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monopoly

 
(mə-nŏp'ə-lē) pronunciation
n., pl., -lies.
  1. Exclusive control by one group of the means of producing or selling a commodity or service: "Monopoly frequently ... arises from government support or from collusive agreements among individuals" (Milton Friedman).
  2. Law. A right granted by a government giving exclusive control over a specified commercial activity to a single party.
    1. A company or group having exclusive control over a commercial activity.
    2. A commodity or service so controlled.
    1. Exclusive possession or control: arrogantly claims to have a monopoly on the truth.
    2. Something that is exclusively possessed or controlled: showed that scientific achievement is not a male monopoly.

[Latin monopōlium, from Greek monopōlion : mono-, mono- + pōlein, to sell.]

monopolism mo·nop'o·lism n.
monopolist mo·nop'o·list n.
monopolistic mo·nop'o·lis'tic adj.
monopolistically mo·nop'o·lis'ti·cal·ly adv.

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Exclusive possession of a market by a supplier of a product or service for which there is no substitute. In the absence of competition, the supplier usually restricts output and increases price in order to maximize profits. The concept of pure monopoly is useful for theoretical discussion but is rarely encountered in actuality. In situations where having more than one supplier is inefficient (e.g., for electricity, gas, or water), economists refer to "natural monopoly" (see public utility). For monopoly to exist there must be a barrier to the entry of competing firms. In the case of natural monopolies, the government creates that barrier. Either local government provides the service itself, or it awards a franchise to a private company and regulates it. In some cases the barrier is attributable to an effective patent. In other cases the barrier that eliminates competing firms is technological. Large-scale, integrated operations that increase efficiency and reduce production costs confer a benefit on firms that adopt them and may confer a benefit on consumers if the lower costs lead to lower product prices. In many cases the barrier is a result of anticompetitive behaviour on the part of the firm. Most free-enterprise economies have adopted laws to protect consumers from the abuse of monopoly power. The U.S. antitrust laws are the oldest examples of this type of monopoly-control legislation; public-utility law is an outgrowth of the English common law as it pertains to natural monopolies. Antitrust law prohibits mergers and acquisitions that lessen competition. The question asked is whether consumers will benefit from increased efficiency or be penalized with a lower output and a higher price. See also oligopoly.

For more information on monopoly, visit Britannica.com.

control of the production and distribution of a product or service by one firm or a group of firms acting in concert. In its pure form, monopoly, which is characterized by an absence of competition, leads to high prices and a general lack of responsiveness to the needs and desires of consumers. Although the most flagrant monopolistic practices in the United States were outlawed by antitrust laws enacted in the late 19th century and early 20th century, monopolies persist in some degree as the result of such factors as patents, scarce essential materials, and high startup and production costs that discourage competition in certain industries.
Public monopolies— those operated by the government, such as the post office, or closely regulated by the government, such as utilities—ensure the delivery of essential products and services at acceptable prices and generally avoid the disadvantages produced by private monopolies. monopsony, the dominance of a market by one buyer or group of buyers acting together, is less prevalent than monopoly.
See also cartel; oligopoly; Perfect Competition.

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Situation in which one and only one company produces and/or sells a particular product or service. Monopolies occur in the United States if a company has a patent on a product or a process it invented or if a company is a public utility. In the case of public utilities, all marketing plans and charges must be approved by the government. In privately owned companies where monopolies occur, the marketer's challenge is to maintain the uniqueness of the product while at the same time discouraging other companies from entering the market. See also monopsony; oligopoly.

Roget's Thesaurus:

monopoly

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noun

    Exclusive control or possession: corner. See control/uncontrol, owned/unowned.


n

Definition: something held, owned exclusively
Antonyms: distribution, joint-ownership, scattering, sharing

The exclusive ownership or control of a resource; in economics, the provision of a good or service by a single supplier who then has the power to set prices, since competition does not operate. In practice, a monopoly occurs where one firm controls most of the output of a particular industry, but it is also common to find a small number of firms dominating the market. Such firms may agree, formally or informally, to limit competition between themselves—in other words, to set up a cartel. Legal prohibition of monopolies is common in capitalist economies, so that firms have to seek new products rather than establishing a monopoly if they wish to continue to grow in the domestic market. In fact, industrial diversification of this type makes sense, since a single-product firm is vulnerable to a fall in the demand for its product.

Monopoly occurs when a single seller or provider supplies all of a particular product or service. Typically, the term is used to describe a private, commercial situation—a market containing only one seller in a private enterprise economic system. Non-business sources of supply also can hold monopoly power, such as when the government owns the only provider of a product and precludes others by law. Government also can grant exclusive right to a single business entry or group to produce a product or service, thereby creating a monopoly, albeit a private one. A monopoly thus can be legal when a government determines who will produce. Other monopolies may be technological, whereby economies of scale in production lead to decreasing average cost over a large range of output relative to demand. Under these conditions, one producer can supply the entire market at lower cost per unit than could multiple producers. This is the case of a "natural monopoly," which reflects the underlying cost structure for firms in the industry. Monopoly also can stem from mergers of previously independent producers.

The definition of monopoly requires definition of a "product" to determine whether alternative suppliers exist. With no close substitutes, the supplier has monopoly power. The price elasticity of demand, measured as the percentage change in quantity of the product demanded, divided by percentage change in price, indicates the likely proximity of near substitutes; the lower the price elasticity of demand in absolute value, the greater is the ability of the monopolist to raise the price above the competitive level.

A social and political hostility toward monopoly had already developed in Western Europe long before economists developed a theoretical analysis connecting monopoly power to inefficient use of resources. Aristotle, for example, called it unjust. Large-scale enterprise was rare in manufacturing before the nineteenth century, but local producers and workers sought to protect their incomes through restrictions on trade. Capitalism evolved over time, superimposed on preexisting economic and social relationships. During this evolution, economic literature focused frequently on the abuses of monopoly, but without specificity. Well before large manufacturing firms formed, the nation-state granted monopoly rights to colonial trade and domestic activities, often creating resentment toward all forms of monopoly related to royal favoritism. England's Statute of Monopolies (1623) reflected this resentment by limiting governmental grant of monopoly power.

The writings of Adam Smith, his contemporaries, and his nineteenth-century descendents display antipathy toward monopoly, an antagonism perhaps more pronounced in England than elsewhere. This antagonism extended to situations of a few sellers and to practices designed to limit entry into an industry, as well as monopoly per se. English common law generally found abuses of monopoly illegal, but the burden fell upon the aggrieved to bring suit. The United States followed English common law, though that law was really a multitude of laws.

In the 1830s, August Cournot formalized the economic analysis of monopoly and duopoly, apparently the first to do so. His analysis—not very well known among economists of the nineteenth century—showed that profit maximizing, monopoly firms produce less and charge a higher price than would occur in competition, assuming that both industry structures have the same cost condition. It also led eventually to the demonstration, within the context of welfare economics, that single-price monopoly reflects underlying cost structures. Price discrimination, though prohibited and vilified, might lead to a competitive, single-price level of output and efficiency. Cournot's static analysis did not take into account the effect of firm size on technological change, one potential benefit of large firms able to invest in research and development.

Public outcry about trusts—an organizational form associated with mergers that create large firms with substantial market power in many industries—led American legislators to pass the Sherman Antitrust Act in 1890. This act was the first major federal antitrust legislation in the United States and remains the dominant statute, having two main provisions. Section one declares illegal every contract or combination of companies in restraint of trade. Section two declares guilty of misdemeanor any person who monopolizes, or attempts to monopolize, any part of trade or commerce. The Clayton Act of 1914 prohibited a variety of actions deemed likely to restrict competition. Early legislation and enforcement of antitrust law reflected popular opposition to monopoly. Better understanding of economic theory and the costs of monopoly, however, gradually transformed the policy of simply opposing monopoly (antitrust) into one that more actively promotes competition. When the promotion of competition was likely to result in firms too small to exhaust economies of scale, public policy moved to regulate the natural monopoly, presumably to protect consumers from abuse of monopoly power.

Formal economic analysis of monopoly locates that industry structure at the far end of the spectrum from competition. Both are recognized as stylized types, useful in determining the extreme possibilities for industry price and output. Competitive and monopolistic models are relatively simple, because each participant is assumed to act independently, pursuing optimizing behavior without consideration of the likely reaction of other participants. The limitations of monopoly theory in predicting behavior of actual firms stimulated work on imperfect competition. Numerous case studies of American industry structure in the mid-twentieth century yielded detail about firm behavior, but no universally accepted theory.

