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Lin Piao, FM (correctly Lin Biao) (c.1907-71), Chinese minister of defence, 1959-71. He was born in Hupeh (correctly Hubei) province to a local factory owner and entered the Whampoa military academy. A member of the Socialist Youth League at school, in 1927 he deserted the Kuomintang army and joined the communists. A protégé of Chu Teh, he commanded the First Army Corps during the Long March of 1935-6 before heading the Red Army Academy. He fought during the Sino-Japanese war (1937-45) and the Chinese civil war (1945-9). In 1955, he was made a marshal and his loyal support of Mao Tse-tung continued in the late 1960s when, as minister of defence, he initially supported Mao during the Cultural Revolution. However, he also used the upheavals across China to advance his power base and this brought him into conflict with Mao. He is said to have plotted against Mao with a view to seizing power in a military coup (‘Project 571’). The plot was uncovered and in September 1971 he died, purportedly in an aeroplane crash while attempting to escape to the USSR.
— Matthew Hughes
| Biography: Lin Piao |
Lin Piao (1907-1971) was a Chinese Communist military commander and political leader. His distinguished military career and loyalty to the principles of Mao Tse-tung were the basis for his rise to second position in the Chinese Communist leadership. He was involved in an unsuccessful coup d'etat in 1971.
Lin Piao was born in Huangkang County, Hupei Province. His father owned some land and a small dye works. Lin's education was begun in the village school and continued in Hankow, where his father opened a cloth business and later became purser on a river steamer. While in middle school in Hankow, Lin was influenced by the modernizing nationalist ideas that spread through the Chinese student body after the May Fourth movement of 1919. He was also influenced by his elder brother and a cousin who were both active in the newly formed Socialist Youth League, a Communist auxiliary organization.
Lin's political career began when he and some fellow students organized the Social Welfare Society, a small activist student group. He participated directly in student demonstrations of the May Thirtieth movement, which developed in 1925 over the treatment of Chinese by foreigners in Shanghai. Just graduated from middle school, Lin was elected as a Hupei delegate to the National Student Federation meeting in Shanghai to coordinate the actions of the protesting students. While in Shanghai, Lin joined the Socialist Youth League.
In the fall of 1925 Lin went to Canton and entered the Whampoa Military Academy, then a major institution in the alliance between Russia, the Kuomintang (KMT), and the Chinese Communist party (CCP). In the academy, which was headed by Chiang Kai-shek, Lin participated in activities in association with other leftist cadets.
After his graduation with the fourth class of the academy in October 1926, Lin became an officer in the regiment of Yeh T'ing, the only regiment of the revolutionary army then fully under Communist control. He joined the regiment in the Northern Expedition that conquered southern and central China for the revolutionary forces, and in the fighting he quickly rose to company commander's rank by early 1927.
During this period Lin also joined the Communist party. During the spring and summer of 1927 the alliance between the KMT and the Communists was broken off, first by Chiang Kai-shek and then by the other Nationalist leaders. Yeh T'ing's regiment and some other Communist-led forces were ordered into insurrection, and Lin participated in their attempt to capture Nanchang on August 1. This insurrection is now officially considered the first action of the Chinese People's Liberation Army.
After the failure of the uprising, these forces undertook a series of campaigns in southern China that also failed. Lin became an officer in a small part of this force commanded by Chu Teh, who led them through a difficult campaign for survival in the early months of 1928. Even when the force dwindled to less than a thousand men, Lin refused to leave it. In April they arrived in the Ch'ingkan Mountains, where Mao Tse-tung had begun to construct a small guerrilla base. Chu became commander in chief and Mao political commissar of the forces there.
Rise in the Party
Lin was early recognized by Chu as a young man of extraordinary talent and was promoted rapidly. Lin was also one of the earliest supporters of Mao's guerrilla warfare methods, which soon came under attack from the Comintern, the Chinese Communist party leadership, and most of the professionally trained officers in the Communist forces. By the early 1930s Lin was commander of an army and also head of the Communist military academy.
When the Soviet area was made untenable by Chiang Kai-shek's campaign in 1934, Lin participated in the famous 8, 000-mile Long March to northwestern China. After their arrival in Yenan in 1935, Lin was primarily involved in the training of young officers. During this period he married Liu Hsi-ming, a student at the party training school. They had a daughter in 1941, and some sources say Lin also had a son.
