. Parker (2005); studies by C. H. Hession (1972), M. E. Sharpe (1973), A. D. Williams (1979), D. Reisman (1980), J. R. Stanfield (1996), H. Sasson, ed. (1999), and B. Laperche and D. Uzunidis, ed. (2005).

 
Works: Works by John Kenneth Galbraith
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(b. 1908)

1958The Affluent Society. Galbraith's best-known work is an influential assessment of the U.S. economy during the 1950s boom. A sequel, The New Industrial State, about the threat to individualism, would follow in 1967. The son of a Canadian politician and farmer, Galbraith, who became a U.S. citizen in 1937, is widely regarded as one of the foremost and influential modern economists.

 
Economics Dictionary: John Kenneth Galbraith
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(gal-brayth)

An American economist; author of The Affluent Society and The New Industrial State. (See affluent society.)

 
Quotes By: John Kenneth Galbraith
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Quotes:

"An important antidote to American democracy is American gerontocracy. The positions of eminence and authority in Congress are allotted in accordance with length of service, regardless of quality. Superficial observers have long criticized the United States for making a fetish of youth. This is unfair. Uniquely among modern organs of public and private administration, its national legislature rewards senility."

"When people put their ballots in the boxes, they are, by that act, inoculated against the feeling that the government is not theirs. They then accept, in some measure, that its errors are their errors, its aberrations their aberrations, that any revolt will be against them. It's a remarkably shrewd and rather conservative arrangement when one thinks of it."

"There are few ironclad rules of diplomacy but to one there is no exception. When an official reports that talks were useful, it can safely be concluded that nothing was accomplished."

"In economics the majority is always wrong."

"In economics, hope and faith coexist with great scientific pretension and also a deep desire for respectability."

"In the usual (though certainly not in every) public decision on economic policy, the choice is between courses that are almost equally good or equally bad. It is the narrowest decisions that are most ardently debated. If the world is lucky enough to enjoy peace, it may even one day make the discovery, to the horror of doctrinaire free-enterprisers and doctrinaire planners alike, that what is called capitalism and what is called socialism are both capable of working quite well."

See more famous quotes by John Kenneth Galbraith

 
Wikipedia: John Kenneth Galbraith
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John Kenneth Galbraith
Western economists
20th century economists
(Institutional economics)
Full name John Kenneth Galbraith
Birth October 15, 1908
Iona Station, Ontario, Canada
Death April 29, 2006 (aged 97)
Cambridge, Massachusetts
School/tradition Institutional economics
Main interests Economics, Political economy
Notable ideas Keynesian economics, institutional economics

John Kenneth "Ken" Galbraith, OC (October 15, 1908 – April 29, 2006) was a Canadian-American economist. He was a Keynesian and an institutionalist, a leading proponent of 20th-century American liberalism and progressivism. His books on economic topics were bestsellers from the 1950s through the 1970s and he filled the role of public intellectual in this period on matters of economics.

Galbraith was a prolific author who produced four dozen books and over a thousand articles on various subjects. Among his most famous works was a popular trilogy on economics, American Capitalism (1952), The Affluent Society (1958), and The New Industrial State (1967). He taught at Harvard University for many years. Galbraith was active in politics, serving in the administrations of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson; and among other roles served as United States Ambassador to India under Kennedy.

He was one of the few honorees who received the Presidential Medal of Freedom twice. He received one in 1946 from President Truman and another in 2000 from President Bill Clinton.[1] He was also awarded the Order of Canada in 1997[2] and, in 2001, the Padma Vibhushan, India's second highest civilian award, for his contributions to strengthening ties between India and the United States.[3]

Contents

Life

Early life and teaching

Galbraith was born to Canadians of Scottish descent, Archibald "Archie" Galbraith and Sarah Catherine Kendall, in Iona Station, Ontario, Canada, and was raised in Dunwich Township, Ontario. He had three siblings: Alice, Catherine and Archibald William (Bill). His early school years were spent at a one room school on Willy's Sideroad, which is still standing. The family farm is on Thomson Line. He went to school at Dutton High School. His father was a farmer and school teacher and mother a political activist. By the time he was a teenager, he had adopted the name Ken, and later disliked being called John.[4] Both his parents were supporters of the United Farmers of Ontario in the 1920s. After initially studying agriculture, Galbraith graduated from the Ontario Agricultural College (then affiliated with the University of Toronto, and now the University of Guelph) with a B.Sc degree in 1931, and then received an M.Sc (1933) and Ph.D in Agricultural Economics (1934) from the University of California, Berkeley. In 1934, he also became a tutor at Harvard University. In 1937, he became a United States citizen. In the same year, he took a year-long fellowship at Cambridge University, England, where he became influenced by John Maynard Keynes, then traveled in Europe for several months in 1938, attending an international economic conference and developing his ideas. Galbraith was a very tall man, growing to a reported height of 6'9" [206 cm].