More recently, developments in game theory permit better analysis of the interdependent behavior of oligopolistic firms. Game theory analyses during the last two decades of the twentieth century—though lacking a unique solution and easy generalizations—also permit more dynamic examination of behavior. This includes considering how a monopolist might behave strategically to maintain monopoly position. Thus, a firm might behave so as to forestall entry. Game theory models have led to reevaluation of the effects of various practices, creating a more complex interpretation of the relationship between industry structure and economic efficiency.

Bibliography

Church, Jeffrey, and Roger Ware. Industrial Organization: A Strategic Approach. Boston: Irwin McGraw-Hill, 2000.

Cournot, Antoine Augustin. Researches into the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1971.

Ellis, Howard, ed. A Survey of Contemporary Economics. Philadelphia: Blakiston, 1948. See especially the article by John Kenneth Galbraith, "Monopoly and the Concentration of Economic Power."

Neale, A. D., and D. G. Goyder. The Antitrust Laws of the U.S.A.: A Study of Competition Enforced by Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

Schumpeter, Joseph A. History of Economic Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Stigler, George, and Kenneth Boulding, eds. Readings in Price Theory: Selected by a Committee of the American Economic Association. Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, 1952. See especially the article by J. R. Hicks, "Annual Survey of Economic Theory: The Theory of Monopoly."

Tirole, Jean. The Theory of Industrial Organization. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1988.

Columbia Encyclopedia:

monopoly

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monopoly (mənōp'əlē), market condition in which there is only one seller of a certain commodity; by virtue of the long-run control over supply, such a seller is able to exert nearly total control over prices. In a pure monopoly, the single seller will usually restrict supply to that point on the supply-demand schedule that will maximize profit. In modern times, the accelerated production and competition brought about by the Industrial Revolution led to the formation of monopoly and oligopoly. Since the notion of monopoly is antithetical to the free market ideal, it has never been popular in capitalist nations. In the United States, the most famous monopoly was John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil Trust in the late 19th cent. Despite such legislation as the 1890 Sherman Antitrust Act (the first significant legal statute against monopoly), it was the Supreme Court that forced the break-up of Standard Oil, along with other monopolies. Since the 1960s, however, the U.S. Justice Dept. has occasionally been more active in attacking monopolies or near monopolies (such as AT&T and IBM); a major case in the 1990s involved the Microsoft Corp. (see Bill Gates).

Many governments, however, have created public-service monopolies by laws excluding competition from an industry. What resulted were generally publicly regulated private monopolies, such as some power, cable-television, and local telephone companies in the United States. Such enterprises usually exist in areas of "natural monopoly," where the conditions of the market make unified control necessary or desirable to the public interest. Some socialists have advocated the extension of the principle of public monopoly to all vital industries, such as coal and steel, that have an immediate effect on the general welfare of the economy. By the 1990s, however, many public utilities in the United States and elsewhere were deregulated, allowing for competition and lower prices (see utility, public).

Aside from utility companies, privately controlled monopolies without state support are rare. However, the concentration of supply in a few producers, known as oligopoly, is not uncommon. In the United States, for instance, several large companies have dominated the automobile and steel industries. Since the Progressive era, the U.S. government has made most forms of monopoly, and to a lesser extent oligopoly, illegal under antitrust laws. The objective of such measures is to guarantee that price will be determined by market forces rather than by arbitrary price setting among corporations. In recent years oligopolies have grown through mergers and acquisitions. The government still grants temporary monopolies in the form of patents and copyrights to encourage the arts and sciences.

Bibliography

See J. Robinson, The Economics of Imperfect Competition (2d ed. 1969); D. Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (1990); T. Freyer, Regulating Big Business: Antitrust in Great Britain and America, 1880-1990 (1992).


Monopoly and competition are diametric terms used to describe complex relations among firms in a single industry. Simply put, monopoly is the exclusive control by one firm or group of firms of the means of producing or selling a commodity or service. As sole supplier, the monopolist can set any price, provided the sales generated are acceptable. Generally that price will be beyond production costs, and it will return profits in excess of normal return on investment.

When Adam Smith (1723–1791) wrote his sustained attack on monopolies in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), he did not have single-firm monopolies in mind. These are relatively rare, except for those established by state policy or subject to state regulation. Rather, Smith directed his criticism toward multifirm industries with statutory protection, like medieval guilds.

Medieval Competition

The medieval economy appears to have had a positive aversion to competition, which occurs in a free or atomistic form when the number of producers or sellers in a single industry is so large that each seller's share of the market is too small to affect the market share or income of any competitor. Thus, each seller must adjust output and price to reflect established market conditions. These conditions are affected, in turn, by the ease of entry into the industry, the concentration of sellers in the industry, and the degree of product differentiation in the industry. Given the widespread medieval presumption of fixed resources and limited growth, where pure competition would lead to failure and suffering, these conditions had to be regulated. So, medieval polities opted for monopolistic structures.

Monopoly constituted a form of political protection in most sectors of the medieval economy. Manorial agriculture relied on the guaranteed tenure of peasants on the land and the guaranteed rights of landlords, both of which were types of monopoly. Guilds strictly regulated access to markets and differentiation of products, thus establishing monopolies in most medieval industries. Shipping corporations exercised monopoly rights over transportation along certain routes, such as the Alpine passages. Merchant companies received extraction-and-purchase monopolies for metal ores from mines in certain regions, such as Tyrol or Saxony, in some instances expanding these to near domination of entire industries, as by the Fugger in copper or the Höchstetter in mercury. Nearly all corporations sought monopoly rights for themselves. In most cases, these were thought to guarantee the shared interests of all, producers and consumers alike.

Early Modern Opposition

Attitudes began to change as early as the fifteenth century. More accurately, attitudes began to be recorded, published, and preserved more consistently at this time. Merchant companies came under suspicion of manipulating prices through monopoly. The 1425–1429 guild rising in the south German city of Constance demanded the dissolution of commercial firms, and the Reformatio Sigismundi (1438–1439) reflected this sentiment. (The Reformatio Sigismundi, a document attributed to the Emperor Sigismund [ruled 1433–1437], set forth a program of social and ecclesiastical reform within the Holy Roman Empire. Though not accepted in its day, many of its ideas resonated in the Protestant Reformation a century later.) Complaints multiplied against "monopolists," who hoarded commodities to keep prices artificially high. By the sixteenth century, "monopoly" had become a clarion call of opposition not only to monopolies in the strict sense, but also to cartels, syndicates, hoarders, and usurers who did not deserve it, however questionable their dealings.

Matters came to a head in the Holy Roman Empire, where large mercantile companies, such as the Fugger, Rehlinger, and Höchstetter, engaged in interest-bearing credit and investment transactions as well as price-manipulating monopolies and cartels to increase their profits. Such activities inspired opposition from many strata of society, not only artisans and peasants but also merchants and princes, all of whom saw their expenses rise and incomes fall within the environment of the "price revolution" of the sixteenth century. They found a compelling spokesman in Martin Luther (1483–1546), who viewed such commercial enterprises with a "peasant's mistrust." He wrote and preached repeatedly against interest and usury. His 1524 pamphlet "Von Kaufshandlung und Wucher" lumped monopoly among these other abuses according to the rationale that any price beyond a just price constituted usury—a violation of divine law.

By this time the issue had already engaged the attention of the imperial government for more than a decade. At the urging of estates in the territories of the Hanseatic League and Franconia, centers of opposition to monopolistic practices, the Imperial Diet of 1512 first considered limiting the activities of the great mercantile houses. In 1523, the Reichsfiskal, an institution of the imperial government charged with overseeing taxation and expenditures, lodged a formal complaint against the monopolistic practices of six Augsburg firms, the Fugger above all others. Only the refusal of Emperor Charles V (ruled 1519–1558) to support the measure—prompted by the personal influence of his banker, Jacob Fugger himself—prevented the measure from becoming law. Yet the antimonopoly forces were not ready to admit defeat. The Reichsfiskal renewed its complaint and brought the matter before the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530. Its members moved to form a commission, which prepared a report for the "common good" on the monopolistic abuses of these great companies. It referred specifically to their trade in Oriental spices and metal ores, their use of interest-bearing instruments and transactions, and their manipulation of prices through speculation and hoarding. These techniques allowed the monopolists to alter market conditions in such a way as to unjustly inflate their profits from these enterprises, thus driving their more modest competitors out of business and the "common man" into the streets. The report also proposed that monopolistic practices be forbidden by law, that commercial firms be limited in size, that imported goods be subjected to price controls, that imperial subjects be forbidden to engage in overseas enterprise, and that foreign merchants in the empire be similarly regulated.