At the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Lin was a division commander in the 8th Route Army under Chu Teh. In September his division inflicted the first significant defeat on Japanese forces in the battle of P'inghsinkuan. In the summer of 1938 Lin was seriously wounded in action and was sent to the U.S.S.R. for treatment and recuperation. He remained in the Soviet Union until late 1941, probably studying Soviet military techniques and military medicine. He did not again have a field command until after the end of the Sino-Japanese War. When he returned to Yenan, he was made a member of the Communist liaison mission to the National government in Chungking, a position he held until 1943. From then until the end of the war he was deputy director under Mao at the party school in Yenan.
Fighting against the Nationalists
Lin again received an active field command in 1945, leading the Communist forces that moved into Manchuria at the end of the war. There he consolidated the Communist position, recruiting and organizing a force that eventually reached 700, 000 men. He commanded this army in the fight against the Nationalist troops that attempted to take Manchuria for Chiang Kai-shek.
After initial defeats in the cities in 1946, Lin developed rural bases from which he counterattacked in 1948. The Nationalist forces were totally destroyed at the battle of Chinchow in October and at Mukden, which fell to Lin's army on November 1. With his forces reorganized as the 4th Field Army, Lin moved quickly into northern China. His troops took Kalgan in December and participated in the capture of Tientsin and Peking in January 1949. Elements of Lin's command then entered the Yangtze Valley campaigns and formed the vanguard of the troops that occupied Canton in October.
At this point, with the Nationalists driven out of mainland China to Formosa, the government of the People's Republic was established in Peking. Under the military administration system that remained in force until 1954, Lin controlled six provinces. Units of the 4th Army also served as the vanguard of the Chinese forces that entered the Korean War in 1950.
While Lin's career had been primarily as a military officer, by 1945 he had become a significant figure in the party hierarchy. After 1949 he was a member of the party's government council charged with supervision of the national government. He became a vice-chairman of the National Defense Council in 1954 and a member of the Politburo in 1955. By 1958 he had become the sixth-ranking leader of the CCP, when he was made a vice-chairman of the Central Committee and member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo.
Military Reformer
In September 1959 Gen. P'eng Te-huai was purged as a result of disputes within the party leadership over issues that included the question of professionalism versus Mao's "guerrilla line, " and Lin became the party's top military official by replacing P'eng as minister of defense. In the early 1960s Lin pressed through a series of army reform measures aimed at creating a Maoist military force. These included a de-emphasis on professionalism and technologically advanced weaponry in favor of policies that emphasized the superiority of politically conscious men over weapons.
These reforms stressed the importance of political training in the army, the recruitment of men and officers from the proletariat and the poor peasantry, and the "mass line." Insignia of rank were abolished, and officers (apparently including Lin himself) were required to spend some time serving as privates. These changes in the military came to be presented as creating a model of Maoist thought in practice and served as the basis for a nationwide campaign to "emulate the People's Liberation Army" in spirit and action.
As this campaign developed, Lin's prestige rose continually. In September 1965 he was selected to deliver a major policy address entitled "Long Live the Victory of People's War!" This well-publicized speech generalized from the Maoist strategy in the Chinese Revolution to the world scene, arguing that the "world villages" of the underdeveloped areas would eventually conquer the "world cities" of the developed areas. Although presented in hostile circles as a new Mein Kampf for Chinese world domination, the speech was based on an assumption that these revolutions would develop inevitably and that they must be self-reliant, not dependent on foreign support.
Lin's growing status was marked still more clearly by his role in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that began late in 1965. He took a leading part in the cultural revolution. After Liu Shao-ch'i was displaced from his position in the Communist hierarchy in the summer of 1966, Lin emerged as one of the top three leaders of the party. His position was made official in the new constitution of the CCP adopted at the Ninth Congress in 1969: Mao was named the leader of the party, and his "closest comrade-in-arms, Lin Piao, " was identified by name as his second in command and his successor.
In July 1972 Mao announced that Lin was killed in a plane crash in Mongolia on Sept. 13, 1971, while fleeing China in the wake of an attempted coup. Mao said that Lin had plotted to assassinate him as part of a conspiracy aimed at replacing the civilian leadership with a military dictatorship.
Further Reading
Lin Piao's speech of September 1965 is published in English as Long Live the Victory of People's War! (1965). The only biography in English in Martin Ebon, Lin Piao: The Life and Writings of China's New Ruler (1970). See also Donald W. Klein and Anne B. Clark, Biographic Dictionary of Chinese Communism, 1921-1965 (2 vols., 1971). Background information is in John Gittings, The Rise of the Chinese Army (1967).
