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Malayan emergency

Also known as the communist insurrection in Malaya. For the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) it was the start of the armed struggle to overthrow colonial rule, while for the government it was a state of emergency in which the army was acting in support of the civil power. When it began in 1948 three British infantry battalions and an artillery regiment, six understrength battalions of Gurkha Rifles, and two battalions of the Malay Regiment were reinforced from Hong Kong and with a Guards Brigade from the UK. In the meantime, 9, 000 police and a hastily raised force of 20, 000 special constables were the first line of defence for the country's rubber estates and tin mines.

Insufficient in number and largely unprepared for counter-insurgency, the army was nevertheless able to prevent the guerrilla forces of the MCP from disrupting the country's economy, overrunning small towns, or establishing significant ‘liberated areas’. Formed, with British support, as the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army after the fall of Singapore in 1942, it was formally demobilized in 1945 and renamed the Malayan Races Liberation Army (later Malayan People's Liberation Army). The armed guerrillas would eventually reach a strength of some seven or eight thousand, 90 per cent ethnic Chinese. Their advantage lay in their close connection with the rural Chinese communities in Malaya, at least half a million of whom lived without or beyond government control on the jungle fringes. Their weakness lay in the limited appeal of communism for the two-and-a-half million Malays and the threat they posed to Malay political supremacy.

In the long run, accommodation between Malays and Chinese was the political problem to be solved in the process of decolonization. In the short run, the strategic problem was how to withstand a renewed and reinvigorated guerrilla assault in 1950 and 1951, and at the same time deprive guerrillas of the indispensable support of perhaps 100, 000 Malayan Chinese. Opinions differed on the actual target: the guerrillas themselves or their supporters in the Min Yuen, the Masses Organization. In any case, FM Slim observed that the bandits were simply being chased round and round, without any substantial reduction in numbers. In Singapore, Gen Harding commented on the enormous amount of military effort that was absorbed in will-o'-the-wisp patrolling, jungle-bashing, and air bombardments. None of which, said Harding, made much difference in the absence of intelligence for which the Services had to depend almost entirely on the police. The police, in turn, depended on the confidence of the people—especially the Chinese—the civil administration generally and its power to protect them, and also on a thoroughly efficient Special Branch organization.

Having identified the problem, the solution lay with two soldiers, both of whom, paradoxically, were to act in an essentially civilian role. The first, retired Lt Gen Sir Harold Briggs, was appointed in April 1950 as director of operations: in effect as co-ordinator rather than commander. A system of state and district war executive committees was to focus and integrate the emergency effort throughout the country. A framework of troops and police was to cover all populated areas. On this framework the army was to superimpose striking forces in each state which would dominate the jungle up to five hours' journey from likely guerrilla supply areas. Briggs's emphasis was on civil administration, including police, on the breeding grounds, as he put it, rather than on the mosquitoes themselves, but his plan to clear Malaya from south to north unfortunately began in the state of Johore, a guerrilla stronghold, and soon ran into difficulties.

The major problem was still intelligence, something that was unlikely to be generated by a largely Malay police force which, in any event, was heavily involved in the fighting, deploying some 500 paramilitary Jungle squads. Army patrolling sometimes generated its own intelligence. Eight-or ten-man ambushes, where successful, quite often led to the recovery of useful documents, but at the end of 1951 the cabinet in London was told that ‘the communist hold on Malaya is as strong, if not stronger today than it has ever been’. The Labour government in London seemed to have run out of ideas.

The high commissioner in Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, had probably done the same when, in October 1951, he was ambushed and killed in a spectacular but fortuitous guerrilla success. At this point, however, again fortuitously, everything began to change. The MCP decided to change course and, while continuing military operations, placed more emphasis on political activity. In London the new Conservative government put Malaya at the top of its overseas agenda. Of the old team Gurney was dead, Briggs had retired, the director of intelligence had resigned, and the surviving commissioner of police was removed.

