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Levirate marriage

 
Encyclopedia of Judaism: Levirate Marriage

(Heb. yibbum). Marriage contracted between a widow (yevamah) whose husband has died childless and the brother of her deceased husband (yavem or levir). The intent of the commandment requiring such a marriage is that "the first son that she bears shall be accounted to the dead brother, that his name may not be blotted out in Israel" (Deut. 25:5-6). In Genesis 38, the episode of Judah and Tamar shows that levirate marriage was an ancient custom among the Israelites as well as among neighboring peoples. One of the basic differences between the Genesis story and the laws in Deuteronomy is that the former has no stated provision for the release via ḥalitsah, the ceremony required when the levir refuses to marry his brother's widow. In the latter case, Deuteronomy provides for a ceremony permitting the widow and her brother-in-law to be absolved from the marriage. The widow summons the levir before the elders, and if he persists in his refusal, "she pulls the shoe off his foot, spits in his face [the sages interpret this as 'spits in front of him'] and declares, 'Thus shall be done to the man who will not build up his brother's house'" (Deut. 25:7-9). This ceremony is called ḥalitsah after the Hebrew ḥalats, to pull off the shoe. Until the widow undergoes either levirate marriage or ḥalitsah, she is forbidden to marry another man.

The exposition of the laws relating to levirate marriage is to be found in the talmudic tractate Yevamot. First, to make it clear that it applies only to the widow who has had no offspring at all, the word ben (son) in Deuteronomy 25:5 has been interpreted as including a daughter. Therefore, the commandment for levirate marriage applies only when the deceased has had no issue at all, either from the widow, or from another wife. This includes a child conceived while the husband was still alive but not born until after his death, even if that child did not survive (Yev. 2:5, 22b; Nid. 5:3).

The Mishnah also explains that the obligation of levirate marriage applies only to brothers of the deceased who were alive at the time of his death. This includes an infant brother born any time prior to the husband's death, in which case the widow is obligated to wait until the younger brother (assuming there are no others) reaches the age of 13 and a day, when he is considered an adult by Jewish law. Then he can either marry her or grant ḥalitsah (Nid. 5:3; Yev. 105b).

The obligation applies only if the widow is still capable of bearing children. Once the husband is dead, his widow and his brother are linked together, zikkah ("tied") being the official term. Her status becomes that of a shomeret yavam, waiting for the levirate marriage to take place. The waiting period between the death and the levirate marriage or ḥalitsah is three months from the husband's death (Yev. 4:10).

Technically, the biblical commandment does not obligate the widow and her brother-in-law to have an official wedding ceremony because there exists, by law, the zikkah which binds them as if they were wife and husband. The talmudic sages felt something else was needed and required a marriage ceremony called ma'amar (declaration) and not kiddushim, the name applied to the regular ceremony (Tos. to Yev. 7:2; Yev. 52a).

In the post-talmudic period there was considerable debate over whether levirate marriage or ḥalitsah was to be preferred. At the Academy of Sura in Babylonia, levirate marriage was the choice; at Pumbedita, it was ḥalitsah. The major Sephardi authorities were in favor of levirate marriage, arguing that there had to be a reason for the entire process, else the Bible and Talmud would not have spelled it out. The Ashkenazi scholars in Europe, on the other hand, held that ḥalitsah should be practiced.

In Palestine in 1944 the Chief Rabbinate produced a takkanah (enactment) requiring the levir to maintain the widow until he released her by ḥalitsah. A later takkanah of the Israeli Rabbinate in 1950 made it obligatory for the levir to grant ḥalitsah, thus freeing the woman for remarriage to someone else. The levir was not permitted to marry her even if he so desired. This takkanah was made applicable to Sephardim and Oriental Jewish communities because until then they practiced polygamy and upheld the commandment of the levirate marriage when necessary. In 1953 Israel's parliament codified the Marriage and Divorce laws, giving the rabbinical courts complete authority over the act of ḥalitsah. If the levir is ordered by the courts to give ḥalitsah, and he has not done so after three months, the authorities can order his imprisonment.

Reform Judaism has eliminated levirate marriage as an operative commandment and thus has ruled out ḥalitsah as well. Conservative Judaism has also invalidated levirate marriage, but there is still some discussion as to whether the ceremony of ḥalitsah is required. Orthodox Judaism still follows the rabbinic ruling that a woman who has undergone the ceremony of ḥalitsah is placed in the same category as a divorcee, and thus a kohen (priest) is forbidden to marry her. Since Reform and Conservative Jews do not follow priest-divorcee rulings in general, this ruling is not applicable for them.