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Lin Biao |
| Wikipedia: Lin Biao |
| Lin Biao 林彪 |
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Marshal Lin Biao |
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2nd First Vice Premier of the People's Republic of China
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| In office 1965 – 1971 |
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| Premier | Zhou Enlai |
| Preceded by | Chen Yun |
| Succeeded by | Deng Xiaoping |
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| Born | December 5, 1907 Huanggang, Hubei, Qing Dynasty |
| Died | September 13, 1971 (aged 63) Öndörkhaan, Mongolia |
| Political party | Communist Party of China |
| Spouse(s) | Ye Qun |
| Alma mater | Whampoa Military Academy |
| Religion | none |
| Military service | |
| Years of service | 1925-1970 |
Lin Biao (Chinese: 林彪; pinyin: Lín Biāo; Wade-Giles: Lin Piao), born as Lin Yurong (Chinese: 林育蓉; December 5, 1907 – ?September 13, 1971) was a Chinese Communist military leader who was instrumental in the communist victory in the Chinese Civil War, especially in Northeastern China, and was the General who led the People's Liberation Army into Beijing in 1949. He abstained from becoming a major player in politics until he rose to prominence during the Cultural Revolution, climbing as high as second-in-charge and Mao Zedong's designated and constitutional successor and comrade-in-arms.
He died in a plane crash in September 1971 in Mongolia after what appeared to be a failed coup to oust Mao. After his death, he was officially condemned as a traitor, and is still recognized as one of the two "major Counter-revolutionary parties" during the Cultural Revolution – the other being Jiang Qing – for which he is assigned a large portion of blame. His military ability, however, is generally commended. Lin was considered by many to be one of the best commanders of the PLA, with only Su Yu and Liu Bocheng next to him.
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The son of a small landlord and a native of Huanggang, Hubei province, Lin was born Lin Yurong. He joined the Socialist Youth League (1925) and matriculated at Whampoa Military Academy when he was 18. While at Whampoa he became the protégé of both Zhou Enlai and the Soviet General Vasily Blyukher. Less than a year later, he was ordered to participate in the Northern Expedition, rising from deputy platoon leader to battalion commander in the National Revolutionary Army within a few months. Lin graduated from Whampoa in 1925 and by 1927 was a colonel.
After the KMT-CCP split, Lin escaped to the remote Communist base areas and joined Mao Zedong and Zhu De in Jiangxi in 1928. Lin proved to be a brilliant guerrilla commander and during the 1934 breakout he commanded the First Corps of the Red Army, which fought a two-year running battle with the Kuomintang, which culminated in the occupation of Yan'an in December 1936.
Lin and Peng Dehuai were generally reckoned to be the Red Army's best battlefield commanders. They do not seem to have been rivals during the Long March. Both of them had supported Mao's rise to de facto leadership at Zunyi in January 1935. According to Harrison E. Salisbury's The Long March, by May 1935 Lin Biao was dissatisfied with Mao's strategy. He says of Mao's circlings to evade the armies of Chiang Kai-shek: "the campaign had begun to look like one of Walt Disney's early cartoons in which Mickey Mouse again and again escaped the clutches of the huge, stupid cat."[1] According to Salisbury, Lin Biao in May 1934 tried to persuade Mao to turn over active command to Peng Dehuai.