The way was now open for the appointment of Lt Gen Sir Gerald Templer as high commissioner and also as director of operations. Concentration of power in Templer, total integration of civil and military functions, and dynamic co-ordination of policy allowed security forces to function at maximum efficiency. And yet, as Templer said, ‘the shooting side of the business is only 25 per cent of the trouble’. Templer's achievements were as much civil as military, but as soon as the effective Special Branch began producing operational intelligence, the key to military success lay in food-denial operations. By now, half a million ‘squatters’—Chinese peasant farmers—had been resettled into 500 ‘new villages’ and the guerrillas, often on the point of starvation, were forced to approach them through areas saturated by soldiers and police. Many surrendered; large numbers starved; even more were killed. Special operations involving SAS and armed aborigine scouts pursued dwindling numbers of insurgents into the deep jungle but it was not until the MCP's political organization, the District Committee in particular, was penetrated and destroyed that the insurgency as a whole became vulnerable. In 1955 the MCP tried to negotiate a settlement with Malayan political leaders on the brink of independence. Their failure was followed by Malayan independence in 1957 and in 1960 the emergency was declared to be at an end.

Casualty figures reveal the nature of the conflict. Regular police and the army each lost just over 500 men; but over 800 special constables and auxiliary police were killed. Over 3, 000 civilians, mainly Chinese, were dead or missing. Almost 7, 000 guerrillas were killed, 1, 300 captured, and 2, 700 surrendered—500 in 1958, many of them financially induced. Approximately 500 British and Commonwealth soldiers, including Gurkhas, were killed, as were about 100 British civilians, most of them planters. Essentially it was a small-unit war in which patrols of under a dozen men, a high proportion of them national servicemen, spent up to a thousand hours in the jungle before a contact was made. Air support for the greater part of the emergency, was given over to supply drops, occasional bombing, casualty evacuation, and troop movement when helicopters became available. Offensive helicopter operations were unknown and lack of targets usually limited air attack of any kind. The guerrillas themselves, although perhaps on the point of attaining critical mass at the end of 1951, were never quite strong enough on their own to challenge the government in the populated areas. In notable contrast to Vietnam, they were never supplied with men or significant numbers of weapons from outside Malaya. Having to depend on their own resources, in particular weapons which they had to capture, they were unable to maintain a military effort long enough to drain the combined resources of increasingly effective civil-military government.

Bibliography

  • Coates, John, Suppressing Insurgency (Boulder, Colo., 1992).
  • Mackay, E. D. R., The Malayan Emergency 1948-1960: The Domino that Stood (London, 1997).
  • Short, Anthony, The Communist Insurrection in Malaya (London, 1975).
  • Thompson, Robert, Defeating Communist Insurgency (London, 1966)

— Anthony Short

 
 

(1948 – 60) Period of unrest following the creation of the Federation of Malaya (precursor of Malaysia) in 1948. The Communist Party of Malaya, which was mostly Chinese, was alarmed at the special guarantees of rights for Malays (including the position of sultans) and began a guerrilla insurgency, which was supported by only a minority of the Chinese. British efforts to suppress the insurgency militarily were unpopular, especially their relocation of rural Chinese into tightly controlled "New Villages"; when the British addressed political and economic grievances, the rebels became increasingly isolated, and the emergency ended. See also Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Alhaj; Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army.

For more information on Malayan Emergency, visit Britannica.com.

 
Wikipedia: Malayan Emergency
Malayan Emergency
Part of Cold War and British decolonisation
UmpCALMSASR.jpg
Australian Avro Lincoln bomber unloading 500 pound bombs on Communist targets in the Malayan jungle. circa 1950
Date June 194812 July, 1960
Location Southeast Asia
Result
Combatants
Flag of the United Kingdom United Kingdom
Flag of Australia Australia
Flag of New Zealand New Zealand

British colonies
Flag of Federation of Malaya Federation of Malaya
Flag of Southern Rhodesia Rhodesia
Flag of Fiji Fiji

Hammer_and_sickle.svg Malayan Communist Party
Hammer_and_sickle.svg Malayan Races Liberation Army
Commanders
Flag of the United Kingdom Harold Briggs
Flag of the United Kingdom Henry Gurney
Flag of the United Kingdom Gerald Templer
Flag of Australia Henry Wells
Hammer_and_sickle.svg Chin Peng
Strength
250,000 Malayan Home Guard troops

