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Dictionary:
line-i·tem veto (līn'ī'təm) |
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| Political Dictionary: item veto |
An item veto gives the governor in most US states the power to strike out specific sections of an appropriations bill, while signing the remainder into law. Item vetoes allow the executive to keep a close control over financial legislation, cutting out riders, and reducing pork barrel legislation. The US President does not posses an item veto, although it has been frequently proposed.
| US Government Guide: line-item veto |
Unlike most state governors, the President does not have the line-item veto. This means that the President must approve or veto an entire appropriations bill and may not veto any single part of the bill. Presidents Ronald Reagan, George Bush, and Bill Clinton all called for a constitutional amendment to give them such a partial veto as a means of controlling federal spending and reducing the deficit. With this power they could disapprove of what they considered wasteful “pork barrel” spending without having to reject the many more worthy projects in the rest of an appropriations bill. Lacking the two-thirds vote needed for a constitutional amendment, Congress in 1996 passed a law giving the President the line-item veto. The line-item veto constituted a major part of the “Contract with America” that had helped the Republicans recapture the majority in Congress.
President Clinton exercised this power sparingly, but many in Congress—including some who had supported the line-item veto—protested when he used it to veto their projects. In 1998 the Supreme Court ruled the line-item veto unconstitutional on the grounds that it violated the constitutional requirement that legislation be passed by both houses of Congress and presented in its entirety to the President for his signature or veto. On hearing this news, Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia exclaimed, “God save this honorable Court!”
See also Pork barrel politics; Veto power
| US History Encyclopedia: Line-Item Veto |
In 1996 President Bill Clinton received what presidents had wanted for many years, the "line-item veto." This gave the president the power to select out undesirable items in appropriations bills, in bills granting certain tax breaks, and in bills creating or augmenting entitlements to prevent those items from becoming law while approving the portions of the bill to his or her liking. The constitutions of the majority of the states give their governors some form of line-item veto, but the U.S. Constitution has no comparable provision.
Lawmakers agreed that a statute that purported to allow the president to literally strike some items from a bill would be unconstitutional since the Constitution clearly requires that the president either sign a whole bill or veto it, not pick and choose among its parts. Congress sought to circumvent this prohibition by allowing the president to sign the whole bill and within ten days choose not to spend the money allocated for disfavored projects or programs. Congress then had thirty days to reject the president's decisions. But to prevail Congress needed two thirds of both houses, since the president could veto any bill and a two-thirds vote is required to override a veto.
Congress was aware that the bill had serious constitutional problems, so it included a special provision allowing an immediate and expedited challenge by members of Congress. Members recognized that giving the president line-item veto authority undermined their powers as legislators. A lawsuit was filed, and the district judge agreed that the law was unconstitutional. The case, Raines v. Byrd (1997), went directly to the Supreme Court, which dismissed it without reaching the merits. The Court found that the members of Congress lacked standing, effectively holding the special standing provision unconstitutional. According to the opinion, written by Chief Justice William Rehnquist with only Justices John Paul Stevens and Stephen Breyer dissenting, the plaintiffs suffered no personal injury, and any harm to them in their legislative capacities was not the kind of injury that is a proper basis for a constitutional challenge in the federal courts. Although only a procedural ruling, it was an important victory for the executive branch because it had the effect of sharply limiting if not completely eliminating cases in which members of Congress can sue agencies or the president for violations of statues or the Constitution.
The president's victory was short-lived. A year later, in Clinton v. City of New York (1998), the Court agreed, by a vote of 6 to 3, that the constitutional mandate that the president either sign an entire bill or veto it could not be evaded in this fashion. Although the constitutional clause can be seen as merely a formal procedural requirement, the majority opinion, written by Justice Stevens, recognized the major shift in the balance of power between the president and Congress that would result from sustaining this law. One of the most interesting aspects of this decision is that the usual divisions on the Court did not hold. Two conservatives, Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Clarence Thomas, were in the majority and one, Justice Antonin Scalia, who is often considered the most formalistic justice, was in dissent. The two justices often characterized as being in the center of the Court, Justices Anthony Kennedy and Sandra Day O'Connor, did not agree, and only Kennedy joined the majority. Justice O'Connor is rarely in dissent in major cases. Liberals were also divided. Justice Breyer, who is viewed as among the most pragmatic, was the sole dissenter among that group.
Bibliography
Watson, Richard Abernathy. Presidential Vetoes and Public Policy. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1993.
| US Presidents Q&A: What is a line-item veto? |
The Line Item Veto Act of 1996 gave the president the authority to cancel certain new spending and entitlement projects, as well as the authority to cancel certain types of limited, targeted tax breaks. The president could make these cancellations within five days of the enactment of a bill providing such funds. These line-item vetoes could then be subject to a two-thirds veto override by the House and Senate. For example, President Bill Clinton used the line-item veto to make eighty-two cancellations, and Congress overrode thirty-eight of the cancellations, all within a single military construction bill. In 1998, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled the line-item veto unconstitutional, in violation of the Presentment Clause in Article I, Section 7, of the Constitution, which requires that every bill that passes the House and Senate must be presented to the president for either approval or disapproval.
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| Politics: line-item veto |
The authority of an executive to veto a specific appropriation in a budget passed by a legislature. Viewing the line-item veto as an effective tactic against pork-barrel legislation, presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush unsuccessfully sought this authority, which many state governors possess, from Congress. Under current law the president must choose between signing or vetoing the entire budget rather than parts (items on budget lines) of it.
| Wikipedia: Line-item veto |
| The examples and perspective in this article may not represent a worldwide view of the subject. Please improve this article and discuss the issue on the talk page. |
In government, the line-item veto is the power of an executive to nullify or cancel specific provisions of a bill, usually budget appropriations, without vetoing the entire legislative package. The line-item vetoes are usually subject to the possibility of legislative override as are traditional vetoes.
