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Judicial Activism

The charge that judges are going beyond their appropriate powers and engaging in making law and not merely interpreting it. Against this position is placed the ideal of judicial restraint, which counsels judges to resist the temptation to influence public policy through their decisions and decrees.

Judicial activism is not prisoner to any particular ideological or political viewpoint; it can be conservative as well as liberal. A long period of American history was characterized by conservative judicial activism, by a Supreme Court unwilling to allow the states or Congress to pass legislation that would regulate social or economic affairs. Typically such legislation—laws governing child labor, workers' hours, and so forth—would be invalidated as violations of the Constitution's Commerce Clause or Contracts Clause or of the judicially created doctrine of “liberty of contract” under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment (see Contract, Freedom of). The best‐known example of conservative judicial activism is Lochner v. New York (1905), a case in which the Court invalidated New York's law regulating the hours bakers could work as a violation of “liberty of contract,” a part of the doctrine of substantive due process under the Fourteenth Amendment.

More recently the Court has been subject to criticism that it is engaging in liberal activism. This has been especially the case since the advent of the Warren Court and the revolution that it wrought in civil liberties; but the charge has continued through the Burger Court and into the Rehnquist Court. The argument is that in the name of expanding the “rights” a majority of the justices find agreeable, the Court is twisting the Constitution by disregarding the original meaning of the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses in order to reach desired results (see Original Intent). Probably the best‐known example of liberal activism is Roe v. Wade (1973), in which the Court struck down restrictive abortion laws as violating the “right to privacy” it had previously found inherent in the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

What practitioners of liberal and conservative activism have in common is their willingness, at least as perceived by their opponents, to abandon the literal words of the Constitution in pursuit of what the Supreme Court considers to be the just or right or reasonable course of action, whether that be the right of employers to set whatever conditions they see fit for their employees or the right of a woman to abort a fetus. In both instances critics of judicial activism charge that such decisions are properly left under the Constitution to the legislative power of the states.

The distinction between judicial activism and judicial restraint is closely related to the distinction between interpretivism and noninterpretivism and the question of whether it is ever appropriate for judges to import new meaning into the old words of the Constitution.

A campaign against judicial activism became a hallmark of presidencies as ideologically diverse as those of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard M. Nixon, and Ronald Reagan.

.

See also Constitutional Interpretation; Judicial Self‐Restraint

Bibliography

  • Raoul Berger, Government by Judiciary (1977).
  • Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch (1962)

— Gary McDowell

 
 
Political Dictionary: judicial activism\judicial restraint

Alternative judicial philosophies in the United States. Those who subscribe to judicial restraint contend that the role of judges should be scrupulously limited; it is their job merely to say what the law is, leaving the business of law-making where it properly belongs, with legislators and executives. Under no circumstances, moreover, should judges allow their personal political values and policy agendas to colour their judicial opinions. This view holds that the ‘original intent’ of the authors of the Constitution and its amendments is knowable, and must guide the courts.

For those who adhere to these views, typically in recent years conservative Republicans, the judicial activism of the United States Supreme Court led by Earl Warren between 1953 and 1969 was an outrage. By a series of intensely controversial decisions concerning matters such as segregation in education, legislative reapportionment, and the rights of those suspected of crimes, the Warren Court effectively made public policy in a number of sensitive areas. In so doing, it is charged, the Court violated both the separation of powers and federalism and wilfully inserted its political values into judicial decisions.

Presidents favouring judicial restraint such as Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush Sr, have attempted to counter these developments by trying to appoint ‘strict constructionists’ to the federal bench, although they did not always distinguish sufficiently between judicial restraint and political conservatism. Strict constructionists believe that in interpreting the Constitution, judges should be bound by ‘original intent’. Taken to extremes this position presents a number of difficulties. It is not at all easy to establish what the intentions of the drafters were and, in any case, the Constitution necessarily offers only an outline, designed more than two centuries ago, for a far smaller and profoundly different society. To cling to the intent of the framers of the Constitution is to deny the possibility of constitutional development; the essential updating that an antique instrument surely requires. And yet if judicial activism were to become rampant the Constitution would ultimately lose all meaning. Some strict constructionists can be surprisingly loose when they want to achieve a politically desired result. This is the serious charge against the Court majority that, by one vote in Bush v. Gore (2000) stopped the vote counts in Florida and thereby handed the presidency to George W. Bush.