40,000 regular Commonwealth personnel
37,000 Special Constables
24,000 Federation Police

up to 8,000 MRLA (peaking in 1951)

up to 150,000 Min Yuen (30,000 to 40,000 likely)

Casualties
Killed: 1,346 Malayan troops, and
519 British military personnel
Wounded: 2,406 Malayan and British troops

Civilian casualties: 2,478 killed, 810 missing

Killed: 6,710
Wounded: 1,289
Captured: 1,287
Surrendered: 2,702

The Malayan Emergency was a state of emergency declared by the British colonial government of Malaya in 1948 and lifted in 1960, as well as an insurrection and guerrilla war fought between government forces and the Malayan National Liberation Army around the same period. The state of emergency entailed the revocation of many civil rights, the granting of special powers to the police, and other measures aimed at the suppression of left wing political movements, especially the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). The guerrilla war, which is also known as the Malayan War, was part of the ongoing conflict between the MCP and other leftists, and the colonial establishment, starting shortly after the Japanese withdrawal in 1945 and extending at least to the signing of the peace treaty between the communists and the government of Malaya in 1989. The Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) was the military arm of the MCP; it was formed shortly after the Emergency was declared in 1948.

Origins

The withdrawal of Japan at the end of World War II left the Malayan economy disrupted; problems included unemployment, low wages, and scarce and expensive food. There was considerable labour unrest, and a large number of strikes occurred in 1946 through 1948. At the same time, the British administration was attempting to repair Malaya's war-damaged economy quickly, especially as income from Malaya's tin and rubber industries was important to Britain's own post-war recovery. As a result, strikers were dealt with harshly, by measures including arrests and deportations. The strikers became increasingly militant, and violent incidents occurred. When, on June 16, 1948, three European plantation managers were killed at Sungai Siput, Perak, the British brought into law emergency measures, first in Perak and then, in July, country-wide. Under the measures, the MCP and other leftist parties were outlawed, and the police were given the power to imprison, without trial, communists and those suspected of assisting communists. The MCP, led by Chin Peng, retreated to rural areas, and formed the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), also known as the Malayan Races Liberation Army (MRLA), or the Malayan People's Liberation Army (MPLA). The MNLA began a guerrilla campaign, targeting mainly the colonial resource extraction industries, which in Malaya were the tin mines and rubber plantations.

The MNLA was partly a re-formation of the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), the MCP-led guerrilla force which had been the principal resistance in Malaya against the Japanese occupation. The British had secretly trained and equipped the MPAJA during the later stages of World War II. The MPAJA was disbanded in December, 1945. Officially, it turned all of its weapons in to the British Military Administration at that time, however many weapons were not returned and were stashed for possible future use. The anti-communists referred to the MNLA as "communist terrorists", which was often abbreviated to "terrs", "Charlie Tango" or "CTs".

Guerrilla war

"Malayan Emergency" was the colonial government's term for the war. The MNLA termed it "Anti-British National Liberation War".[1] Despite the usage of the term "emergency" it was in actuality a full-scale guerrilla war between the MNLA and British, Commonwealth, and Malayan armed forces; some have gone as far as to characterise it as a civil war. The rubber plantations and tin mining industries had pushed for the use of the term "emergency" since their losses would not have been covered by Lloyds insurers if it had been termed a "war". The MNLA commonly employed guerrilla tactics, sabotaging installations, attacking rubber plantations and destroying transportation and infrastructure.[2]

Identification portrait of a Chinese communist terrorist, used by Commonwealth troops to help recognise insurgents.
Enlarge
Identification portrait of a Chinese communist terrorist, used by Commonwealth troops to help recognise insurgents.

Support for the MNLA was mainly based on around 500,000 ethnic Chinese then living in Malaya (there were 3.12 million Chinese in total); the ethnic Malay population supported them in smaller numbers. The MNLA raised the support of the Chinese because they were denied the equal right to vote in elections, had no land rights to speak of, and were usually very poor. The MNLA's supply organisation was called "Min Yuen." It had a network of contacts within the general population. Besides supplying material, such as food and weapons, it was also important to the MNLA as an information gatherer.