"Lin Biao did not present the bluff, lusty face of Peng Dehuai. He was ten years younger, rather slight, oval-faced, dark, handsome. Peng talked with his men. Lin kept his distance. To many he seemed shy and reserved. There are no stories reflecting warmth and affection for his men. His fellow Red Army commanders respected Lin, but when he spoke it was all business... "The contrast between Mao's top field commanders could hardly have been more sharp, but on the Long March they worked well together, Lin specializing in feints, masked strategy, surprises, ambushes, flank attacks, pounces from the rear, and stratagems. Peng met the enemy head-on in frontal assaults and fought with such fury that again and again he wiped them out. Peng did not believe a battle well fought unless he managed to replenish--and more than replenish--any losses by seizure of enemy guns and converting prisoners of war to new and loyal recruits to the Red Army."[2]
Edgar Snow in Red Star Over China focuses more on the role of Peng than Lin, evidently having had long conversations with, and devoting two whole chapters to, Peng (more than any individual apart from Mao). But he says of Lin:
"With Mao Zedong, Lin Biao shared the distinction of being one of the few Red commanders never wounded. Engaged on the front in more than a hundred battles, in field command for more than 10 years, exposed to every hardship that his men have known, with a reward of $100,000 on his head, he miraculously remained unhurt and in good health. "In 1932, Lin Biao was given command of the 1st Red Army Corps, which then numbered about 20,000 rifles. It became the most dreaded section of the Red Army. Chiefly due to Lin's extraordinary talent as a tactician, it destroyed, defeated or outmanoeuvered every Government force sent against it and was never broken in battle... "Like many able Red commanders, Lin has never been outside China, speaks and reads no language but Chinese. Before the age of 30, however, he has already won recognition beyond Red circles. His articles in the Chinese Reds' military magazines... have been republished, studied and criticised in Nanking military journals, and also in Japan and Soviet Russia.[3]
Red Star Over China also has an interesting indication that Lin and Mao were close personally. "Between acts at the Anti-Japanese Theatre, there was a general demand for a duet by Mao Zedong and Lin Biao, the twenty-eight year old president of the Red Academy, and formerly a famed young cadet on Chiang Kai-shek's staff. Lin blushed like a schoolboy, and got them out of the 'command performance' by a graceful speech, calling on the women Communists for a song instead."[4]
A different view is taken by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday in Mao: The Unknown Story, (Knopf, 2005), which covers the Mao-Lin relationship in depth:
"Lin lauded Mao to the skies in public, although he felt no true devotion to Mao, and at home he would often make disparaging and even disdainful remarks about him, some of which entered his diary. It was out of pure ambition that Lin stood by Mao and boosted him – the ambition to be Mao's No. 2 and successor. He told his wife that he wanted to be 'Engels to Marx, Stalin to Lenin, and Chiang Kai-shek to Sun Yat-sen.'"[5]
According to Chang and Halliday, Lin remained valuable to Mao because, like the Chairman, he continued to put personal power above the interests of the country. In contrast, Peng was purged with Lin's help after challenging Mao over the famine at Lu Shan conference in August 1959.
As commander of the 115th Division of the Communist 8th Route Army, Lin orchestrated the ambush at Pingxingguan in September 1937, which was one of the few battlefield successes for the Chinese in the early period of the Second Sino-Japanese War (which began before World War II, though it merged into it). After the Battle of Pingxingguan, the Chinese troops captured many of the personal items that belonged to Imperial Japanese Army personnel. Among them is a cloak and a katana which was favored by Lin. He tried the cloak on and took the katana by his side, jumped onto a horse and went for a ride. He was then spotted alone by one of the sharpshooters from Fu Zuoyi's troops, who later became the mayor of Beijing after surrendering the city of Beijing to the Communists. The soldier was surprised to see a Japanese officer riding a horse in the desolated hills all by himself. He took an aim at Lin Biao in the head and severely injured him. Lin was then given the post of commandant of the Military Academy at Yan'an in 1938. He spent the next three years (1939–1942) in Moscow. After returning to Yan'an, Lin was involved in troop training and indoctrination assignments.
With the resumption of Civil War after World War II, Lin was made Secretary of the Northeast Bureau of the Communist Party and commanded the Red Army forces that conquered the Manchurian provinces and then swept into North China. Mao and other communist leaders intended to take over the whole Northeast China as their base, but with the retreating of the Red Army of Soviet Union it was clear that they would have to fight for it. For the sake of bargaining with the Nationalists (Kuo Min Tang) in the peace negotiation, Mao ordered Lin to assemble key armies to defend key cities, which was against the previous strategy of the CCP Red Army. Lin suffered a major defeat in Si Ping, and retreated before receiving clear orders from Mao. Lin suggested seriously that the Red Army should change its strategy. In achieving victory, he abandoned the cities and employed Mao's strategy of guerrilla warfare and winning peasant support in the countryside.
Within a year he had entrapped the core of Chiang Kai-shek's American-armed and American-trained armies, capturing or killing a total of thirty-six generals. Then came the 'Three Great Campaigns'. Lin directed the Liaoshen Campaign, eliminating 450 000 nationalist soldiers. Following the victory in Manchuria, Lin encircled Chiang's main forces in northern China, known as the Pingjin Campaign. The Communists took over Tianjin. Finally in Peking (Beijing) General Fu Zuoyi and his army of 400,000 men surrendered to him without a battle. The Pingjin Campaign saw Lin eliminate a total of approximately 520,000 enemy troops.[6]
Lin went on for the conquest of the whole country. His army, now numbering one and half million soldiers, swept across China from the most north area, Northeast, to the most southern area, island of Hainan.