In the midst of such dangerous opposition, mercantile interests found a spokesman in Conrad Peutinger (1465–1547), merchant son, universitytrained jurist, Augsburg councillor, and renowned humanist. In a 1530 legal opinion, he defended monopoly as essential to the economic well-being of the nation. Through their entrepreneurship and audacity the accused monopolists drew international trade to the empire and, he argued, created profit and advantage for princes and plebeians alike. Their firms traded in large volumes of goods, thus lowering prices. Their capacity to concentrate capital enabled them to undertake ventures that were too costly or risky for smaller competitors. He argued that risk and profit should be linked. Indeed, the pursuit of individual advantage in economic life was not opposed to the common good, rather contributed directly to it and, as such, was both economically and morally justified. Peutinger became one of the first advocates of a truly modern economic ethos. Whether his arguments had any immediate bearing cannot be determined. Emperor Charles V saw fit to let the matter die an administrative death.

Ubiquitous Monopolies

The resort to monopolies—as well as opposition to them—continued in the Holy Roman Empire and elsewhere. Inspired by mercantilist thought, which emphasized protectionist legislation to shield domestic industries from competition, German princes granted production monopolies as a privilege to German manufacturers. Indeed, the catalogue of princely prerogatives, referred to collectively as Regalien, included the granting of monopoly rights. Although denied to the Holy Roman emperor by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), these prerogatives came into increasingly frequent use among territorial princes who were anxious to expand their power and increase their revenue. Nor were the Germans alone. State-sponsored monopolies were a common economic contrivance in Bourbon France and Tudor-Stuart England. Everywhere, trading monopolies played an essential role in commercial and colonial development. They involved the creation of charter trading companies to which the crown gave monopoly rights. The Company of Merchant Adventurers, the Levant Company, and the East India Company used political influence to exclude foreign competitors and limit export quotas in order to maintain market share and stabilize profits. Members paid a fee to trade under the aegis of company direction, a fact that led to bitter resentment among those excluded. An attack on trading companies was launched in Parliament in 1604, but their monopolies were not relaxed until late in the 1600s, when regulation of monopolies was no longer viewed as essential to commercial security. Monopolies were not limited to commerce. The reign of Elizabeth (ruled 1558–1603) witnessed the expansion of the patent system as a spur to English manufacturing, whereby patents were granted the sole right to produce a given product by a given process, in effect monopoly control of a certain manufacturing process. Reliance on monopolies did not yield to faith in competition until physiocratic thinking made its influence generally felt in the course of the eighteenth century.

The early modern economy relied to a surprising extent on monopoly and monopolistic practices. Their effects were not uniformly deleterious. Yet the period initiated a passionate debate about commercial activities and a turn toward freer competition that continues to this day.

Bibliography

Aubin, Hermann, and Wolfgang Zorn. Handbuch der deutschen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte. Vol. I. Stuttgart, 1971.

Barbour, Violet. Capitalism in Amsterdam in the Seventeenth Century. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1950.

Barge, Hermann. Luther und der Frühkapitalismus. Gütersloh, 1951.

Blaich, Fritz. Die Reichsmonopolgesetzgebung im Zeitalter Karls V. Stuttgart, 1967.

Braudel, Fernand. Civilization and Capitalism, 15th–18th Century. Vol. II. New York, 1982.

Ekelund, Robert B. Politicized Economies: Monarchy, Monopoly and Mercantilism. College Station, Tex., 1997.

Höffner, Joseph. Wirtschaftsethik und Monopole im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert. Jena, 1941.

Mund, Vernon. Monopoly, a History and Theory. Princeton, 1933.

Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. New York, 1994.

Strieder, Jakob. Studien zur Geschichte kapitalistischer Organizationsformen: Monopole, Kartelle und Aktiengesellschaften im Mittelalter und zu Beginn der Neuzeit. Munich, 1925.

Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. London, 1992.

Wrightson, Keith. Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain. New Haven, 2000.

—THOMAS MAX SAFLEY

This entry contains information applicable to United States law only.

An economic advantage held by one or more persons or companies deriving from the exclusive power to carry on a particular business or trade or to manufacture and sell a particular item, thereby suppressing competition and allowing such persons or companies to raise the price of a product or service substantially above the price that would be established by a free market.

In a monopoly one or more persons or companies totally dominates an economic market. Monopolies may exist in a particular industry if a company controls a major natural resource, produces (even at a reasonable price) all the output of a product or service because of technological superiority (called a natural monopoly), holds a patent on a product or process of production, or is granted government permission to be the sole producer of a product or service in a given area.

U.S. law generally views monopolies as harmful because they obstruct the channels of free competition that determine the price and quality of products and services offered to the public. The owners of a monopoly have the power, as a group, to set prices, exclude competitors, and control the market in the relevant geographic area. U.S. antitrust laws prohibit monopolies and any other practices that unduly restrain competitive trade. These laws are based on the belief that equality of opportunity in the marketplace and the free interactions of competitive forces result in the best allocation of the economic resources of the nation. Moreover, it is assumed that competition enhances material progress in production and technology while preserving democratic, political, and social institutions.

History

Economic monopolies have existed throughout much of human history. In England a monopoly originally was an exclusive right expressly granted by the king or Parliament to one person or class of persons to provide some service or goods. The holders of such rights, usually the English guilds or inventors, dominated the market. By the early 1600s, the English courts began voiding monopolies because they interfered with freedom of trade. In 1623 Parliament enacted the Statute of Monopolies, which prohibited all but specifically excepted monopolies. With the industrial revolution of the early 1800s, economic production and markets exploded. The growth of capitalism and its emphasis on the free play of competition reinforced the idea that monopolies were unlawful.

In the United States during most of the 1800s, monopolies were prosecuted under common law and by statute as market-interference offenses in an attempt to stop dealers from raising prices through techniques such as buying up all available supplies of a material, or cornering the market. Courts also refused to enforce contracts with harsh provisions that were clearly unreasonable restraints on trade. These measures were largely ineffective.

Government Regulation

Congress intervened after abuses became widespread. In 1887 Congress, pursuant to its constitutional power to regulate interstate commerce, passed the Interstate Commerce Act (49 U.S.C.A. § 1 et seq.) in response to the monopolistic practices of railroad companies. Although competition among railroad companies for long-haul routes was great, it was minimal for short-haul runs. Railroad companies discriminated in the prices they charged to passengers and shippers in different localities by providing rebates to large shippers or buyers to retain their long-haul business. These practices were especially harmful to farmers because they lacked the volume of traffic necessary to obtain more favorable rates. Although states attempted to regulate the railroads, they were powerless to act where interstate commerce was involved. The Interstate Commerce Act was intended to regulate shipping rates. It mandated that charges be fair and made it illegal to discriminate unreasonably among customers through the use of rebates or other preferential devices.

Congress soon moved ahead on another front, enacting the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 (15 U.S.C.A. § 31 et seq.). A trust was an arrangement by which stockholders in several companies transferred their shares to a set of trustees in exchange for a certificate entitling them to a specified share of the consolidated earnings of the jointly managed companies. The trusts came to dominate a number of major industries, destroying their competitors. The Sherman Act prohibited such trusts and their anticompetitive practices. From the 1890s through 1920, the federal government used the act to break up these trusts.

The Sherman Act provides for criminal prosecution by the federal government against corporations and individuals who restrain trade, but criminal sanctions are rarely sought. The act also provides for civil remedies for private persons who start an action under it for injuries caused by monopolistic acts. The award of treble damages (the tripling of the amount of damages awarded) is authorized under the act to promote the interest of private persons in safeguarding a free and competitive society and to deter violators and others from future illegal acts.

The Clayton Anti-Trust Act of 1914 (15 U.S.C.A. § 12 et seq.) was passed as an amendment to the Sherman Act. The Clayton Act specifically defined which monopolistic acts were illegal but not criminal. The act proscribed price discrimination, the sale of the same product at different prices to similarly situated buyers, exclusive dealing contracts, sales on condition that the buyer stop dealing with the seller's competitors, corporate mergers, and interlocking directorates (the same people serving on the boards of directors of competing companies). Such practices were illegal only if, as a result, they materially reduced competition or tended to create a monopoly in trade.

The Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914 (15 U.S.C.A. § 41 et seq.) established the Federal Trade Commission, the regulatory body that promotes free and fair competitive trade in interstate commerce through the prohibition of price-fixing arrangements, false advertising, boycotts, illegal combinations of competitors, and other methods of unfair competition.