Galbraith taught intermittently at Harvard in the period 1934 to 1939.[5] From 1939 to 1940, he taught at Princeton University. From 1943 until 1948, he served as editor of Fortune magazine. In 1949, he was appointed professor of economics at Harvard.

World War II and Price Administration

During World War II, Galbraith, charged with keeping inflation from crippling the war effort, served as deputy head of the Office of Price Administration. Because wartime production needs mandated large budget deficits and an accomodative monetary policy, the outbreak of inflation and a runaway wage-price spiral was seen as a very real possibility. In 1942, Roosevelt issued a General Maximum Price Regulation, followed a year later by a "Hold the Line Order" which froze prices and gave the OPE power to keep prices in check. The OPA itself - through its Consumer Division - mobilized the public on behalf of these guidelines, reducing the likelihood of "cheating" by those who would seek higher wages or prices. The result was that wages and prices were kept in check, and the U.S. enjoyed rapid growth and price stability through the war.

Although little appreciated at the time, the actual power Galbraith wielded in this position was so great that he joked later that the rest of his career had been downhill. Indeed, congressional and business backlash against the OPA meant that Galbraith would be forced out in 1943, eventually replaced by advertising executive Samuel Bowles.

At the end of the war, Galbraith was asked to be one of the leaders of the Strategic Bombing Surveys of both Europe and Japan. He also became an adviser to post-war administrations in Germany and Japan.

Political posts under Kennedy

Galbraith, far left, as US ambassador to India, 1961

During his time as an adviser to President John F. Kennedy, Galbraith was appointed as United States Ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963. His rapport with President Kennedy was such that he regularly bypassed the State Department and sent his diplomatic cables directly to the President.[6] In India, he became an intimate of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and extensively advised the Indian government on economic matters; he harshly criticised Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of British rule, for Mountbatten's passive role in the Partition of India in 1947 and the bloody partition of the Punjab and Bengal. While in India, he helped establish one of the first computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Even after leaving office, Galbraith remained a friend and supporter of India and even hosted a lunch for Indian students at Harvard every year on graduation day.

Because of his recommendation, First Lady of the United States Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy undertook her diplomatic missions in India and Pakistan.

Include role in the moratorium on CIA supply drops to Tibet.-see FRUS

Family

Galbraith married Catherine Merriam Atwater on September 17, 1937, whom he met while she was a Radcliffe student. They resided in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and had a summer home in Newfane, Vermont. They had four sons: J. Alan Galbraith is a partner in the prominent Washington D.C. law firm Williams & Connolly; Douglas Galbraith died in childhood of leukemia; Peter W. Galbraith has been a US diplomat who served as Ambassador to Croatia and is a widely published commentator on American foreign policy - particularly in the Balkans and the Middle East; James K. Galbraith is a prominent progressive economist at the University of Texas Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs. The Galbraiths also have ten grandchildren. [3]

Later life and recognition

In 1972 he served as president of the American Economic Association.[7] The Journal of Post Keynesian Economics benefited from Galbraith's support, and he served as the chairman of its board from its beginning.[4] In 1985, the American Humanist Association named him the Humanist of the Year. In 1997 he was made an Officer of the Order of Canada[8] and in 2000 he was awarded his second U. S. Presidential Medal of Freedom. He was also awarded an honourary doctorate from Memorial University of Newfoundland at the fall convocation of 1999.[9] He was also awarded in 2000 with the Leontief Prize for his outstanding contribution to economic theory by the Global Development and Environment Institute. The library in his home town Dutton, Ontario was renamed the John Kenneth Galbraith Reference Library in honour of his attachment to the library and his contributions to the new building.

On April 29, 2006, Galbraith died in Cambridge, Massachusetts of natural causes, after a two-week stay in hospital.