— David Mervin/Iain McLean

 
Law Dictionary: Judicial Activism

The theory of judicial behavior that advocates basing decisions not on the judicial precedent but on achieving what the court perceives to be for the public welfare, or what the court determines to be fair and just on the facts before it. Compare judicial restraint.

 
Politics: judicial activism

See broad construction.

 
Wikipedia: judicial activism

Judicial activism is a term used by political commentators to describe a tendency by judges to consider outcomes, attitudinal preferences, and other public policy issues in interpreting applicable existing law. Formally, judicial activism is considered the opposite of judicial restraint, but it is also used pejoratively to describe judges who endorse a particular agenda. Although alleged activism may occur in many ways, the most debated cases involve courts exercising judicial review to strike down statutes as unconstitutional. Views about constitutional interpretation abound, ranging from strict constructionism to the living constitution, and therefore, in practice, any controversial decision striking down a statute may be labeled by the decision's critics as judicial activism.

Definition

Dictionary definitions

Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law defines judicial activism as "the practice in the judiciary of protecting or expanding individual rights through decisions that depart from established precedent or are independent of or in opposition to supposed constitutional or legislative intent."[2]

Black's Law Dictionary defines judicial activism as "a philosophy of judicial decision-making whereby judges allow their personal views about public policy, among other factors, to guide their decisions, usu. with the suggestion that adherents of this philosophy tend to find constitutional violations and are willing to ignore precedent."

David Strauss of the University of Chicago Law School has argued that judicial activism can be narrowly defined as one or more of three possible things:[3]

  • overturning laws as unconstitutional
  • overturning judicial precedent
  • ruling against a preferred interpretation of the constitution

Critics of Strauss' view have argued that these definitions include only legal interpretation. They argue that a judge may be termed "activist" based on the remedy chosen, even if the legal interpretation is not "activist".[citation needed]

In practice, a speaker may use the term "activist judge" to mean that a judge has simply made an important decision that the accusing speaker disagrees with. When used in this way, the term "activist judge" is little more than a term of political criticism. While there are many who are willing to use this hot button term as a simple protest of disagreement, this is not the most common usage, nor the most common understanding, of the term. As a general usage, "activist judge" is used to describe a judge who actively and knowingly subverts, misuses, grossly misinterprets, ignores, or otherwise flaunts the law and or legal precedence due to personal opinion, be that opinion ideological, religious, philosophical, or other.

Debate

Detractors of judicial activism charge that it usurps power of the legislature, thereby diminishing the rule of law and democracy.[citation needed] They argue that an unelected judicial branch has no legitimate grounds to overrule policy choices of duly elected representatives, absent a real conflict with the constitution.[citation needed]

Defenders of judicial prerogatives say that many cases of "judicial activism" merely exemplify judicial review, and that courts must uphold the constitution and strike down any statute that violates the constitution.[citation needed] They say that it is the duty of courts to protect minority rights and to uphold the law, notwithstanding the political sentiments of the day, and that constitutional democracy is far more than just majority rule.[citation needed] However, detractors of judicial activism retort that neither democracy nor the rule of law can exist when the law is merely what judges say it should be.[citation needed] They argue that the discretion of judges must be limited (e.g. by the intentions of lawmakers), or else any group of people engaged in any behavior could become a judicially protected minority, and any law could be subverted by the predilections of unelected judges.[citation needed]

Some proponents of a stronger judiciary argue that the judiciary should grant itself an expanded role to counterbalance the effects of majoritarianism, i.e. there should be an increase in the powers of a branch of government which is not directly subject to the electorate, so that the majority cannot dominate any particular minority through its elective powers.[citation needed]

For information about judicial activism in Canada, please see Judicial activism (Canada).

Origins

Arthur Schlesinger Jr. introduced the term "judicial activism" to the public in a Fortune magazine article in January 1947.[1] Keenan Kmiec discusses Schlesinger's article "The Supreme Court: 1947" from Fortune, January 1947. According to Kmiec,

“ Schlesinger's article profiled all nine Supreme Court justices on the Court at that time and explained the alliances and divisions among them. The article characterized Justices Black, Douglas, Murphy, and Rutledge as the "Judicial Activists" and Justices Frankfurter, Jackson, and Burton as the "Champions of Self Restraint." Justice Reed and Chief Justice Vinson comprised a middle group.[2] ”

Methods

The methods by which judges engage in judicial activism, according to critics who make this accusation, include the following:

  • Overturning legislation passed by an elected legislature, using an interpretation of the constitution that critics believe is not clearly mandated or implied by the constitutional text;
  • Ruling against the text or intent of a statute, using what critics argue is an incorrect or overreaching interpretation;
  • Ruling against judicial precedent in a way that critics hold is a radical or unjustified departure from accepted interpretation;
  • Holding legislation unconstitutional based on what critics view as a clearly flawed precedent;
  • Selectively using obscure case law or foreign law, in preference to what is seen by critics as more pertinent case law or statutory law; and
  • Use by state courts of a single subject rule to nullify legislation or state constitutional amendments, in what critics say is a questionable manner.

Accusations of judicial activism

The Living Constitution as judicial activism

Critics of the living constitution approach to judicial philosophy argue it is necessarily activist. Their argument is that the living constitution philosophy endorses any ruling, so long as the judge can argue that his/her ruling helps the constitution to grow and evolve. Critics say that this can violate a judge's sworn allegiance to uphold the constitution, because, in effect, it encourages judges to write their own constitutions. Furthermore, they argue that the living constitution leads to unpredictable rulings, making it impossible to obey the law. One possible outcome of this confusion is the threat of frivolous lawsuits. [4]

Critics of the living constitution also argue that it violates the principle of separation of powers. They say that because the purpose of the judiciary is to interpret existing laws and policies, any action that is not done strictly in accordance with existing law must be activism. Indeed, they continue, the legislative branch is explicitly empowered by the constitution to make law, and the constitution deliberately has an amendment process. Consequently, any change to the laws or the constitution outside this framework is itself illegal.

Usually these critics are originalists. Originalists reject the idea that contemporary standards should determine the meaning of the constitution, and consequently reject the idea that the meaning of the constitution can change (outside of a constitutional amendment). For this reason, they believe that the living constitution is inherently activist.

Originalism as judicial activism

Some critics of originalism have charged that a coalition of conservatives and libertarians seek to overturn New Deal-era Supreme Court rulings whose expansive interpretations of constitutional Congressional power allowed the emergence of the modern regulatory and welfare state.[citation needed] Conservatives, in response, argue that these charges are overblown.[5]

Quotes on judicial activism

Statements by Judges

All of the current justices of the United States Supreme Court have seemingly disavowed judicial activism at certain points. Chief Justice John Roberts' disavowal of judicial activism is well-known from his confirmation hearing ("Judges are like umpires. Umpires don't make the rules; they apply them. The role of an umpire and a judge is critical. They make sure everybody plays by the rules. But it is a limited role. Nobody ever went to a ballgame to see the umpire.”). Roberts has stated that his view of judicial activism stems from that of Justices Felix Frankfurter and John Marshall Harlan II. Roberts put it this way:

"[C]ourts should not intrude into areas of policy making reserved by the Constitution to the political branches ... To the extent the term judicial activism is used to describe unjustified intrusions by the judiciary into the realm of policy making, the criticism is well-founded.
"At the same time, the Framers insulated the federal judiciary from popular pressure in order that the courts would be able to discharge their responsibility of interpreting the law and enforcing the limits the Constitution places on the political branches. Thoughtful critics of 'judicial activism' — such as Justices Holmes, Frankfurter, Jackson, and Harlan — always recognized that judicial vigilance in upholding constitutional rights was in no sense improper 'activism.' It is not 'judicial activism' when the courts carry out their constitutionally-assigned function and overturn a decision of the Executive or Legislature in the course of adjudicating a case or controversy properly before the courts. ...
"[J]udges must be constantly aware that their role, while important, is limited. They do not have a commission to solve society's problems, as they see them, but simply to decide cases before them according to the rule of law. When the other branches of government exceed their constitutionally mandated limits, the courts can act to confine them to the proper bounds. It is judicial self-restraint, however, that confines judges to their proper constitutional responsibilities."[6]

Justice John Paul Stevens referred in 1983's Michigan v. Long to "my belief that a policy of judicial restraint — one that allows other decisional bodies to have the last word in legal interpretation until it is truly necessary for this Court to intervene — enables this Court to make its most effective contribution to our federal system of government."