The MNLA had its hideouts in the rather inaccessible tropical jungle with limited infrastructure. Most MNLA guerrillas were ethnic Chinese, though there were some Malays, Indonesians and Indians among its members. The MNLA was organized into regiments. The regiments were considerably smaller than a regiment would usually be in a modern national army; the term was largely a geographical designation: each regiment operated in a different area of the country. The regiments had political sections, commissars, instructors and secret service. They also had lectures about Marxism-Leninism, and had political newsletters to be distributed to the locals. MNLA also stipulated that their soldiers had to get official permission for any romantic involvement with local women.

In the early stages of the conflict, the guerrillas envisioned establishing "liberated areas" in which the government forces had been driven out and MNLA control established. They were unsuccessful, however, in establishing any such areas. The initial government strategy was primarily to guard important economic targets such as mines and plantation estates. Subsequently, Director of Operations General Sir Harold Briggs developed an overall strategy known as the Briggs Plan. Its central tenet was that the best way to defeat an insurgency such as the government was facing is to cut the insurgents off from their supporters amongst the population. The Briggs Plan was multi-faceted; however one aspect of it has become particularly well known: this was the forced relocation of some 500,000 rural Malayans including 400,000 Chinese into guarded camps called "New Villages". These villages were newly constructed in most cases, and were surrounded by barbed wire, police posts, and floodlit areas, the purpose of which was both to keep the inhabitants in and the guerrillas out. People resented this at first but some soon became content with the better living standards in the villages. They were given money and ownership of the land they lived on. Removing a population which might be sympathetic to guerrillas was a counter-insurgency technique which the British had used before, notably against the Boer Commandos in the Second Boer War (1899–1902).

In the international scene, the emerging Korean War eclipsed the developing conflict in Malaya.

Jungle service dress of the 1st Battalion Somerset Light Infantry used in the emergency.
Enlarge
Jungle service dress of the 1st Battalion Somerset Light Infantry used in the emergency.

At the start of the Emergency, the British had a total of 13 infantry battalions, comprising seven partly-formed Gurkha battalions, three British battalions, two battalions of the Royal Malay Regiment and a British Royal Artillery Regiment being utilised as infantry.[3] This force was too small to effectively meet the threat of the "communist terrorists" or "bandits", and more infantry battalions were needed in Malaya. The British brought in soldiers from units such as the Worcestershire Regiment, Royal Marines and King's African Rifles. Another effort was a re-formation of the Special Air Service as a specialised reconnaissance, raiding and counter-insurgency unit in 1950.

The Permanent Secretary of Defence for Malaya, Sir Robert Grainger Ker Thompson, had served in the Chindits in Burma during World War II, which meant that his vast experience in jungle warfare proved valuable during this period as he was able to help build effective civil-military relations and was one of the one of the chief architects of the counter-insurgency plan in Malaya.[4][5] In 1951, some British army units began a "hearts and minds campaign" by giving medical and food aid to Malays and indigenous tribes. At the same time, they put pressure on MNLA by patrolling the jungle. Units such as the SAS, the Royal Marines and Gurkha Brigade drove MNLA guerrillas deeper into the jungle and denied them resources. The MRLA had to extort food from the Sakai and earned their enmity. Many of the captured guerrillas changed sides. In comparison, the MRLA never released any Britons alive.

In the end the conflict involved up to a maximum of 40,000 British and Commonwealth troops against a peak of about 7–8,000 communist guerrillas.

Resolving the Emergency

On October 7, 1951, the MNLA ambushed and killed the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney. The killing has been described as a major factor in causing the Malayan psyche to roundly reject the MRLA campaign, and also as leading to widespread fear due to the perception that "if even the High Commissioner was no longer safe, there was little hope of protection and safety for the man-in-the-street in Malaya."[6] More recently, MNLA leader Chin Peng has, by contrast, said that the killing had little effect, and that the communists anyway radically altered their strategy that month in their 'October Resolutions'.[citation needed] These responded to the Briggs Plan by reducing unit sizes, increasing jungle farming, and attempting to boost political work.

