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The événements de mai, as they are widely known, continue at once to stimulate and to baffle analysis. ‘Ce qu'il faut comprendre, c'est à la fois l'énormité et l'insignifiance de mai 68’ (Edgar Morin)—or, in other words, how the most spectacular and unpredictable period of civil disorder experienced by a Western democracy since World War II culminated in the biggest majority in French electoral history for the incumbent regime. The cultural and (in an Althusserian sense) ideological results of May have always been more apparent than its political ones; yet it could be argued that these latter include the fall of de Gaulle, the rise of Mitterrand and the Parti Socialiste (PS), and the terminal decline of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF).

Unrest in the student milieu had been manifest for several months before May, primarily in the form of protests against the Vietnam War and the restrictive conditions under which students lived. These converged on the new campus at Nanterre in the Paris suburbs, where male students were not allowed to visit women in their rooms, and the administration block was occupied on 22 March in protest against the arrest of a Nanterre student who had taken part in an attack on the American Express building in Paris. Libidinal emancipation (as evidenced by the slogan ‘Jouissez sans entraves’) and direct action—two of the major themes of May—were articulated here. Robert Merle's novel Derrière la vitre (1970) is set in Nanterre (where its author taught) on 22 March.

Discontent escalated and spread to the Quartier Latin, whose student traditions made of it the opposite pole to Nanterre. (It is interesting to note how the educational institutions most closely associated with May were the time-hallowed—the Sorbonne, the École Normale Supérieure— and the very new—the Paris universities of Nanterre and Censier.) It was the occupation of the Sorbonne by the police and the imprisonment of students that led to the ‘May’ familiar from countless photographic images. The night of 10-11 May—the ‘nuit des barricades’—saw fierce street-fighting on the Left Bank and aroused the sympathy of many young workers for the students, despite the hostility of the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and the PCF, for whom the students (and Daniel Cohn-Bendit in particular) were spoilt brats playing a dangerously diversionary game.

In the days that followed, strikes and occupations spread from the Paris university world to, on the one hand, the provinces, and on the other the factories. When on 17 May the Renault factory at Boulogne-Billancourt, heart of the CGT/PCF's industrial empire, was occupied, it was clear that the established Left had been outstripped by the movement's heterogeneous and contagious dynamism. Trotskyist, Maoist, and anarchist militants were joined by many thousands of others previously not politicized.

De Gaulle's attempts to master a crisis he himself described as ‘insaisissable’ appeared doomed to failure, as his address to the nation on 24 May was greeted with derision and the supposedly generous economic terms of the Accords de Grenelle were rejected at Billancourt on 27 May. It looked increasingly as if the work-force's dissatisfaction with its pay and conditions might combine with the vehement denunciations of capitalism and imperialism emerging from the occupied universities to bring about the downfall of the regime: workers and students alike were opposed to Gaullism's hierarchical gerontocracy.

The leaders of the established Left— Mendès-France, Mitterrand, Waldeck Rochet—in different ways threw their hats into the ring, and when de Gaulle literally disappeared for the afternoon of 29 May (on a mission to General Massu, commander of the French forces in Germany, that not even his prime minister Pompidou knew about), his days seemed numbered. With hindsight, and bearing in mind the all-pervasive theatricality of the events, it now seems unsurprising that within 24 hours the pendulum had swung in the opposite direction. In his radio speech on 30 May de Gaulle refused to resign, announced parliamentary elections, and delivered a cavernous warning of the dangers of totalitarian Communism. That evening a massive Gaullist counter-demonstration filled the Champs-Élysées. Exactly a month later the second round of the elections yielded an unprecedented Gaullist landslide.

Less than a year later, however, de Gaulle was to resign—defeated in a referendum on regional reform that everybody knew to be a vote of confidence. It seems quite clear that his patriarchal domination had been irretrievably shattered by May. The PCF was the other major casualty; its loss of contact with youth and belated attempt to turn from condemnation of the events to annexation of them severely weakened its credibility, and it is arguable that the PS became the major Left party because (at least until it was in government) it was better able to identify with the concerns and the spirit of May [see Socialism And Communism].