Honours

Honorary Degrees

John Kenneth Galbraith received 50 Honorary Degrees from Institututions around the World.

Works

Although he was a president of the American Economic Association, Galbraith was considered an iconoclast by many economists. This is because he rejected the technical analyses and mathematical models of neoclassical economics as being divorced from reality. Rather, following Thorstein Veblen, he believed that economic activity could not be distilled into inviolable laws, but rather was a complex product of the cultural and political milieu in which it occurs. In particular, he believed that important factors such as advertising, the separation between corporate ownership and management, oligopoly, and the influence of government and military spending had been largely neglected by most economists because they are not amenable to axiomatic descriptions. In this sense, he worked as much in political economy as in classical economics.

His work included several best selling works throughout the fifties and sixties. After his retirement, he remained in the public consciousness by continuing to write new books and revise his old works as well as presenting a major series on economics for BBC television in 1977 "The Age of Uncertainty".[10] While some considered his views anachronistic during the pro-market, small-government, anti-regulation and low-tax orthodoxies which came to prominence in the 1980s, the downfall of those ideas' popularity with the late 2000's economic crisis has awakened interest in his theories once again.

In addition to his books, he wrote hundreds of essays and a number of novels. Among his novels, A Tenured Professor achieved particular critical acclaim.

Economics books

In American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power, published in 1952, Galbraith outlined how the American economy in the future would be managed by a triumvirate of big business, big labor, and an activist government. Galbraith termed the reaction of lobby groups and unions "countervailing power." He contrasted this arrangement with the previous pre-depression era where big business had relatively free rein over the economy.

His 1954 bestseller The Great Crash, 1929 describes the famous Wall Street melt down of stock prices and how markets progressively become decoupled from reality in a speculative boom. The book is also a platform for Galbraith's keen insights, and humour, into human behaviour when wealth is threatened. It has never been out of print.

In his most famous work, The Affluent Society (1958), which also became a bestseller, Galbraith outlined his view that to become successful, post-World War II America should make large investments in items such as highways and education using funds from general taxation.

Galbraith also critiqued the assumption that continually increasing material production is a sign of economic and societal health. Because of this Galbraith is sometimes considered one of the first post-materialists. In this book, he coined and popularized the phrase "conventional wisdom".(Galbraith, 1958 The Affluent Society: Chapter 2 "The Concept of Conventional Wisdom")

Galbraith worked on the book while in Switzerland, and had originally titled it Why The Poor Are Poor but changed it to The Affluent Society at his wife's suggestion.[11]

The Affluent Society contributed (likely to a significant degree, given that Galbraith had the ear of President Kennedy [12]) to the "war on poverty," the government spending policy first brought on by the administrations of Kennedy and Johnson.

In The New Industrial State (1967), Galbraith argues that very few industries in the United States fit the model of perfect competition. In The New Industrial State Galbraith expanded his analysis of the role of power in economic life. A central concept of the book is the revised sequence. The conventional wisdom in economic thought portrays economic life as a set of competitive markets governed ultimately by the decisions of sovereign consumers. In this original sequence, the control of the production process flows from consumers of commodities to the organizations that produce those commodities. In the revised sequence, this flow is reversed and businesses exercise control over consumers by advertising and related salesmanship activities.

The revised sequence concept applies only to the industrial system - that is, the manufacturing core of the economy in which each industry contains only a handful of very powerful corporations. It does not apply to the market system in the Galbraithian dual economy. In the market system, composed of the vast majority of business organizations, price competition remains the dominant form of social control. In the industrial system, however, composed of the 1,000 or so largest corporations, competitive price theory obscures the relation to the price system of these large and powerful corporations. In Galbraith's view, the principal function of market relations in this industrial system is not to constrain the power of the corporate behemoths but to serve as an instrument for the implementation of their power. Moreover, the power of these corporations extends into commercial culture and politics, allowing them to exercise considerable influence upon popular social attitudes and value judgments. That this power is exercised in the shortsighted interest of expanding commodity production and the status of the few is both inconsistent with democracy and a barrier to achieving the quality of life which the new industrial state with its affluence could provide.