The ceremony of ḥalitsah is performed before a rabbinical court of five. The widow reads the biblical passage dealing with levirate marriage and ḥalitsah (Deut. 25:7-10), unlaces and pulls off the levir's right shoe (which has to be of leather with no metal component), and spits on the ground in front of him.


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Wikipedia: Levirate marriage
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Levirate marriage is a type of marriage in which a woman is required to marry her deceased husband's brother. Levirate marriage has been practiced by societies with a strong clan structure in which exogamous marriage, i.e. that outside the clan, was forbidden. It is or was known in societies around the world.

The term is a derivative of the Latin word levir, meaning "husband's brother".

Contents

Background and rationale

Levirate marriage can, at its most positive, serve as protection for the widow and her children, ensuring that they have a male provider responsible for them. It can also be seen as a denial of women's autonomy, and a restraint on her life. The practice was extremely important in ancient societies (e.g., Israelite and Near East), and remains so today in parts of the world, because children enabled the inheritance of land, which offered security and status. A levirate marriage might only occur if the man died childless, in order to continue his family line. A barren woman or widow was often believed to be cursed by God so every possibility was exhausted in order to bear children.[citation needed]

In the Hebrew Bible and Judaism

In Judaism, a levirate marriage (Hebrew: yibbum) is mandated by the Torah (Pentateuch) (Deuteronomy 25:5-10) which obliges a brother to marry the widow of his childless deceased brother, with the firstborn child being treated as that of the deceased brother. However, there is another provision known as halizah (Deuteronomy 25:9-10), which enables either party to avoid the levirate marriage. Later authorities in Jewish law (Talmudic period) strongly discouraged yibbum in favor of haliza.

In Islamic law

Islam lays down rules for marriage, including who can marry whom, and the Qur'an prohibits wife inheritance.[1] However, certain groups in Muslim-majority countries do or did practice levirate marriage, more often in the name of customary law than Islamic law (sharia). "Certain tribal cultures ... enforced the levirate ... according to which a brother of a deceased husband was obliged to marry his widow."[2]

Areas practiced

Cameroon

Among the Mambila of northern Cameroon, "both levirates are practised throughout the tribe".[3]

Central Asia and Xiongnu

Levirate marriages were widespread among Central Asian nomads. Chinese historian Sima Qian(145-87 BCE) described the practices of the Xiongnu (also transliterated "Hsiung-nu") in his magnum opus, Records of the Grand Historian. He attested that after a man's death, one of his relatives, usually a brother, marries his widow.

The levirate custom survived in the society of Northeastern Caucasus Huns until the 7th century CE. Armenian historian Movses Kalankatuatsi states that the Savirs, one of Hunnish tribes in the area, were usually monogamous, but sometimes a married man would take his brother's widow as a polygynous wife. Ludmila Gmyrya, a Dagestani historian, asserts that the levirate survived there into "ethnographic modernity" (from the context, probably 1950s). Kalankatuatsi describes the form of levirate marriage practised by the Huns. As women had a high social status, the widow had a choice whether to remarry or not. Her new husband might be a brother or a son (by another woman) of her first husband, so she could end up marrying her brother-in-law or stepson; the difference in age did not matter.[4]

"The Kirghiz practice levirate whereby the wife of a deceased male is very often married by a younger sibling of the deceased."[5] "Kirghiz ... followed levirate marriage customs, i.e., a widow who had borne at least one child was entitled to a husband from the same lineage as her deceased spouse."[6]

India

Levirate was quite common in rural India until as recently as a few years ago, and is still practiced in certain parts of Punjab and Haryana. It is called "Latta Odhna" in the Jats of Haryana, Latta being the Haryanvi word for a cloth that women used to cover their heads and faces, and Odhna translating as "covering/wearing". This is also called "Chadar Dhakna" in other parts, Chadar being Hindi for Latta, and Dhakna being Hindi for Odhna.

Kenya

As among the Maragoli of western Kenya,[7] likewise "Luo ... widows become mostly remarried to the deceased husband’s brother.".[8] In the highlands of Kenya, it is "Nandi custom for a widow to be "taken over" ... by a brother ... of her deceased husband."[9] Furthermore, "according to customary law, it is tantamount to adultery for a widow to be sexually involved with a man other than a close agnate of her late husband."[10]

Nigeria

In northern Nigeria, "the customary practice of levirate marriage is found among the Hausa people".[11] Amongst the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria it was a common practice for a woman to marry her late husband's brother if she had children so the children can retain the family identity and inheritance.