What was this spirit? Its two main qualities can be summed up as a rejection of unaccountable hierarchies (which bore fruit in the democratization of universities and the recognition of work-place union branches) and a broadening of political terms of reference away from worker-ist economism to include such areas as feminism, the Third World, the environment, and questions of (in the widest sense) culture. Nothing changed after May, yet everything was—remains—different.

[KAR]

Bibliography

  • A. Delale and G. Ragache, La France de 68 (1978); A. Schnapp and P. Vidal-Nacquet, Journal de la commune étudiante (1969, new edn. 1988); L. Joffrin, Mai 68 (1988)
 
 
Wikipedia: May 1968
For other events in May 1968, see 1968.
A May 1968 poster: "Be young and shut up", with stereotypical silhouette of General de Gaulle.
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A May 1968 poster: "Be young and shut up", with stereotypical silhouette of General de Gaulle.

May 1968 is the name given to a series of protests and a general strike that caused the eventual collapse of the De Gaulle government in France. The vast majority of the protesters espoused left-wing causes, but the established leftist political institutions and labor unions distanced themselves from the movement. Many saw the events as an opportunity to shake up the "old society" in many social aspects and traditional morality, focusing especially on the education system and employment.

It began as a series of student strikes that broke out at a number of universities and lycées in Paris, following confrontations with university administrators and the police. The de Gaulle administration's attempts to quash those strikes by further police action only inflamed the situation further, leading to street battles with the police in the Latin Quarter, followed by a general strike by students and strikes throughout France by ten million French workers, roughly two-thirds of the French workforce. The protests reached the point that de Gaulle created a military operations headquarters to deal with the unrest, dissolved the National Assembly and called for new parliamentary elections for 23 June 1968.

The government was close to collapse at that point (De Gaulle had even taken temporary refuge at an airforce base in Germany), but the revolutionary situation evaporated almost as quickly as it arose. Workers went back to their jobs, after a series of deceptions carried out by the Confédération Générale du Travail, the leftist union federation, and the Parti Communiste Français (PCF), the French Communist Party. When the elections were finally held in June, the Gaullist party emerged even stronger than before.

The events of May

On 22 March far-left groups and a small number of prominent poets and musicians, along with 150 students, invaded an administration building at Nanterre University and held a meeting in the university council room dealing with class discrimination in French society and the political bureaucracy that controlled the school's funding. Heavy marijuana smoke filled the air as students called for an overhaul of French society. René Riesel demanded the expulsion of two Stalin supporters from the meeting when they attempted to disrupt a speaker. This led to great unrest and the meeting became increasingly hostile.

The school's administration called the police, who surrounded the university. They initially agreed to let students go in groups of 25, first women and then men. When the men began to emerge however, they were arrested. When other students gathered to stop the police vans from taking away the arrested students, the riot police responded by launching tear gas into the crowd. Rather than dispersing the students, the tear gas only brought more students to the scene, where they blocked the exit of the vans. The police finally prevailed, but only after arresting hundreds of students.

Following months of conflicts between students and authorities at the University of Paris at Nanterre, the administration shut down that university on 2 May 1968. Students at the University of the Sorbonne in Paris met on 3 May to protest against the closure and the threatened expulsion of several students at Nanterre. On Monday, 6 May, the national student union, the UNEF - still the largest student union in France today - and the union of university teachers called a march to protest against the police invasion of the Sorbonne. More than 20,000 students, teachers and supporters marched towards the Sorbonne, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as soon as the marchers approached. While the crowd dispersed, some began to create barricades out of whatever was at hand, while others threw paving stones, forcing the police to retreat for a time. The police then responded with tear gas and charged the crowd again. Hundreds more students were arrested.