The New Industrial State not only provided Galbraith with another best-selling book, it also extended once again the currency of Institutionalist economic thought. The book also filled a very pressing need in the late 1960s. The conventional theory of monopoly power in economic life maintains that the monopolist will attempt to restrict supply in order to maintain price above its competitive level. The social cost of this monopoly power is a decrease in both allocative efficiency and the equity of income distribution. This conventional economic analysis of the role of monopoly power did not adequately address popular concern about the large corporation in the late 1960s. The growing concern focused on the role of the corporation in politics, the damage done to the natural environment by an unmitigated commitment to economic growth, and the perversion of advertising and other pecuniary aspects of culture. The New Industrial State gave a plausible explanation of the power structure involved in generating these problems and thus found a very receptive audience among the rising American counterculture and political activists.

A third related work was Economics and the Public Purpose (1973), in which he expanded on these themes by discussing, among other issues, the subservient role of women in the unrewarded management of ever-greater consumption, and the role of the technostructure in the large firm in influencing perceptions of sound economic policy aims.

In A Short History of Financial Euphoria (1994), He traces speculative bubbles through several centuries, and argues that they are inherent in the economic system because of "mass psychology" and the "vested interest in error that accompanies speculative euphoria." Also, financial memory is "notoriously short": what currently seems to be a "new financial instrument" is inevitably nothing of the sort. Galbraith cautions: "The world of finance hails the invention of the wheel over and over again, often in a slightly more unstable version." Crucial to his analysis is the assertion that the common factor in boom and bust is the creation of debt to finance speculation, which "becomes dangerously out of scale in relation to the underlying means of payment".

He was an important figure in 20th century institutional economics, and provides perhaps the exemplar institutionalist perspective on Economic Power[13].

Galbraith cherished The New Industrial State and The Affluent Society as his two best.[14] Economist and friend of Galbraith Michael Sharpe visited Galbraith in 2004, on which occasion Galbraith gifted him with a copy of what would be Galbraith's last book, The Economics of Innocent Fraud. Galbraith confided in Sharpe that "[t]his is my best book", an assertion Galbraith delivered "a little mischievously." [15]

Some of Galbraith's Ideas

Galbraith's main ideas focused around the influence of the market power of large corporations.[4] He believed that this market power weakened the widely-accepted principle of consumer sovereignty, allowing corporations to be price makers, rather than price takers,[16] allowing corporations with the strongest market power to increase the production of their goods beyond an efficient amount. He further believed that market power played a major role in inflation[4] and argued that corporations and trade unions could only increase prices to the extent that their market power allowed them to. He argued that in situations of excessive market power, price controls effectively controlled inflation, but cautioned against using them in markets that were basically efficient such as agricultural goods and housing.[17] He noted that price controls were much easier to enforce in industries with relatively few buyers and sellers.[17]:244 Galbraith's view of market power was not entirely negative; he also noted that the power of US firms played a part in the success of the US economy.

In The Affluent Society Galbraith asserts that classical economic theory was true for the eras before the present, which were times of "poverty"; now, however, we have moved from an age of poverty to an age of "affluence," and for such an age, a completely new economic theory is needed. Galbraith's main argument is that as society becomes relatively more affluent, so private business must "create" consumer wants through advertising, and while this generates artificial affluence through the production of commercial goods and services, the public sector becomes neglected. He points out that while many Americans were able to purchase luxury items, their parks were polluted and their children attended poorly maintained schools. He argues that markets alone will underprovide (or fail to provide at all) for many public goods, whereas private goods are typically 'overprovided' due to the process of advertising creating an artificial demand above the individual's basic needs. This emphasis on the power of advertising and consequent overconsumption may have anticipated the drop in savings rates in the USA and elsewhere in the developing world.[4]

Galbraith proposed curbing the consumption of certain products through greater use of consumption taxes, arguing that this could be more efficient than other forms of taxation, such as labour or land taxes. Galbraith's major proposal was a program he called "investment in men" — a large-scale publicly-funded education program aimed at empowering ordinary citizens. Galbraith wished to entrust citizens with the future of the American republic.

Volume 20, issue 4 of the Review of Political Economy was dedicated to to John Kenneth Galbraith's ideas.