During this period, several separate communist armies fought on different fronts, including Liu Bo Cheng and Deng Xiaoping's achievements in Central China, which were important to his subsequent power. Leading the 2nd Group, they set off the Huaihai Campaign with Chen Yi and Su Yu leading the 3rd Group, eliminating a total of 55,0000 KMT soldiers. Lin Biao led one of the three main army groups of Liberation Army, and was regarded as the most brilliant general together with Liu Bocheng, and the 4th Group was regarded as the best group of the four.
Lin Biao's exact role in the 1950s is unclear. It seems he was frequently ill, and so had less of a role than his achievements might have entitled him to.
In his autobiography, Dr. Li Zhisui, one of then Mao's personal physicians, writes that Lin was mentally unbalanced rather than suffering from any chronic physical illness. Li's account of Lin's condition is quite a bit different from the official Chinese version, both before and after Lin's fall.
Although Snow writes that Lin led Chinese forces in Korea, this is incorrect. Lin and the rest of the Politburo initially opposed China's entry into the Korean War.[7] In early October 1950, Peng Dehuai was named commander of the Chinese forces bound for Korea, and Lin went to the Soviet Union for medical treatment. Lin flew to the Soviet Union with Zhou Enlai and participated in negotiations with Stalin concerning Soviet support for China's intervention, suggesting that Mao still trusted Lin despite his opposition to joining the war.
Due to periods of ill health and physical rehabilitation in the USSR, Lin was slow in his rise to power. In 1958 he was named to the Politburo Standing Committee. In 1959, after the Lushan Conference, Peng Dehuai was removed from his position as Minister of Defence and replaced by Lin Biao. As Defence Minister, Lin's policies differed from that of his predecessor. "Lin Biao's reforms aimed at 'de-Russification'. 'Professional-officer-cast' mentality was fought, titles and insignia of rank were abolished, special officer privileges ended, the Yenan type of soldier-peasant-worker combination was restored, and the Thought of Mao Tse-tung superseded all other ideological texts..."[8]
In 1965, an article on revolution in developing countries, entitled Long Live the Victory of the People's War!, was published in Lin's name. The article likened the 'emerging forces' of the poor in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to the 'rural areas of the world', while the affluent countries of the West were likened to the 'cities of the world'. Eventually the 'cities' would be encircled by revolutions in the 'rural areas', following the Thought of Mao Tse-tung. Lin made no promise that China would fight other people's wars, however. They were advised to depend mainly on 'self-reliance'. Lin worked closely with Mao, creating a cult of personality for him. Lin compiled some of Chairman Mao's writings into a handbook, the Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong, which became known simply as "the Little Red Book."
Lin Biao's military reforms and the success of the Sino-Indian War (1962) impressed Mao. A propaganda campaign called "learn from the People's Liberation Army" followed. In 1966, this campaign widened into the Cultural Revolution.
After the purging of Liu Shaoqi during the Cultural Revolution, on April 1, 1969, at the CCP's Ninth Congress, Lin Biao emerged as primary military power and second in ranking behind Mao Zedong in the party. Even the party constitution was modified to name Lin as Mao's special successor.
As the Cultural Revolution spun out of control, the People's Liberation Army, under Lin's command, effectively took over the country from the party.
Despite Lin's apparent interest in politics and increasing amount of political power during the Cultural Revolution, in private Lin expressed very little interest in Mao's policies and current political trends of the movement. In fact, some sources suggest that Lin was aloof and extremely introverted in private, leaving important policy and family duties to his wife, Ye Qun. Concomitantly, Lin also seemed plagued by psychological problems that incapacitated his abilities to administer in his position as Mao's second-in-command and so-called "close comrade in arms."[9]
The circumstances surrounding Lin's death remain unclear. Lin disappeared in 1971, the standard claim being that he died after attempting a coup. He became China's second-in-charge on April 1, 1969, and advocated the restoration of the position of State President, which had previously been held by Liu Shaoqi until his removal from the position. The alleged purpose of the restoration was to ensure an orderly transition of power in the event of Mao's death. On August 23, 1970, the CCP held the second plenum of its Ninth Congress in Lushan, where Lin would speak for restoration of the position of President along with his supporter Chen Boda.
Some historians believe Mao had become uncomfortable with Lin's power and had planned to purge him, and that Lin's son Lin Liguo was planning a pre-emptive coup.[10] The Chinese government explanation was that Lin, with the help of his son Liguo, had planned to assassinate Mao sometime between September 8 and 10, 1971. According to the memoir of Dr. Li Zhisui, one of then Mao's personal physicians, Lin's own daughter, Lin Liheng (Doudou), inadvertently exposed her father's plot. Doudou had become estranged from her mother Ye Qun and incorrectly believed that her mother was plotting against her father.