Congress passed the Robinson-Patman Act of 1936 (15 U.S.C.A. § 13 et seq.) to amend the Clayton Act. The act makes it unlawful for any seller engaged in commerce to directly or indirectly discriminate in the sale price charged on commodities of comparable grade and quality where the effect might injure, destroy, or prevent competition unless the seller discriminated in order to dispose of perishable or obsolete goods or to meet the equally low price of a competitor.

Exemptions

Despite these legal prohibitions, not all industries and activities are subject to them. Labor unions monopolize the labor force and take concerted action to improve the wages, hours, and working conditions of their members. The Clayton Act and the Norris-LaGuardia Act of 1932 (29 U.S.C.A. § 101 et seq.) recognized that unions would be powerless without this monopolistic behavior and therefore made unions immune from antitrust laws.

A government-awarded monopoly, such as the right to provide electricity or natural gas to a region of the country, is exempt from antitrust laws. Government agencies regulate these industries and set reasonable rates that the company may charge.

Sometimes an industry is a natural monopoly. This type of monopoly is created as a result of circumstances over which the monopolist has no power. A natural monopoly may exist where a market for a particular product or service is so limited that its profitable production is impossible except when done by a single plant large enough to supply the whole demand. Natural monopolies are beyond the reach of antitrust laws.

Special interest industries, such as agricultural and fishery marketing associations, banking and insurance industries, and export trade associations, are also immune from antitrust laws. Major league baseball has also been exempted from antitrust laws.

See: Antitrust Law; Combination in Restraint of Trade; Interstate Commerce Commission; Mergers and Acquisitions; Public Utilities; Restraint of Trade.

The exclusive control by one company of a service or product.

A situation in which a single company or group owns all or nearly all of the market for a given type of product or service. By definition, monopoly is characterized by an absence of competition, which often results in high prices and inferior products.

According to a strict academic definition, a monopoly is a market containing a single firm.   In such instances where a single firm holds monopoly power, the company will typically be forced to divest its assets. Antimonopoly regulation protects free markets from being dominated by a single entity.

Investopedia Says:
Monopoly is the extreme case in capitalism. Most believe that, with few exceptions, the system just doesn't work when there is only one provider of a good or service because there is no incentive to improve it to meet the demands of consumers. Governments attempt to prevent monopolies from arising through the use of antitrust laws.

Of course, there are gray areas; take for example the granting of patents on new inventions. These give, in effect, a monopoly on a product for a set period of time. The reasoning behind patents is to give innovators some time to recoup what are often large research and development costs. In theory, they are a way of using monopolies to promote innovation. Another example are public monopolies set up by governments to provide essential services. Some believe that utilities should offer public goods and services such as water and electricity at a price that is affordable to everyone.

Related Links:
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Though patent trolls can help patients achieve cheaper medication in the short-term, everyone pays for it in the long term. Pharma Patent Trolls: Cheap Drugs At A Steep Price
This structure can be very effective, but it is also known for its abuse of power. Early Monopolies: Conquest And Corruption
Learn what corporate restructuring is, why companies do it and why it sometimes doesn't work. The Basics Of Mergers And Acquisitions
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Check out the history and reasons behind antitrust laws, as well as the arguments over them. Antitrust Defined
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pronunciation

IN BRIEF: Complete control of a product or service in some place by a single person or group.

pronunciation The company had a virtual monopoly on making good mechanical pencils.

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"Like many businessmen of genius he learned that free competition was wasteful, monopoly efficient. And so he simply set about achieving that efficient monopoly." - Mario Puzo

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Enforcement authorities and organizations

A monopoly (from Greek monos μόνος (alone or single) + polein πωλεῖν (to sell)) exists when a specific person or enterprise is the only supplier of a particular commodity. (This contrasts with a monopsony which relates to a single entity's control of a market to purchase a good or service, and with oligopoly which consists of a few entities dominating an industry)[1][clarification needed] Monopolies are thus characterized by a lack of economic competition to produce the good or service and a lack of viable substitute goods.[2] The verb "monopolize" refers to the process by which a company gains the ability to raise prices or exclude competitors. In economics, a monopoly is a single seller. In law, a monopoly is business entity that has significant market power, that is, the power, to charge high prices.[3] Although monopolies may be big businesses, size is not a characteristic of a monopoly. A small business may still have the power to raise prices in a small industry (or market).[4]

A monopoly is distinguished from a monopsony, in which there is only one buyer of a product or service ; a monopoly may also have monopsony control of a sector of a market. Likewise, a monopoly should be distinguished from a cartel (a form of oligopoly), in which several providers act together to coordinate services, prices or sale of goods. Monopolies, monopsonies and oligopolies are all situations such that one or a few of the entities have market power and therefore interact with their customers (monopoly), suppliers (monopsony) and the other companies (oligopoly) in a game theoretic manner – meaning that expectations about their behavior affects other players' choice of strategy and vice versa. This is to be contrasted with the model of perfect competition in which companies are "price takers" and do not have market power.

When not coerced legally to do otherwise, monopolies typically maximize their profit by producing fewer goods and selling them at higher prices than would be the case for perfect competition. (See also Bertrand, Cournot or Stackelberg equilibria, market power, market share, market concentration, Monopoly profit, industrial economics). Sometimes governments decide legally that a given company is a monopoly that doesn't serve the best interests of the market and/or consumers. Governments may force such companies to divide into smaller independent corporations as was the case of United States v. AT&T, or alter its behavior as was the case of United States v. Microsoft, to protect consumers.

Monopolies can be established by a government, form naturally, or form by mergers. A monopoly is said to be coercive when the monopoly actively prohibits competitors by using practices (such as underselling) which derive from its market or political influence (see Chainstore paradox). There is often debate of whether market restrictions are in the best long-term interest of present and future consumers.

In many jurisdictions, competition laws restrict monopolies. Holding a dominant position or a monopoly of a market is not illegal in itself, however certain categories of behavior can, when a business is dominant, be considered abusive and therefore incur legal sanctions. A government-granted monopoly or legal monopoly, by contrast, is sanctioned by the state, often to provide an incentive to invest in a risky venture or enrich a domestic interest group. Patents, copyright, and trademarks are sometimes used as examples of government granted monopolies, but they rarely provide market power. The government may also reserve the venture for itself, thus forming a government monopoly.

Contents

Market structures

In economics, the idea of monopoly is important for the study of market structures, which directly concerns normative aspects of economic competition, and provides the basis for topics such as industrial organization and economics of regulation. There are four basic types of market structures by traditional economic analysis: perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly and monopoly. A monopoly is a market structure in which a single supplier produces and sells a given product. If there is a single seller in a certain industry and there are not any close substitutes for the product, then the market structure is that of a "pure monopoly". Sometimes, there are many sellers in an industry and/or there exist many close substitutes for the goods being produced, but nevertheless companies retain some market power. This is termed monopolistic competition, whereas by oligopoly the companies interact strategically.

In general, the main results from this theory compare price-fixing methods across market structures, analyze the effect of a certain structure on welfare, and vary technological/demand assumptions in order to assess the consequences for an abstract model of society. Most economic textbooks follow the practice of carefully explaining the perfect competition model, only because of its usefulness to understand "departures" from it (the so-called imperfect competition models).

The boundaries of what constitutes a market and what doesn't are relevant distinctions to make in economic analysis. In a general equilibrium context, a good is a specific concept entangling geographical and time-related characteristics (grapes sold during October 2009 in Moscow is a different good from grapes sold during October 2009 in New York). Most studies of market structure relax a little their definition of a good, allowing for more flexibility at the identification of substitute-goods. Therefore, one can find an economic analysis of the market of grapes in Russia, for example, which is not a market in the strict sense of general equilibrium theory monopoly.

Characteristics

  • Profit Maximiser: Maximizes profits.
  • Price Maker: Decides the price of the good or product to be sold.
  • High Barriers to Entry: Other sellers are unable to enter the market of the monopoly.
  • Single seller: In a monopoly there is one seller of the good which produces all the output.[5] Therefore, the whole market is being served by a single company, and for practical purposes, the company is the same as the industry.
  • Price Discrimination: A monopolist can change the price and quality of the product. He sells more quantities charging less price for the product in a very elastic market and sells less quantities charging high price in a less elastic market.