Criticism of Galbraith's Work

Galbraith's work, in general, and The Affluent Society, in particular, have drawn sharp criticism from free-market supporters at the time of its publication. Monetarist Milton Friedman in "Friedman on Galbraith, and on curing the British disease" views Galbraith as a 20th century version of the early 19th century Tory radical of Great Britain. He asserts that Galbraith believes in the superiority of aristocracy and in its paternalistic authority, that consumers should not be allowed choice and that all should be determined by those with "higher minds":

Many reformers – Galbraith is not alone in this – have as their basic objection to a free market that it frustrates them in achieving their reforms, because it enables people to have what they want, not what the reformers want. Hence every reformer has a strong tendency to be averse to a free market.

Richard Parker, in his biography John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Economics, His Politics, characterizes Galbraith as more complex. Galbraith's primary purpose in Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (1952) was, ironically, to show that big business was now necessary to the American economy to maintain the technological progress that drives economic growth. However, Galbraith saw the necessity of "countervailing power," not only including government regulation and oversight, but also collective bargaining, and the suasion that large retailers and distributors could bring to bear on large producers and suppliers. In The New Industrial State (1967), Galbraith argued that the dominant American corporations had created a technostructure that closely controlled both consumer demand and market growth through advertising and marketing. While Galbraith defended government intervention, Parker notes that he also believed that government and big business worked together to maintain stability.[18]

Paul Krugman, the influential, Nobel Prize–winning Princeton University professor and New York Times op-ed columnist, has denigrated Galbraith's stature as an economist. In Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in an Age of Diminished Expectations, he calls Galbraith a "policy entrepreneur" – an economist who writes solely for the public, as opposed to one who writes for other professors, and who therefore makes unwarranted diagnoses and offers over-simplistic answers to complex economic problems. He asserts that Galbraith was never taken seriously by fellow academics, who viewed him as more of a "media personality". For example, Krugman believes that Galbraith's work The New Industrial State is not considered to be "real economic theory", and that Economics in Perspective is "remarkably ill-informed".[19]However, acknowledging the alleged damage caused by the Bush administration, Krugman now says of his polemics in the 1990s, “I was wrong obviously. If I’d understood where politics would be now, it would have been quite different.”[20]

Memoirs

The Scotch (published in the UK under two alternative titles as Made to Last and The Non-potable Scotch: A Memoir of the Clansmen in Canada)[21] (illustrated by Samuel H. Bryant), Galbraith's account of his boyhood environment in Essex County in southern Ontario, was written in 1963. His description of the people he grew up among is amusing, but hardly charitable.

Galbraith's 1981 memoir, A Life in Our Times[22] stimulated discussion of his thought, his life and times after his retirement from academic life. In 2004, the publication of an authorised biography, John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics[23] by friend and fellow progressive economist Richard Parker, renewed interest in his career and ideas.

Bibliography

  • Modern Competition and Business Policy, 1938.
  • A Theory of Price Control, 1952.
  • American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power, 1952.
  • The Great Crash, 1929, 1954.
  • Economics and the Art of Controversy, 1955.
  • The Affluent Society, 1958.
  • Perspectives on conservation, 1958. (Editor)
  • The Liberal Hour, 1960
  • Economic Development in Perspective, 1962.
  • The Scotch, 1963
  • The McLandress Dimension, 1963 (pseudonym Mark Epernay)
  • Economic Development, 1964.
  • The New Industrial State, 1967.
  • Beginner's Guide to American Studies, 1967.
  • How to get out of Vietnam, 1967.
  • The Triumph (a novel), 1968.
  • Ambassador's Journal, 1969.
  • How to control the military, 1969.
  • Indian Painting (with Mohinder Singh Randhawa), 1969.
  • Who needs democrats, and what it takes to be needed, 1970.
  • American Left and Some British Comparisons, 1971.
  • Economics, Peace and Laughter, 1972.
  • Power and the Useful Economist, 1973, AER
  • Economics and the Public Purpose, 1973
  • A China Passage, 1973.
  • John Kenneth Galbraith introduces India, 1974. (Editor)
  • Money: Whence It Came, Where It Went, 1975.
  • Socialism in rich countries and poor, 1975.
  • The Economic effects of the Federal public works expenditures, 1933-38, (with G. Johnson) 1975.
  • The Age of Uncertainty (also a BBC 13 part television series), 1977.
  • The Galbraith Reader, 1977.
  • Almost Everyone's Guide to Economics, 1978. (With Nicole Salinger.)
  • Annals of an Abiding Liberal, 1979.
  • The Nature of Mass Poverty, 1979.
  • A Life in Our Times, 1981.
  • The Voice of the Poor, 1983.
  • The Anatomy of Power, 1983.
  • Essays from the Poor to the Rich, 1983.
  • Reaganomics: Meaning, Means and Ends, (with Paul McCracken)1983.
  • A View from the Stands, 1986.
  • Economics in Perspective: A Critical History, 1987.
  • Capitalism, Communism and Coexistence (with Stanislav Menshikov), 1988.
  • Unconventional Wisdom: Essays on Economics in Honour of John Kenneth Galbraith, 1989. (Editor)
  • A Tenured Professor, 1990.
  • A History of Economics: The Past as the Present, 1991.
  • The Culture of Contentment, 1992.
  • Recollections of the New Deal: When People Mattered, 1992. (Editor)
  • A Journey Through Economic Time, 1994.
  • The World Economy Since the Wars: A Personal View, 1994.
  • A Short History of Financial Euphoria, 1994.
  • The Good Society: the humane agenda, 1996.
  • Letters to Kennedy, 1998.
  • The socially concerned today, 1998.
  • Name-Dropping: From F.D.R. On, 1999.
  • The Essential Galbraith, 2001.
  • The Economics of Innocent Fraud, 2004.
  • John Kenneth Galbraith and the future of economics, 2005.