Supposedly after the discovery of the planned coup, Lin and his family (his wife Ye Qun and his son) and several personal aides attempted to flee to the Soviet Union. It is said they were chased to the airport by armed PLA officers and guards. According to the PRC account of Lin's death, their prearranged Trident plane (CAAC B-256, piloted by Pan Jingyin (潘景寅), deputy commander of PLAAF 34th division) did not take aboard enough fuel before taking off, and as a result, the plane crashed near Öndörkhaan in Mongolia on September 13, 1971 after running out of fuel, and all on board were killed. Interestingly, the official Mongolian report on the crash investigation points out that the plane had plenty of fuel at the time of the crash. The investigators concluded that the plane crashed because of pilot error. The corpses were buried in a grave not far from the site of the crash. However, the Soviets reportedly sent a KGB investigative team, which recovered some of the remains for subsequent identification.[11][12][13][14]
It has been reported that when Zhou Enlai asked Mao Zedong whether air force fighters should be sent to chase Lin's plane, Mao replied with an ancient Chinese proverb: “'天要下雨,娘要嫁人',不要阻拦,让他飞吧” ("Rain must fall, girls must marry, these things are immutable, let him go") Li Zhisui writes that there was a feeling of relief in the Chinese government when word came from Mongolia that there were no survivors. Zhou Enlai reportedly said, "死得好, 死得好" ("It is better that he's dead" / a better interpretation would be "A good death" which can either be a praise for a friend, a release or relief from internal strife). On the other hand, a biography of Zhou by Han Suyin claims that, on hearing that Lin was on board an aircraft leaving China, Zhou in fact ordered the grounding of all Chinese aircraft.
According to a retired Chinese army's enlisted personnel who guarded the Shanhaiguan Airbase, the Trident actually struck a fuel tank carrier truck parked near the runway. That may account for the plane's crash. The impact had torn part of the fuel tank off the Trident's wings, and while flying through Mongolian airspace, the leaking fuel had reached the side engines, triggering the loss of control. Contrary to popular belief that the plane was shot down by a Chinese surface-to-air missile, the location of his crash is several hundred kilometers from Chinese border, outranging any type of SAM China had at the time.
One view is that Lin opposed the rapprochement with the USA, which Zhou Enlai was organizing with Mao's approval. This was contrary to Lin's strategy of 'People's War'. Lin, unlike Mao, did not have a history of making compromises and retreats when it suited him.
There was also claims that Lin was secretly negotiating with the Kuomintang on Taiwan to restore the KMT government in China in return for a high position in the new government. These claims were never formally confirmed nor denied by either the Communist government nor the Nationalist government on Taiwan.
Most of the high military command was purged within a few weeks of Lin's disappearance. The National Day celebrations on October 1, 1971 were cancelled. The news of Lin Biao's plot and disappearance was withheld from the general public for nearly a year. When it did break, the people felt betrayed by Mao's "best pupil."
In the years after Lin's death, Jiang Qing, Mao's third wife and a former political ally of Lin's, started the Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius campaign, aimed at using Lin's scarred image to attack Zhou Enlai. Like many major proponents of the Cultural Revolution, Lin's image was manipulated after the movement; many negative aspects of the Cultural Revolution were blamed on Lin and after October 1976 blamed on Mao's supporters, the so-called Gang of Four. Lin was never politically rehabilitated. In recent years Lin's photo appeared in many books especially ones on history, showing that the Chinese are changing their attitude towards him. Lin is regarded as one of the best military strategists in China. A portrait of him is shown at the Chinese Military Museum in Beijing (from 2007), included in a display of the "Ten Marshals": a group considered founders of China's armed forces.
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| Political offices | ||
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| Preceded by Peng Dehuai |
Ministry of National Defense of the People's Republic of China 1959 – 1971 |
Succeeded by Ye Jianying |
| Preceded by Chen Yun |
First Vice Prime Minister of the People's Republic of China 1965 — 1971 |
Succeeded by Deng Xiaoping |
| Party political offices | ||
| Preceded by Chen Yun, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De |
Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China Served alongside: Chen Yun, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De 1965 – 1969 |
Succeeded by Himself |
| Preceded by Chen Yun, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, himself |
Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China 1969 – 1971 |
Succeeded by Zhou Enlai |
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