Sources of monopoly power

Monopolies derive their market power from barriers to entry – circumstances that prevent or greatly impede a potential competitor's ability to compete in a market. There are three major types of barriers to entry; economic, legal and deliberate.[6]

  • Economic barriers: Economic barriers include economies of scale, capital requirements, cost advantages and technological superiority.[7]
Economies of scale: Monopolies are characterised by decreasing costs for a relatively large range of production.[8] Decreasing costs coupled with large initial costs give monopolies an advantage over would-be competitors. Monopolies are often in a position to reduce prices below a new entrant's operating costs and thereby prevent them from continuing to compete.[8] Furthermore, the size of the industry relative to the minimum efficient scale may limit the number of companies that can effectively compete within the industry. If for example the industry is large enough to support one company of minimum efficient scale then other companies entering the industry will operate at a size that is less than MES, meaning that these companies cannot produce at an average cost that is competitive with the dominant company. Finally, if long-term average cost is constantly decreasing, the least cost method to provide a good or service is by a single company.[9]
Capital requirements: Production processes that require large investments of capital, or large research and development costs or substantial sunk costs limit the number of companies in an industry.[10] Large fixed costs also make it difficult for a small company to enter an industry and expand.[11]
Technological superiority: A monopoly may be better able to acquire, integrate and use the best possible technology in producing its goods while entrants do not have the size or finances to use the best available technology.[8] One large company can sometimes produce goods cheaper than several small companies.[12]
No substitute goods: A monopoly sells a good for which there is no close substitute. The absence of substitutes makes the demand for the good relatively inelastic enabling monopolies to extract positive profits.
Control of natural resources: A prime source of monopoly power is the control of resources that are critical to the production of a final good.
Network externalities: The use of a product by a person can affect the value of that product to other people. This is the network effect. There is a direct relationship between the proportion of people using a product and the demand for that product. In other words the more people who are using a product the greater the probability of any individual starting to use the product. This effect accounts for fads and fashion trends.[13] It also can play a crucial role in the development or acquisition of market power. The most famous current example is the market dominance of the Microsoft operating system in personal computers.
  • Legal barriers: Legal rights can provide opportunity to monopolise the market of a good. Intellectual property rights, including patents and copyrights, give a monopolist exclusive control of the production and selling of certain goods. Property rights may give a company exclusive control of the materials necessary to produce a good.
  • Deliberate actions: A company wanting to monopolise a market may engage in various types of deliberate action to exclude competitors or eliminate competition. Such actions include collusion, lobbying governmental authorities, and force (see anti-competitive practices).

In addition to barriers to entry and competition, barriers to exit may be a source of market power. Barriers to exit are market conditions that make it difficult or expensive for a company to end its involvement with a market. Great liquidation costs are a primary barrier for exiting.[14] Market exit and shutdown are separate events. The decision whether to shut down or operate is not affected by exit barriers. A company will shut down if price falls below minimum average variable costs.

Monopoly versus competitive markets

While monopoly and perfect competition mark the extremes of market structures[15] there is some similarity. The cost functions are the same.[16] Both monopolies and perfectly competitive companies minimize cost and maximize profit. The shutdown decisions are the same. Both are assumed to have perfectly competitive factors markets. There are distinctions, some of the more important of which are as follows:

  • Marginal revenue and price - In a perfectly competitive market price equals marginal revenue. In a monopolistic market marginal revenue is less than price.[17]
  • Product differentiation: There is zero product differentiation in a perfectly competitive market. Every product is perfectly homogeneous and a perfect substitute for any other. With a monopoly, there is great to absolute product differentiation in the sense that there is no available substitute for a monopolized good. The monopolist is the sole supplier of the good in question.[18] A customer either buys from the monopolizing entity on its terms or does without.
  • Number of competitors: PC markets are populated by an infinite number of buyers and sellers. Monopoly involves a single seller.[18]
  • Barriers to Entry - Barriers to entry are factors and circumstances that prevent entry into market by would-be competitors and limit new companies from operating and expanding within the market. PC markets have free entry and exit. There are no barriers to entry, exit or competition. Monopolies have relatively high barriers to entry. The barriers must be strong enough to prevent or discourage any potential competitor from entering the market.
  • Elasticity of Demand - The price elasticity of demand is the percentage change of demand caused by a one percent change of relative price. A successful monopoly would have a relatively inelastic demand curve. A low coefficient of elasticity is indicative of effective barriers to entry. A PC company has a perfectly elastic demand curve. The coefficient of elasticity for a perfectly competitive demand curve is infinite.
  • Excess Profits- Excess or positive profits are profit more than the normal expected return on investment. A PC company can make excess profits in the short term but excess profits attract competitors which can enter the market freely and decrease prices, eventually reducing excess profits to zero.[19] A monopoly can preserve excess profits because barriers to entry prevent competitors from entering the market.[20]
  • Profit Maximization - A PC company maximizes profits by producing such that price equals marginal costs. A monopoly maximises profits by producing where marginal revenue equals marginal costs.[21] The rules are not equivalent. The demand curve for a PC company is perfectly elastic - flat. The demand curve is identical to the average revenue curve and the price line. Since the average revenue curve is constant the marginal revenue curve is also constant and equals the demand curve, Average revenue is the same as price (AR = TR/Q = P x Q/Q = P). Thus the price line is also identical to the demand curve. In sum, D = AR = MR = P.
  • P-Max quantity, price and profit - If a monopolist obtains control of a formerly perfectly competitive industry, the monopolist would increase prices, reduce production, and realise positive economic profits.[22]
  • Supply Curve - in a perfectly competitive market there is a well defined supply function with a one to one relationship between price and quantity supplied.[23] In a monopolistic market no such supply relationship exists. A monopolist cannot trace a short term supply curve because for a given price there is not a unique quantity supplied. As Pindyck and Rubenfeld note a change in demand "can lead to changes in prices with no change in output, changes in output with no change in price or both." [24] Monopolies produce where marginal revenue equals marginal costs. For a specific demand curve the supply "curve" would be the price/quantity combination at the point where marginal revenue equals marginal cost. If the demand curve shifted the marginal revenue curve would shift as well and a new equilibrium and supply "point" would be established. The locus of these points would not be a supply curve in any conventional sense.[25][26]

The most significant distinction between a PC company and a monopoly is that the monopoly has a downward-sloping demand curve rather than the "perceived" perfectly elastic curve of the PC company.[27] Practically all the variations above mentioned relate to this fact. If there is a downward-sloping demand curve then by necessity there is a distinct marginal revenue curve. The implications of this fact are best made manifest with a linear demand curve. Assume that the inverse demand curve is of the form x = a - by. Then the total revenue curve is TR = ay - by2 and the marginal revenue curve is thus MR = a - 2by. From this several things are evident. First the marginal revenue curve has the same y intercept as the inverse demand curve. Second the slope of the marginal revenue curve is twice that of the inverse demand curve. Third the x intercept of the marginal revenue curve is half that of the inverse demand curve. What is not quite so evident is that the marginal revenue curve is below the inverse demand curve at all points.[27] Since all companies maximise profits by equating MR and MC it must be the case that at the profit maximizing quantity MR and MC are less than price which further implies that a monopoly produces less quantity at a higher price than if the market were perfectly competitive.

The fact that a monopoly has a downward-sloping demand curve means that the relationship between total revenue and output for a monopoly is much different than that of competitive companies.[28] Total revenue equals price times quantity. A competitive company has a perfectly elastic demand curve meaning that total revenue is proportional to output.[29] Thus the total revenue curve for a competitive company is a ray with a slope equal to the market price.[29] A competitive company can sell all the output it desires at the market price. For a monopoly to increase sales it must reduce price. Thus the total revenue curve for a monopoly is a parabola that begins at the origin and reaches a maximum value then continuously decreases until total revenue is again zero.[30] Total revenue has its maximum value when the slope of the total revenue function is zero. The slope of the total revenue function is marginal revenue. So the revenue maximizing quantity and price occur when MR = 0. For example assume that the monopoly’s demand function is P = 50 - 2Q. The total revenue function would be TR = 50Q - 2Q2 and marginal revenue would be 50 - 4Q. Setting marginal revenue equal to zero we have

  1. 50 - 4Q = 0
  2. -4Q = -50
  3. Q = 12.5

So the revenue maximizing quantity for the monopoly is 12.5 units and the revenue maximizing price is 25.

A company with a monopoly does not experience price pressure from competitors, although it may experience pricing pressure from potential competition. If a company increases prices too much, then others may enter the market if they are able to provide the same good, or a substitute, at a lesser price.[31] The idea that monopolies in markets with easy entry need not be regulated against is known as the "revolution in monopoly theory".[32]

A monopolist can extract only one premium,[clarification needed] and getting into complementary markets does not pay. That is, the total profits a monopolist could earn if it sought to leverage its monopoly in one market by monopolizing a complementary market are equal to the extra profits it could earn anyway by charging more for the monopoly product itself. However, the one monopoly profit theorem is not true if customers in the monopoly good are stranded or poorly informed, or if the tied good has high fixed costs.