High school student unions spoke in support of the riots on 6 May. The next day they joined the students, teachers and increasing numbers of young workers who gathered at the Arc de Triomphe to demand that: (1) all criminal charges against arrested students be dropped, (2) the police leave the university, and (3) the authorities reopen Nanterre and the Sorbonne. Negotiations broke down after students returned to their campuses, after a false report that the government had agreed to reopen them, only to discover the police still occupying the schools. The students now had a near revolutionary fervor.

On Friday 10 May, another huge crowd congregated on the Rive Gauche. When the riot police again blocked them from crossing the river, the crowd again threw up barricades, which the police then attacked at 2:15 in the morning after negotiations once again floundered. The confrontation, which produced hundreds of arrests and injuries, lasted until dawn of the following day. The events were broadcast on radio as they occurred and the aftermath was shown on television the following day. Allegations were made that the police had participated, through agents provocateurs, in the riots, by burning cars and throwing molotov cocktails [1].

The government's heavy-handed reaction brought on a wave of sympathy for the strikers. Many of the nation's more mainstream singers and poets joined after the heavy handed police brutality came to light. American artists also began voicing support of the strikers. The Parti Communiste Français (PCF) reluctantly supported the students, whom it regarded as adventurists and anarchists, and the major left union federations, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and the Force Ouvrière (CGT-FO) called a one day general strike and demonstration for Monday, 13 May.

Well over a million people marched through Paris on that day; the police stayed largely out of sight. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou personally announced the release of the prisoners and the reopening of the Sorbonne. The surge of strikes did not, however, recede. In fact, the protesters got even more enraged.

When the Sorbonne reopened, students occupied it and declared it an autonomous "people's university". Approximately 401 popular "action committees" were set up in Paris and elsewhere in the weeks that followed to take up grievances against the government and French society.

In the following days workers began occupying factories, starting with a sit-down strike at the Sud Aviation plant near the city of Nantes on 14 May, then another strike at a Renault parts plant near Rouen, which spread to the Renault manufacturing complexes at Flins in the Seine Valley and the Paris suburb of Boulogne-Billancourt. By 16 May workers had occupied roughly fifty factories and by 17 May 200,000 were on strike. That figure snowballed to two million workers on strike the following day and then ten million, or roughly two-thirds of the French workforce, on strike the following week.

These strikes were not led by the union movement; on the contrary, the CGT tried to contain this spontaneous outbreak of militancy by channeling it into a struggle for higher wages and other economic demands. Workers put forward a broader, more political and more radical agenda, demanding the ousting of the government and President de Gaulle and attempting, in some cases, to run their factories. When the trade union leadership negotiated a 35% increase in the minimum wage, a 7% wage increase for other workers, and half normal pay for the time on strike with the major employers' associations, the workers occupying their factories refused to return to work and jeered their union leaders, even though this deal was better than what they could have obtained only a month earlier.

On May 25 and May 26, the Grenelle agreements are signed at the Ministry of Social Affairs. They provide for an increase of the minimum wages by 25% and of the average salaries by 10%. These offers were rejected and the strike went on. The working class and top intellectuals were joining in solidarity for a major change in worker's rights.

On May 27, the meeting of the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (national Union of the students of France), most outstanding of the events of May 68, proceeded and gathered 30,000 to 50,000 people in the Stade Sebastien Charlety. The meeting was extremely militant with speakers demanded the government be overthrown and elections held.

On 30 May several hundred thousand protesters (400,000 to 500,000, many more than the 50,000 the police were expecting) led by the CGT marched through Paris, chanting, "Adieu, de Gaulle!" (Meaning: "Farewell, De Gaulle.")

While the government appeared to be close to collapsing, de Gaulle remained firm though had to go into hiding. After ensuring that he had sufficient loyal military units mobilized to back him if push came to shove, he went on the radio the following day (the national television service was on strike) to announce the dissolution of the National Assembly, with elections to follow on 23 June. He ordered workers to return to work, threatening to institute a state of emergency if they did not.

The events of June

From that point the revolutionary feeling of the students and workers faded away. Workers gradually returned to work or were ousted from their plants by the police. The national student union called off street demonstrations. The government banned a number of leftist organizations. The police retook the Sorbonne on 16 June. De Gaulle triumphed in the legislative elections held in June and the crisis came to an end.