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This power is held by most state governors in the United States of America. All but seven US states have some form of line-item veto. Those states without the line-item veto are Indiana, Maryland, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Rhode Island, and Vermont.[1]
While this power is not supported by the United States Constitution, it was granted to the President of the Confederate States as the American Civil War broke out in 1861. Article 1, Section 7[2] of the Confederate States Constitution, adopted March 11, 1861, allowed the Confederate president the ability to "approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill," with such disapprovals returned to the houses of congress for reconsideration and potentially for override.
Presidents have repeatedly asked Congress to give them a line item veto power. According to Louis Fisher in The Politics of Shared Power, Ronald Reagan said to Congress in his 1986 State of the Union address, "Tonight I ask you to give me what forty-three governors have: Give me a line-item veto this year. Give me the authority to veto waste, and I'll take the responsibility, I'll make the cuts, I'll take the heat." Bill Clinton echoed the request in his State of the Union address in 1995.
The president was briefly granted this power by the Line Item Veto Act of 1996, passed by Congress to control "pork barrel spending" that favors a particular region rather than the nation as a whole. The line-item veto was used 82 times in 11 Bills from the federal budget by President Bill Clinton. [3][4]
However, U.S. District Court Judge Thomas F. Hogan ruled on February 12, 1998, that unilateral amendment or repeal of only parts of statutes violated the U.S. Constitution. This ruling was subsequently affirmed on June 25, 1998, by a 6-3 decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case Clinton v. City of New York. The case was brought by the then New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani.
A constitutional amendment to give the president line item veto power has been considered periodically since the Court ruled the 1996 act unconstitutional.
Though the Supreme Court struck down the Line Item Veto Act in 1998, President George W. Bush asked Congress to enact legislation that would return the line item veto power to the Executive. First announcing his intent to seek such legislation in his January 31, 2006 State of the Union address, President Bush sent a legislative proposal Legislative Line Item Veto Act of 2006 to Congress on March 6, 2006, urging its prompt passage.[17] Senator Bill Frist, Senator John McCain, and Republican Whip Senator Mitch McConnell jointly introduced this proposal.
On that same day, Joshua Bolten, the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, gave a press conference on the president’s line-item veto proposal. Bolten explained that the proposed Act would give the president the ability to single out “wasteful” spending and to put such spending on hold. While the spending line-item is on hold, the president can send legislation to Congress to rescind the particular line-item. The proposal would then be considered in both houses within ten days on an up or down basis, and could be passed by a simple majority. Additionally, such proposals could not be filibustered.
When asked how this proposed legislation was different from the 1996 Line Item Veto Act that was found unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court, Bolten said that whereas the former act granted unilateral authority to the Executive to disallow specific spending line items, the new proposal would seek Congressional approval of such line-item vetoes. Thus, for the president to successfully rescind previously enacted spending, a simple majority of Congress is required to agree to specific legislation to that effect.
Though the current line-item veto proposal is much weaker than the 1996 version, it has nevertheless failed to find strong support in Congress. Senator Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia called it "an offensive slap at Congress," asserting that the legislation would enable the president to intimidate individual members of Congress by targeting the projects of his political opponents. He also complained that the line-item veto as proposed would take away Congress’s constitutional "power of the purse" and give it to the executive branch.
On June 8, 2006, Viet D. Dinh, Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, and Nathan A. Sales, John M. Olin Fellow at Georgetown University Law Center, testified by written statement before the House Committee on the Budget on the constitutional issues in connection with the proposed legislation.[18] Dinh and Sales argued that the Legislative Line Item Veto Act of 2006 satisfies the Constitution’s Bicameralism and Presentment Clause, and therefore avoids the constitutional issues raised in the 1996 Act struck down by the Supreme Court. They also stated that the proposed Act is consistent with the basic principle that grants Congress broad discretion to establish procedures to govern its internal operations.
The proposed Act was approved by the House Budget Committee on June 14, 2006 by a vote of 24-9. [19] It was approved in the full House on June 22. A similar bill was submitted in the Senate, but failed to win approval. The Legislative Line Item Veto Act has therefore not become law.
Senator Russ Feingold (D-WI) and Senator John McCain (R-AZ) started legislation to enact a limited version of the line-item veto. This would give the president the power to rescind earmarks of new bills by sending the bill back to Congress minus line-item vetoed earmark. Congress would then vote on the line-item vetoed bill with a majority vote under fast track rules to make any deadlines the bill had.[5][6][7][8]
Some scholars, such as Louis Fisher, believe the line-item veto would give presidents too much power over government spending compared with the power of Congress.[9][10] Some argue that it could even give the president de-facto legislative authority in altering the law which could violate the principles and perhaps the letter of the Constitution.
Supporters of the line-item veto argue that the provision would make the President more accountable for federal spending. Also, the line-item veto can be used to prevent the enactment of controversial rider amendments that powerful legislators have sometimes inserted into important bills, or at least it can be used to ensure that someone elected at the national level is accountable for the enactment of such amendments. Without the line-item veto Presidents have often felt compelled to sign controversial riders into law even if they did not support them.
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| pork barrel politics | |
| veto power | |
| Constitution of the United States |
| Does the governor of IL have line item veto authority? | |
| What is Governor's line-item veto power? | |
| Why was the line item veto determined to be unconstitutional? |
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