See also

References

Footnotes

  1. ^ Liberal thinker JK Galbraith dies, an April 2006 BBC article
  2. ^ Order of Canada Citation
  3. ^ Galbraith receives prestigious award, a June 2001 Harvard News Gazette article
  4. ^ a b c d e Dunn, SP; Pressman, S (2005). "The Economic Contributions of John Kenneth Galbraith". Review of Political Economy 17 (2): 161–209. doi:10.1080/09538250500067254. http://www.bib.uab.es/socials/exposicions/galbraith/docs/bgalbraithDunn.pdf. 
  5. ^ John Kenneth Galbraith, Longtime Economics Professor, Dies at 97, an April 2006 Harvard Crimson article
  6. ^ "India-China war 'accidental:' Galbraith", Colonel Anil Athale (retd), retrieved 12 October 2008.[1]
  7. ^ "Past AEA Officers". American Economic Association. http://www.vanderbilt.edu/AEA/officerspast.htm. Retrieved on 2008-10-10. 
  8. ^ Order of Canada citation, from the website of the Governor General of Canada
  9. ^ "John Kenneth Galbraith in St. John's". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. http://www.cbc.ca/news/story/1999/10/21/nf_galbraith991021.html. Retrieved on 2008-10-12. 
  10. ^ "The Age of Uncertainty", episode content, retrieved 30 May 2007.[2]
  11. ^ Galbraith interview with Colonel Anil Athale (retd), July 2003
  12. ^ John Kenneth Galbraith, 97, Dies; Economist, Diplomat and Writer a New York Times obituary from April 30, 2006
  13. ^ Political Economy: The Contest of Economic Ideas, 2002, by Frank Stilwell
  14. ^ Adams, Philip (1999), Interview on Radio National, Late Night Live, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, <http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/lnl/stories/s64155.htm>. Accessed 17 Jan 2006.
  15. ^ Sharpe, Michael (2006), John Kenneth Galbraith, 1908-2006, Challenge: the Magazine of Economic Affairs, 49 (4):7
  16. ^ Galbraith, JK (1970). "Economics as a System of Belief". American Economic Review 60 (2): 469–78. http://cas.umkc.edu/econ/AFEE/EconomicsAsaSystemofBelief.pdf. 
  17. ^ a b Galbraith JK. (1977). Money: Where It Came, Whence It Went. Houghton Mifflin.
  18. ^ Madrick, J. (May 26, 2005). "A Mind of His Own." Review of John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Economics, His Politics. The New York Review of Books.
  19. ^ Paul Krugman. Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in an Age of Diminished Expectations. (Scranton, Pennsylvania: W. W. Norton, 1994), 10-15.
  20. ^ http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/?article=790
  21. ^ ISBN 0-395-39382-5
  22. ^ ISBN 0-395-31135-7
  23. ^ Promotional website for John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics

External links

Diplomatic posts
Preceded by
Ellsworth Bunker
United States Ambassador to India
1961 – 1963
Succeeded by
Chester Bowles

 
 

 

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