Slogans and graffiti

Main article: Slogans of May 68

It is difficult to precisely identify the politics of the students who sparked the events of May 1968, much less of the hundreds of thousands who participated in them. There was, however, a strong strain of anarchism, particularly in the students at Nanterre. While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the millenarian and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers (the anti-work graffiti shows the considerable influence of the Situationist movement)[citation needed]

1968 in an international context

France was far from the only country to witness student protests in 1968. The events were preceded by the announcement, in the United States, that United States President Lyndon B. Johnson would choose to withdraw from the 1968 presidential campaign in March due to rising domestic opposition. This was soon followed by the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. (on April 4), and a student-led occupation and closure of Columbia University on April 23.

In Mexico, on the night of 2 October 1968, a student demonstration ended in a storm of bullets in La Plaza de las Tres Culturas at Tlatelolco, Mexico City.

The United States and German student movements were relatively isolated from the working class, but in Italy and in Argentina students and workers joined in efforts to create a radically different society.

In Belgium, students from the University in Leuven protested against the dominance of the French language in the Flemish university, which resulted in a separate Francophone university.

In Eastern Europe, students also drew inspiration from the protests in the West. In Poland and Yugoslavia students protested against restrictions on free speech by Communist regimes. In Czechoslovakia, the Prague Spring offered a broadening of political rights until it was crushed by the USSR and its Warsaw Pact allies.

Many of the student groups involved with May 1968 were also inspired by a strain of political thought called tiers-mondisme (third worldism). Students idealized and followed socialist movements in countries such as Cuba, Vietnam, or China, and revered figures such as, Castro, Che or Mao. Their struggles in their own countries were tied to their support of these third world socialist movements.

In pop-culture

  • The Mai '68s, an indie-pop-punk band from Leicester, United Kingdom, took its name from the May 1968 events.
  • Robert Merle's book, Derrière la vitre is a novel set in the May 1968 events.
  • Vangelis released an LP, dubbed a poème symphonique, entitled Fais Que Ton Rêve Soit Plus Lang Que La Nuit and was a musique concrète/folk recording collage reflecting the May 1968 strikes. Vangelis was in Paris at the time recording with Aphrodite's Child. The LP was limited in release to France and Greece and only on vinyl.
  • Chris Marker's 1977 film A Grin Without a Cat IMDb is a 3-hour-long film documentary portraying the history behind the social unrests of the sixties. Made with archival images, it deals with May 1968 in depth.
  • Milou en Mai (Milou in May, also released under the English title May Fools), is a later film (1990) by Louis Malle. It portrays the impact of revolutionary fervour on a French village.
  • Bernardo Bertolucci's 2003 film The Dreamers was based on three young film-loving students and their experiences in May 1968, although it features the events mainly as a backdrop and not predominantly within the primary plot.
  • Roman Coppola's 2001 film CQ depicts the Paris film making world of the late 1960s and makes repeated reference to the events of May 1968.
  • Philippe Garrel's 2005 film Les Amants Réguliers IMDb ("the regular lovers") is a 3-hour-long rejoinder to The Dreamers that portrays the May 1968 events through the eyes of a group of young artists who grow increasingly absorbed in a world of drugs and free love upon what they see as the failure of the May 1968 events.
  • The Stone Roses song "Bye Bye Badman" on their eponymous debut album was said by lead singer Ian Brown to be about the riots. The lemon the band commonly use as a logo represents the lemons used by protesters to sooth their eyes from the effects of tear gas.
  • The Merry Month of May is author James Jones's 1971 novel concerning the events of the 1968 student revolutions in Paris. It is centered around a rich American family, the Gallaghers, living as expatriates in Paris.

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Copyrights:

French Literature Companion. The New Oxford Companion to Literature in French. Copyright © 1995, 2005 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.  Read more
Wikipedia. This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "May 1968" Read more

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