A pure monopoly has the same economic rationality of perfectly competitive companies, i.e. to optimise a profit function given some constraints. By the assumptions of increasing marginal costs, exogenous inputs' prices, and control concentrated on a single agent or entrepreneur, the optimal decision is to equate the marginal cost and marginal revenue of production. Nonetheless, a pure monopoly can -unlike a competitive company- alter the market price for its own convenience: a decrease of production results in a higher price. In the economics' jargon, it is said that pure monopolies have "a downward-sloping demand". An important consequence of such behaviour is worth noticing: typically a monopoly selects a higher price and lesser quantity of output than a price-taking company; again, less is available at a higher price.[33]

The inverse elasticity rule

A monopoly chooses that price that maximizes the difference between total revenue and total cost. The basic markup rule can be expressed as (P - MC)/P = 1/PED.[34] The markup rules indicate that the ratio between profit margin and the price is inversely proportional to the price elasticity of demand.[35] The implication of the rule is that the more elastic the demand for the product the less pricing power the monopoly has. This is also known as 1/Lerner Index

Market power

Market power is the ability to increase the product's price above marginal cost without losing all customers.[36] Perfectly competitive (PC) companies have zero market power when it comes to setting prices. All companies of a PC market are price takers. The price is set by the interaction of demand and supply at the market or aggregate level. Individual companies simply take the price determined by the market and produce that quantity of output that maximizes the company's profits. If a PC company attempted to increase prices above the market level all its customers would abandon the company and purchase at the market price from other companies. A monopoly has considerable although not unlimited market power. A monopoly has the power to set prices or quantities although not both.[37] A monopoly is a price maker.[38] The monopoly is the market[39] and prices are set by the monopolist based on his circumstances and not the interaction of demand and supply. The two primary factors determining monopoly market power are the company's demand curve and its cost structure.[40]

Market power is the ability to affect the terms and conditions of exchange so that the price of a product is set by a single company (price is not imposed by the market as in perfect competition).[41][42] Although a monopoly's market power is great it is still limited by the demand side of the market. A monopoly has a negatively sloped demand curve, not a perfectly inelastic curve. Consequently, any price increase will result in the loss of some customers.

Price discrimination

Improved price discrimination allows a monopolist to gain more profit by charging more to those who want or need the product more or who have a greater ability to pay. For example, most economic textbooks cost more in the United States than in "Third world countries" like Ethiopia. In this case, the publisher is using their government granted copyright monopoly to price discriminate between (presumed) wealthier economics students and (presumed) poor economics students. Similarly, most patented medications cost more in the U.S. than in other countries with a (presumed) poorer customer base. Perfect price discrimination would allow the monopolist to a unique price to each customer based on his or her individual demand. This would allow the monopolist to extract all the consumer surplus of the market. Note that while such perfect price discrimination is still a theoretical construct, it is becoming increasingly real with advances of information technology and micromarketing. Typically, a high general price is listed, and various market segments get varying discounts. This is an example of framing to make the process of charging some people higher prices more socially acceptable. (see also behavioral economics, decision biases).

It is important to realize that partial price discrimination can cause some customers who are inappropriately pooled with high price customers to be excluded from the market. For example, a poor student in the U.S. might be excluded from purchasing an economics textbook at the U.S. price, which the student might have been able to purchase at the China price. Similarly, a wealthy student in China might have been willing to pay more (although naturally it is against their interests to signal this to the monopolist). These are deadweight losses and decrease a monopolist's profits. As such, monopolists have substantial economic interest in improving their market information, and market segmenting.

There is important information for one to remember when considering the monopoly model diagram (and its associated conclusions) displayed here. The result that monopoly prices are higher, and production output lesser, than a competitive company follow from a requirement that the monopoly not charge different prices for different customers. That is, the monopoly is restricted from engaging in price discrimination (this is termed first degree price discrimination, such that all customers are charged the same amount). If the monopoly were permitted to charge individualised prices (this is termed third degree price discrimination), the quantity produced, and the price charged to the marginal customer, would be identical to that of a competitive company, thus eliminating the deadweight loss; however, all gains from trade (social welfare) would accrue to the monopolist and none to the consumer. In essence, every consumer would be indifferent between (1) going completely without the product or service and (2) being able to purchase it from the monopolist.

As long as the price elasticity of demand for most customers is less than one in absolute value, it is advantageous for a company to increase its prices: it then receives more money for fewer goods. With a price increase, price elasticity tends to increase, and in the optimum case above it will be greater than one for most customers.

Price discrimination is charging different consumers different prices for the same product when the cost of servicing the customer is identical.[43][44] A company maximizes profit by selling where marginal revenue equals marginal cost. A company that does not engage in price discrimination will charge the profit maximizing price, P*, to all its customers. In such circumstances there are customers who would be willing to pay a higher price than P* and those who will not pay P* but would buy at a lower price. A price discrimination strategy is to charge less price sensitive buyers a higher price and the more price sensitive buyers a lower price.[45] Thus additional revenue is generated from two sources. The basic problem is to identify customers by their willingness to pay.

The purpose of price discrimination is to transfer consumer surplus to the producer.[46] Consumer surplus is the difference between the value of a good to a consumer and the price the consumer must pay in the market to purchase it. [47] Price discrimination is not limited to monopolies.

Market power is a company’s ability to increase prices without losing all its customers. Any company that has market power can engage in price discrimination. Perfect competition is the only market form in which price discrimination would be impossible (a perfectly competitive company has a perfectly elastic demand curve and has zero market power). [48][49][46][50][51]

There are three forms of price discrimination. First degree price discrimination charges each consumer the maximum price the consumer is willing to pay. Second degree price discrimination involves quantity discounts. Third degree price discrimination involves grouping consumers according to willingness to pay as measured by their price elasticities of demand and charging each group a different price. Third degree price discrimination is the most prevalent type.

There are three conditions that must be present for a company to engage in successful price discrimination. First, the company must have market power.[52] Second, the company must be able to sort customers according to their willingness to pay for the good.[53] Third, the firm must be able to prevent resell.

A company must have some degree of market power to practice price discrimination. Without market power a company cannot charge more than the market price.[54] Any market structure characterized by a downward sloping demand curve has market power - monopoly, monopolistic competition and oligopoly.[55] The only market structure that has no market power is perfect competition.[56]

A company wishing to practice price discrimination must be able to prevent middlemen or brokers from acquiring the consumer surplus for themselves. The company accomplishes this by preventing or limiting resale. Many methods are used to prevent resale. For example persons are required to show photographic identification and a boarding pass before boarding an airplane. Most travelers assume that this practice is strictly a matter of security. However, a primary purpose in requesting photographic identification is to confirm that the ticket purchaser is the person about to board the airplane and not someone who has repurchased the ticket from a discount buyer.

The inability to prevent resale is the largest obstacle to successful price discrimination.[57] Companies have however developed numerous methods to prevent resale. For example, universities require that students show identification before entering sporting events. Governments may make it illegal to resale tickets or products. In Boston Red Sox tickets can only be resold legally to the team.

The three basic forms of price discrimination are first, second and third degree price discrimination. In first degree price discrimination the company charges the maximum price each customer is willing to pay. The maximum price a consumer is willing to pay for a unit of the good is the reservation price. Thus for each unit the seller tries to set the price equal to the consumer’s reservation price.[58] Direct information about a consumer’s willingness to pay is rarely available. Sellers tend to rely on secondary information such as where a person lives (postal codes); for example, catalog retailers can use mail high-priced catalogs to high-income postal codes. [59][60] First degree price discrimination most frequently occurs in regard to professional services or in transactions involving direct buyer/seller negotiations. For example, an accountant who has prepared a consumer's tax return has information that can be used to charge customers based on an estimate of their ability to pay.[61]

In second degree price discrimination or quantity discrimination customers are charged different prices based on how much they buy. There is a single price schedule for all consumers but the prices vary depending on the quantity of the good bought.[62] The theory of second degree price discrimination is a consumer is willing to buy only a certain quantity of a good at a given price. Companies know that consumer’s willingness to buy decreases as more units are purchased. The task for the seller is to identify these price points and to reduce the price once one is reached in the hope that a reduced price will trigger additional purchases from the consumer. For example, sell in unit blocks rather than individual units.