Justice David Souter wrote in his opinion in 1997's Washington v. Glucksberg, "We therefore have a clear question about which institution, a legislature or a court, is relatively more competent to deal with an emerging issue as to which facts currently unknown could be dispositive. The answer has to be, for the reasons already stated, that the legislative process is to be preferred ... The experimentation that should be out of the question in constitutional adjudication displacing legislative judgments is entirely proper, as well as highly desirable, when the legislative power addresses an emerging issue like assisted suicide."

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has written, "Measured motions seem to me right, in the main, for constitutional as well as common law adjudication. Doctrinal limbs too swiftly shaped, experience teaches, may prove unstable," in the context of arguing that the Court in Roe v. Wade displaced too much existing state abortion law too quickly.

Justice Stephen Breyer has averred a belief in judicial deference to democratic decision-making, for example in his book, Active Liberty: Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution. Thus, Breyer is often reluctant to join strong interpretations of the First or Fourteenth Amendments striking down laws if the laws at issue reflect considered democratic decision-making.

The late Justice Harry Blackmun explicitly disavowed judicial activism in his dissent in 1972's Furman v. Georgia, which overturned existing state capital punishment statutes. Blackmun, while arguing that "I yield to no one in the depth of my distaste, antipathy, and, indeed, abhorrence, for the death penalty", wrote, "Although personally I may rejoice at the Court's result, I find it difficult to accept or to justify as a matter of history, of law, or of constitutional pronouncement." Later in his career, however, Blackmun consistently voted to hold capital punishment regimes unconstitutional.

Eleventh Circuit Judge William H. Pryor, Jr. discussed judicial activism in a Wall Street Journal piece on October 8, 2006.[7]

In Australia, Justice Dyson Heydon, while a judge of the Court of Appeal of New South Wales, gave a speech that was later widely published as 'Judicial Activism and Death of the Rule of Law', at a time when the government was attempting to find a replacement for a retiring judge of the High Court of Australia. His speech was widely seen as an application for the job, and it turned out to be successful.

Statements by presidents

Ronald Reagan criticised "judicial activism":

"I intend to go right on appointing highly qualified individuals of the highest personal integrity to the bench, individuals who understand the danger of short-circuiting the electoral process and disenfranchising the people through judicial activism." Remarks During a White House Briefing for United States Attorneys (October 21, 1985)

Judicial activism and individual cases

Various cases and judicial shifts throughout the Supreme Court's history have prompted accusations of judicial activism or overreaching, such as the following:

See also

Sources

  • Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law (1996), Merriam-Webster. ISBN 0-87779-604-1
  • Bryan A. Garner (1999). Black's Law Dictionary, 8th Edition. West Group. ISBN 0-314-15199-0. 

Books

Legal books

  • Paul O. Carrese, 2003. The Cloaking of Power: Montesquieu, Blackstone, and the Rise of Judicial Activism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
  • Duncan Kennedy, 1998. A Critique of Adjudication (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
  • Carrol D. Kilgore, 1977. Judicial Tyranny: An Inquiry into the Integrity of the Federal Judiciary (Thomas Nelson). ISBN 978-0840740601
  • 105th Cong., I @ Sess. I, 1997. Judicial Activism: Defining the Problem and its Impact: Testimony before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Federalism & Property Rights (U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office Publishers), 205pp. ISBN 0-16-055917-0
  • Sterling Harwood, 1996. Judicial Activism: A Restrained Defense (London: Austin & Winfield Publishers), 167pp. ISBN 1-880921-68-5. [9]www.sterlingharwood.com
  • Christopher Wolfe, 1997. Judicial Activism, 2nd ed. (Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littfield Publishers, Inc.).
  • Kenneth M. Holland, editor, 1991. Judicial Activism in Comparative Perspective (Palgrave Macmillan).
  • Ronald Dworkin, 1988. Law's Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
  • Alexander M. Bickel, 1986. The Least Dangerous Branch 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
  • Arthur Selwyn Miller, 1982. Toward Increased Judicial Activism (Greenwood Press).
  • Ronald Dworkin, 1977. Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
  • Lino A. Graglia, 1976. Disaster by Decree (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press).
  • Michael Rebell and Arthur R. Block, 1982. Educational Policy Making and the Courts: An Empirical Study of Judicial Activism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
  • H.L.A. Hart, 1961. The Concept of Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

Popular books

External links

References

  1. ^ Keenan Kmiec in a 2004 California Law Review article
  2. ^ Keenan D. Kmiec, The Origin and Current Meanings of "Judicial Activism," 92 Cal. L. Rev. 1441, 1447 (2004).[1]

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