Gurney's successor, Lieutenant General Gerald Templer was instructed by the British government to push for immediate measures to give ethnic Chinese residents the right to vote. He also pursued the Briggs's Plan, and sped up the formation of a Malayan army. At the same time he made it clear that the emergency itself was the main impediment to accelerating decolonisation. He also instituted financial rewards for detecting guerrillas by any civilians and expanded the intelligence network (Special Branch).

Australia was willing to send troops to help a SEATO ally and the first Australian ground forces, the 2nd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment (2RAR), arrived in 1955.[7] The battalion would later be replaced by 3RAR, which would in turn be replaced by 1RAR. The Royal Australian Air Force contributed No. 1 Squadron (Avro Lincoln bombers) and No. 38 Squadron (C-47 transports), operating out of Singapore, early in the conflict. In 1955, the RAAF constructed Butterworth air base, from which Canberra bombers of No. 2 Squadron (replacing No. 1 Squadron) and Sabres of No. 78 Wing carried out ground attack missions against the guerillas. The Royal Australian Navy destroyers Warramunga and Arunta joined the force in June 1955. Between 1956 and 1960, the aircraft carriers Melbourne and Sydney and destroyers Anzac, Quadrant, Queenborough, Quiberon, Quickmatch, Tobruk, Vampire, Vendetta and Voyager were attached to the Commonwealth Strategic Reserve forces for 6-9 months at a time. Several of the destroyers fired on Communist positions in Johor State.

Realising that his conflict has not come to any fruition, Chin Peng sought a referendum with the ruling British government alongside many Malayan officials at Baling in 1955. The meeting was intended to pursue a mutual end to the conflict but the Malayan government representatives, led by Tunku Abdul Rahman, dismissed all of Chin Peng's demands. As a result, the conflict heightened and, in response, New Zealand sent NZSAS soldiers, No. 14 Squadron RNZAF and later No. 75 Squadron RNZAF, and other Commonwealth members also sent troops to aid the British.

With the independence of Malaya under Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman on August 31, 1957, the insurrection lost its rationale as a war of colonial liberation. The last serious resistance from MRLA guerrillas ended with a surrender in the Telok Anson marsh area in 1958. The remaining MRLA forces fled to the Thai border and further east.

On July 31, 1960, the Malayan government declared the Emergency was over, and Chin Peng left south Thailand for Beijing where he was accommodated by the Chinese authorities in the International Liaison Bureau, where many other Southeast Asian Communist Party leaders were housed.

During the conflict security forces killed 6,710 MRLA guerrillas and captured 1,287. Of the total number of guerrillas, 2,702 surrendered during the conflict and about 500 at the end of the conflict. There were 1,346 Malayan troops and 519 British military personnel killed. 2,478 civilians were killed and 810 recorded missing as a result of the conflict.

Comparisons

The conflicts in Malaya and Vietnam have been compared many times and it has been asked by historians how a British force of 35,000 succeeded where over a half million U.S. and others soldiers failed. However the two conflicts differ in several key points.

  • The MNLA was isolated and without external supporters.
  • The MNLA was politically isolated from the bulk of the population. It was, as mentioned above, a political movement almost entirely limited to ethnic Chinese; support among Muslim Malays and smaller tribes was scattered if existent at all. Malay nationalists supported the British because they promised independence in a Malay state; an MNLA victory would imply a state dominated by ethnic Chinese, and possibly a puppet state of Beijing or Moscow.
  • Britain never approached the Emergency as a conventional conflict and quickly implemented an effective combined intelligence (led by Malayan Police Special Branch against the political arm of the guerrilla movement)[8][9] and a 'hearts and minds' operation. At all levels, command was through a small committee of army, police and civilian administration officials, which allowed intelligence to be rapidly evaluated and disseminated.
  • Many Malayans had fought side by side with the British against the Japanese occupation in World War II, including Chin Peng. This is in contrast to Indochina (Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia) where French colonial officials often operated as proxies and collaborators to the Japanese. This factor of trust between the locals and the colonials was what gave the British an advantage over the French and later, the Americans in Vietnam.