In third degree price discrimination or multi-market price discrimination [63] the seller divides the consumers into different groups according to their willingness to pay as measured by their price elasticity of demand. Each group of consumers effectively becomes a separate market with its own demand curve and marginal revenue curve.[64] The firm then attempts to maximize profits in each segment by equating MR and MC,[52][65][66] Generally the company charges a higher price to the group with a more price inelastic demand and a relatively lesser price to the group with a more elastic demand.[67] Examples of third degree price discrimination abound. Airlines charge higher prices to business travelers than to vacation travelers. The reasoning is that the demand curve for a vacation traveler is relatively elastic while the demand curve for a business traveler is relatively inelastic. Any determinant of price elasticity of demand can be used to segment markets. For example, seniors have a more elastic demand for movies than do young adults because they generally have more free time. Thus theaters will offer discount tickets to seniors.[68]

Example

Assume that by a uniform pricing system the monopolist would sell five units at a price of $10 per unit. Assume that his marginal cost is $5 per unit. Total revenue would be $50, total costs would be $25 and profits would be $25. If the monopolist practiced price discrimination he would sell the first unit for $50 the second unit for $40 and so on. Total revenue would be $150, his total cost would be $25 and his profit would be $125.00.[69] Several things are worth noting. The monopolist acquires all the consumer surplus and eliminates practically all the deadweight loss because he is willing to sell to anyone who is willing to pay at least the marginal cost.[70] Thus the price discrimination promotes efficiency. Secondly, by the pricing scheme price = average revenue and equals marginal revenue. That is the monopolist is behaving like a perfectly competitive company.[71] Thirdly, the discriminating monopolist produces a larger quantity than the monopolist operating by a uniform pricing scheme.[72]

Qd Price
1 50
2 40
3 30
4 20
5 10

Classifying customers

Successful price discrimination requires that companies separate consumers according to their willingness to buy. Determining a customer's willingness to buy a good is difficult. Asking consumers directly is fruitless: consumers don't know, and to the extent they do they are reluctant to share that information with marketers. The two main methods for determining willingness to buy are observation of personal characteristics and consumer actions. As noted information about where a person lives (postal codes), how the person dresses, what kind of car he or she drives, occupation, income and spending patterns can be helpful in classifying consumers.

Monopoly and efficiency

Surpluses and deadweight loss created by monopoly price setting

According to the standard model,[citation needed] in which a monopolist sets a single price for all consumers, the monopolist will sell a lesser quantity of goods at a higher price than would companies by perfect competition. Because the monopolist ultimately forgoes transactions with consumers who value the product or service more than its cost, monopoly pricing creates a deadweight loss referring to potential gains that went neither to the monopolist nor to consumers. Given the presence of this deadweight loss, the combined surplus (or wealth) for the monopolist and consumers is necessarily less than the total surplus obtained by consumers by perfect competition. Where efficiency is defined by the total gains from trade, the monopoly setting is less efficient than perfect competition.

It is often argued that monopolies tend to become less efficient and less innovative over time, becoming "complacent", because they do not have to be efficient or innovative to compete in the marketplace. Sometimes this very loss of psychological efficiency can increase a potential competitor's value enough to overcome market entry barriers, or provide incentive for research and investment into new alternatives. The theory of contestable markets argues that in some circumstances (private) monopolies are forced to behave as if there were competition because of the risk of losing their monopoly to new entrants. This is likely to happen when a market's barriers to entry are low. It might also be because of the availability in the longer term of substitutes in other markets. For example, a canal monopoly, while worth a great deal during the late 18th century United Kingdom, was worth much less during the late 19th century because of the introduction of railways as a substitute.

Natural monopoly

A natural monopoly is a company which experiences increasing returns to scale over the relevant range of output and relatively high fixed costs.[73] A natural monopoly occurs where the average cost of production "declines throughout the relevant range of product demand". The relevant range of product demand is where the average cost curve is below the demand curve.[74] When this situation occurs it is always cheaper for one large company to supply the market than multiple smaller companies, in fact, absent government intervention in such markets will naturally evolve into a monopoly. An early market entrant which takes advantage of the cost structure and can expand rapidly can exclude smaller companies from entering and can drive or buy out other companies. A natural monopoly suffers from the same inefficiencies as any other monopoly. Left to its own devices a profit-seeking natural monopoly will produce where marginal revenue equals marginal costs. Regulation of natural monopolies is problematic.[citation needed] Fragmenting such monopolies is by definition inefficient. The most frequently used methods dealing with natural monopolies are government regulations and public ownership. Government regulation generally consists of regulatory commissions charged with the principal duty of setting prices.[75] To reduce prices and increase output regulators often use average cost pricing. By average cost pricing, the price and quantity are determined by the intersection of the average cost curve and the demand curve.[76] This pricing scheme eliminates any positive economic profits since price equals average cost. Average cost pricing is not perfect. Regulators must estimate average costs. Companies have a reduced incentive to lower costs. Regulation of this type has not been limited to natural monopolies.[76] Average cost pricing is does also have some disadvantages. By setting price equal to the intersection of the demand curve and the average total cost curve, the firm's output is allocatively inefficient as the price exceeds the marginal cost (which is the output quantity for a perfectly competitive and allocatively efficient market).

Government-granted monopoly

A government-granted monopoly (also called a "de jure monopoly") is a form of coercive monopoly by which a government grants exclusive privilege to a private individual or company to be the sole provider of a commodity; potential competitors are excluded from the market by law, regulation, or other mechanisms of government enforcement.[citation needed]

Monopolist shutdown rule

A monopolist should shut down when price is less than average variable cost for every output level.[77]-- in other words where the demand curve is entirely below the average variable cost curve.[77] Under these circumstances at the profit maximum level of output (MR = MC) average revenue would be less than average variable costs and the monopolists would be better off shutting down in the short term.[77]

Breaking up monopolies

When monopolies are not ended by the open market, sometimes a government will either regulate the monopoly, convert it into a publicly owned monopoly environment, or forcibly fragment it (see Antitrust law and trust busting). Public utilities, often being naturally efficient with only one operator and therefore less susceptible to efficient breakup, are often strongly regulated or publicly owned. American Telephone & Telegraph (AT&T) and Standard Oil are debatable examples of the breakup of a private monopoly by government: When AT&T, a monopoly previously protected by force of law, was broken up into various components in 1984, MCI, Sprint, and other companies were able to compete effectively in the long distance phone market.

Law

The existence of a very high market share does not always mean consumers are paying excessive prices since the threat of new entrants to the market can restrain a high-market-share company's price increases. Competition law does not make merely having a monopoly illegal, but rather abusing the power a monopoly may confer, for instance through exclusionary practices.

First it is necessary to determine whether a company is dominant, or whether it behaves "to an appreciable extent independently of its competitors, customers and ultimately of its consumer".[78] As with collusive conduct, market shares are determined with reference to the particular market in which the company and product in question is sold. The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) is sometimes used to assess how competitive an industry is.[79] In the US, the merger guidelines state that a post-merger HHI below 1000 is viewed as unconcentrated while HHI's above that provoke further review.[80]

By European Union law, very large market shares raise a presumption that a company is dominant,[81] which may be rebuttable.[82] If a company has a dominant position, then there is "a special responsibility not to allow its conduct to impair competition on the common market".[83] The lowest yet market share of a company considered "dominant" in the EU was 39.7%.[84]

Certain categories of abusive conduct are usually prohibited by a country's legislation.[85] The main recognised categories are:

Despite wide agreement that the above constitute abusive practices, there is some debate about whether there needs to be a causal connection between the dominant position of a company and its actual abusive conduct. Furthermore, there has been some consideration of what happens when a company merely attempts to abuse its dominant position.

Historical monopolies

The term "monopoly" first appears in Aristotle's Politics, wherein Aristotle describes Thales of Miletus' cornering of the market in olive presses as a monopoly (μονοπωλίαν).[86][87]

Vending of common salt (sodium chloride) was historically a natural monopoly. Until recently, a combination of strong sunshine and low humidity or an extension of peat marshes was necessary for producing salt from the sea, the most plentiful source. Changing sea levels periodically caused salt "famines" and communities were forced to depend upon those who controlled the scarce inland mines and salt springs, which were often in hostile areas (e.g. the Sahara desert) requiring well-organised security for transport, storage, and distribution. The "Gabelle", a notoriously high tax levied upon salt, had a role in the beginning of the French Revolution, when strict legal controls specified who was allowed to sell and distribute salt.