Scythia

Soviet historian Khazanov gives economic reasons for the longevity of the levirate over two millennia of nomadic history: inheritance of a wife as a part of the deceased’s property and the necessity to support and educate children to continue the line of the deceased.

The levirate custom was revived under shaky economic conditions in the deceased’s family. Khazanov, citing [Abramzon, 1968, p. 289 - 290], mentions that during World War II the levirate was resurrected in Central Asia. In these circumstances, adult sons and brothers of the deceased man held themselves responsible to provide for his dependents. One of them would marry the widow and adopt her children, if there were any.[12]

Somalia

In Somalia, levirate marriage is practiced, and provisions are made under Somali customary law with regard to bride price (yarad).[13]

South Africa

In countries such as South Africa where a Levirate marriage is known as ukungena, the obligation for a woman to enter into a levirate marriage is on the decline due to increasing awareness of women's rights.

The practice probably originated centuries ago in agrarian societies where vocational opportunities for women other than working at home were non-existent, and re-marriage or going back to the parents' home was not an option. Also the practice ensured and continues to do so that any land or property owned by the deceased husband would continue to stay in the family. To ensure this if the widow did not have any male progeny and a levirate was not possible she would also be made to adopt a nephew of her husband. The commoner practice was for the widow to be married off to an unmarried younger brother- a custom referred to as Niyoga. The ceremony was generally a low-key affair where families from both the widow and the husband's side got together and came to the decision without any of the fanfare that was generally associated with weddings.

In recent years, the levirate has all but disappeared except from the remote rural areas.

In popular culture

Hallmark Hall of Fame movie "Loving Leah" addressed the issue of Levirate marriage in the orthodox Jewish community

See also

  • Fraternal polyandry, a marriage of two or more brothers and one woman
  • Genealogy of Jesus, in which Levirate marriage is offered to explain discrepancies
  • Sororate marriage, a marriage of two or more sisters and one man
  • Widow inheritance, a modern form of levirate marriage
  • Posthumous marriage, a marriage in which at least one party is dead
  • Avunculism, a cultural custom in which a maternal uncle demonstrates some institutionalised interest in his sister’s offspring and may take on many of the responsibilities typically associated with fatherhood .

References

  1. ^ Chapter 4 (al-Nisa) verse 19
  2. ^ http://www.angelfire.com/rnb/bashiri/Aitmatov/jamilaanalysis.html
  3. ^ http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/dz/Archive/ethnology.html
  4. ^ Gmyrya L. "Hun Country At The Caspian Gate", Dagestan, Makhachkala 1995, p.212 (no ISBN, but the book is available in US libraries, Russian title "Strana Gunnov u Kaspiyskix vorot". Dagestan, Makhachkala, 1995)
  5. ^ Nazif Shahiz Shahrani: The Kirghiz and Wakhi of Afghanistan. University of Washington Press, 2002. p. 124 http://books.google.com/books?id=p6aXloa1QsEC&pg=PA124&lpg=PA124&dq=Kirghiz+levirate&source=bl&ots=N6bmEjYevG&sig=BPCqpvBsTTZ2_c6ZzjWZ-IX2Np8&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result
  6. ^ http://www.gl.iit.edu/govdocs/afghanistan/EthnicityAndTribe.html
  7. ^ Jaan Valsiner: Culture and Human Development. SAGE, 2000. p. 100a
  8. ^ Jaan Valsiner: Culture and Human Development. SAGE, 2000. p. 99b
  9. ^ Betty Potash: Widows in African Societies. Stanford U Pr, 1986. p. 77
  10. ^ Betty Potash: Widows in African Societies. Stanford U Pr, 1986. pp. 77-78
  11. ^ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,463af2212,469f2db72,45f1478811,0.html
  12. ^ Khazanov А. M. “Social history of Scythians”. Moscow, 1975. p. 82 (no ISBN, but the book is available in US libraries, Russian title "Sotsialnaya Istoriya Skifov", Moskva, 1975)
  13. ^ James Norman Dalrymple Anderson: Islamic Law in Africa. Routledge, 1970. p.46 http://books.google.com/books?id=j5Rb6Mwd3zoC&pg=PA46&lpg=PA46&dq=%22islamic+levirate%22&source=bl&ots=lvv7iSxxtk&sig=3xKfCnLiejCkBPFLppB3nBdxyv4&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=4&ct=result

 
 

 

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Encyclopedia of Judaism. The New Encyclopedia of Judaism. Copyright © 1989, 2002 by G.G. The Jerusalem Publishing House, Ltd. All rights reserved.  Read more
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