Legacy

In the late 1960s the coverage of the My Lai massacre during the Vietnam War prompted the initiation of investigations in the UK concerning alleged war crimes perpetrated by British forces during the Emergency. One of such allegations is the Batang Kali massacre. No charges arose however, and it has been suggested that the incoming government of Edward Heath acted improperly in terminating the investigations.[citation needed]

In popular Malaysian culture, the Emergency has sometimes been portrayed as a primarily Malay struggle against the communists. However, this perception has been criticised by several, such as Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin, for not recognising Chinese and Indian efforts.[10]

In literature

  • The Emergency provided the subject and setting for the novel …And the Rain My Drink by Han Suyin published in 1954.
  • Author Leslie Thomas used his experiences as a conscripted British soldier during the emergency as the basis for his novel, The Virgin Soldiers.
  • Anthony Burgess wrote a trilogy of novels known as The Long Day Wanes: A Malayan Trilogy based on his experiences as an education officer in Malaysia at the time of the emergency.
  • The stage production (and later movie) Privates on Parade, starring John Cleese and Simon Jones is set during the Malayan Emergency and relates to the members of SADUSEA — the Song And Dance Unit, South-East Asia during the conflict.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Mohamed Amin and Malcolm Caldwell, ed's. The Making of a Neo Colony; 1977, Spokesman Books, UK., footnote, p. 216.
  2. ^ Rashid, Rehman (1993). A Malaysian Journey, p. 27. Self-published. ISBN 983-99819-1-9.
  3. ^ Karl Hack, Defense & Decolonization in South-East Asia, p. 113.
  4. ^ Joel E. Hamby Civil-military operations: joint doctrine and the Malayan Emergency, Joint Force Quarterly, Autumn, 2002, Paragraph 3,4
  5. ^ Curtis Peoples. The Use of the British Village Resettlement Model in Malaya and Vietnam, 4th Triennial Symposium (April 11-13, 2002), The Vietnam Center and Archive, Texas Tech University
  6. ^ Ongkili, James P. (1985). Nation-building in Malaysia 1946–1974, p. 79. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-582681-7.
  7. ^ AWM.
  8. ^ Leon Comber, "Malaya's Secret Police 1945–60. The Role of the Special Branch in the Malayan Emergency", PhD dissertation, Monash University, Melbourne, 2006 (to be jointly published by ISEAS (Institute of SE Asia Studies, Singapore and Monash Asia Institute)).
  9. ^ Clutterbuck, Richard (1967). The long long war: The emergency in Malaya, 1948–1960 Cassell. Cited at length in Vietnam War essay on Insurgency and Counterinsurgency Lessons from Malaya, eHistory, Ohio State University.
  10. ^ Kaur, Manjit (Dec. 16, 2006). Zam: Chinese too fought against communists. Malaysia Today.

Bibliography

  • Stubbs, Richard (2004). Hearts and Minds in Guerilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency 1948–1960 Eastern University, ISBN 981210352X.
  • Hack, Karl and Chin, C.C. (2004), Dialogues with Chin Peng: New Light on the Malayan Communist Party.
  • Hack, Karl (1999), 'Corpses, Prisoners of War and Captured documents: British and Communist Narratives of the Malayan Emergency, and the Dynamics of Intelligence Transformation;, in Intelligence and National Security.
  • Comber, Leon (2006), "Malaya's Secret Police 1945–60. The Role of the Special Branch in the Malayan Emergency", PhD dissertation, Monash University, Melbourne (to be jointly published by ISEAS (Institute of SE Asian Affairs, Singapore) and MAI (Monash Asia Institute)in early 2007.
  • Jumper, Roy (2001), Death Waits in the "Dark": The Senoi Praaq, Malaysia's Killer Elite, Greenwood Press, [ISBN: 0-313-31515-9]
  • Leon Comber, "The Malayan Special Branch on the Malayan-Thai Frontier during the Malayan Emergency", Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 21, No. 1 (February 2006), pp. 77–99.
  • Leon Comber, "The Malayan Security Service (1945–1948)", Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 18, No. 3, (Autumn 2003), pp. 128–153.
  • Nagl, John A (2002). Learning to Eat Soup With a Knife: Counterinsurgency Lessons from Malaya and Vietnam University of Chicago, ISBN 0226-56770-2

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