Robin Gollan argues in The Coalminers of New South Wales that anti-competitive practices developed in the coal industry of Australia's Newcastle as a result of the business cycle. The monopoly was generated by formal meetings of the local management of coal companies agreeing to fix a minimum price for sale at dock. This collusion was known as "The Vend". The Vend ended and was reformed repeatedly during the late 19th century, ending by recession in the business cycle. "The Vend" was able to maintain its monopoly due to trade union assistance, and material advantages (primarily coal geography). During the early 20th century, as a result of comparable monopolistic practices in the Australian coastal shipping business, the Vend developed as an informal and illegal collusion between the steamship owners and the coal industry, eventually resulting in the High Court case Adelaide Steamship Co. Ltd v. R. & AG.[88]

Examples of monopolies

Countering monopolies

According to professor Milton Friedman, laws against monopolies cause more harm than good, but unnecessary monopolies should be countered by removing tariffs and other regulation that upholds monopolies.

A monopoly can seldom be established within a country without overt and covert government assistance in the form of a tariff or some other device. It is close to impossible to do so on a world scale. The De Beers diamond monopoly is the only one we know of that appears to have succeeded (and even De Beers are protected by various laws against so called "illicit" diamond trade). – In a world of free trade, international cartels would disappear even more quickly.[94]

However, professor Steve H. Hanke believes that although private monopolies are more efficient than public ones, often by a factor of two, sometimes private natural monopolies, such as local water distribution, should be regulated (not prohibited) by, e.g., price auctions.[95]

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ Milton Friedman (2002). "VIII: Pokemon and the Social Responsibility of Business and Labor" (paperback). Capitalism and Freedom (40th anniversary edition ed.). The University of Chicago Press. p. 208. ISBN 0-226-26421-1. 
  2. ^ Blinder, Alan S; William J Baumol and Colton L Gale (June 2001). "11: Monopoly" (paperback). Microeconomics: Principles and Policy. Thomson South-Western. p. 212. ISBN 0-324-22115-0. "A pure monopoly is an industry in which there is only one supplier of a product for which there are no close substitutes and in which is very difficult or impossible for another firm to coexist" 
  3. ^ Barak Orbach & Grace Campbell, The Antitrust Curse of Bigness, Southern California Law Review (2012).
  4. ^ Orbach & Campbell (2012).
  5. ^ Binger, B & Hoffman, E.: Microeconomics with Calculus, 2nd ed. p 391 Addison-Wesley 1998.
  6. ^ Goodwin, Nelson, Ackerman, & Weissskopf, Microeconomics in Context 2d ed. (Sharpe 2009) at 307&08.
  7. ^ Samuelson & Marks, Managerial Economics 4th ed. (Wiley 2003) at 365-66.
  8. ^ a b c Nicholson & Snyder, Intermediate Microeconomics (Thomson 2007) at 379.
  9. ^ Frank (2009) 274.
  10. ^ Samuelson & Marks, Managerial Economics 4th ed. (Wiley 2003) at 365.
  11. ^ Goodwin, Nelson, Ackerman, & Weissskopf, Microeconomics in Context 2d ed. (Sharpe 2009) at 307.
  12. ^ Ayers & Collinge, Microeconomics (Pearson 2003) at 238.
  13. ^ Pindyck, R & Rubinfeld, D (2001) p. 127.
  14. ^ Png, I: Managerial Economics p. 271 Blackwell 1999 ISBN 1-55786-927-8
  15. ^ Png, I: Managerial Economics p. 268 Blackwell 1999 ISBN 1-55786-927-8
  16. ^ Negbennebor, A: Microeconomics, The Freedom to Choose CAT 2001
  17. ^ Mankiw, (2007) 338.
  18. ^ a b Hirschey, M, Managerial Economics. p. 426 Dreyden 2000.
  19. ^ Pindyck, R & Rubinfeld, D: Microeconomics 5th ed. p. 333 Prentice-Hall 2001.
  20. ^ Melvin and Boyes (2002) p.245.
  21. ^ Varian, H: Microeconomic Analysis 3rd ed. p. 235 Norton 1992.
  22. ^ Pindyck, R & Rubinfeld, D: Microeconomics 5th ed. p. 370 Prentice-Hall 2001.
  23. ^ Frank, (2008) p. 342.
  24. ^ Pindyck and Rubenfeld (2000) 325.
  25. ^ Nicholson (1998) p. 551.
  26. ^ Perfectly competitive firms are price takers. Price is exogenous and it is possible to associate each price with unique profit maximizing quantity. Besanko and Braeutigam, Microeconomics 2nd ed. (2005) p. 413.
  27. ^ a b Binger, B & Hoffman, E.: Microeconomics with Calculus, 2nd ed. Addison-Wesley 1998.
  28. ^ Frank (2009) 377.
  29. ^ a b Frank (2009) 377
  30. ^ Frank (2009) 378
  31. ^ Depken, Craig (November 23, 2005). "10". Microeconomics Demystified. McGraw Hill. p. 170. ISBN 0071459111. 
  32. ^ The revolution in monopoly theory, by Glyn Davies and John Davies. Lloyds Bank Review, July 1984, no. 153, p. 38-52.
  33. ^ Levine, David; Michele Boldrin (2008-09-07). Against intellectual monopoly. Cambridge University Press. p. 312. ISBN 978-0521879286. http://www.dklevine.com/general/intellectual/againstfinal.htm. 
  34. ^ Tirole, p.66.
  35. ^ Tirole, p. 66.
  36. ^ Tirole p. 65.
  37. ^ Hirschey, M, Managerial Economics. p. 412 Dreyden 2000.
  38. ^ Melvin & Boyes, Microeconomics 5th ed. (Houghton Mifflin 2002) 239
  39. ^ Pindyck, R & Rubinfeld, D: Microeconomics 5th ed. p.328 Prentice-Hall 2001
  40. ^ Varian, H.: Microeconomic Analysis 3rd ed. p. 233. Norton 1992.
  41. ^ Png, Managerial Economics (Blackwell 1999)
  42. ^ Krugman & Wells: Microeconomics 2d ed. Worth 2009
  43. ^ Goodwin, N, Nelson, J; Ackerman, F & Weissskopf, T p. 315.
  44. ^ Samuelson and Marks (2006) p. 104.
  45. ^ Samuelson and Marks (2006) p. 107.
  46. ^ a b Boyes and Melvin p.246.
  47. ^ Perloff (2008) p. 404.
  48. ^ Perloff, J.2009. p. 394.
  49. ^ Besanko, D. & Beautigam, R, (2005) p. 449.
  50. ^ Boyes and Melvin p. 246.
  51. ^ Wessels p. 159.
  52. ^ a b Boyes and Melvin p. 449.
  53. ^ Varian, H: 1992 p. 241.
  54. ^ Perloff, J. 2009 p. 393.
  55. ^ Boyes and Melvin page 449.
  56. ^ Perloff, J. 2009. p. 393.
  57. ^ Perloff, J. (200() p. 394.
  58. ^ Besanko, D. & Beautigam, R, 2005 p.448.
  59. ^ Hall, R and Liberman M. Microeconomics theory and Applications 2nd ed. South_Western (2001) p. 263.
  60. ^ Besanko, D. & Beautigam, R, 2005 p. 451
  61. ^ If the monopolist is able to segment the market perfectly, then the average revenue curve effectively becomes the marginal revenue curve for the company and the company maximizes profits by equating price and marginal costs. That is the company is behaving like a perfectly competitive company. The monopolist will continue to sell extra units as long as the extra revenue exceeds the marginal cost of production. The problem that the company has is that the company must charge a different price for each successive unit sold.
  62. ^ Varian, H: 1992 p. 242.
  63. ^ Perloff, J.(2009) p.396.
  64. ^ Besanko, D. & Beautigam, R, 2005 p. 449.
  65. ^ Because MC is the same in each market segment the profit maximizing condition becomes produce where MR1 = MR2 = MC. Pindyck and Rubinfeld p. 398-99.
  66. ^ As Pindyck and Rubinfeld note managers may find it easier to conceptualize the problem of what price to charge in each segment in terms of relative prices and price elasticities of demand. Marginal revenue can be written in terms of elasticities of demand as MR = P(1+1/PED). Equating MR1 and MR2 we have P1 (1+1/PED) = P2 (1+1/PED) or P1/P2 = (1+1/PED2)/(1+1/PED1). Using this equation the manager can obtain elasticity information and set prices for each segment. Pindyck and Rubinfeld (2009) pp. 401-02. Note that the manager may be able to obtain industry elasticities which are far more inelastic than the elasticity for an individual firm. As a rule of thumb the company’s elasticity coefficient is 5 to 6 times that of the industry. Pindyck and Rubinfeld (2009) pp. 402.
  67. ^ Colander, David C. p. 269.
  68. ^ Note that the discounts apply only to tickets not to concessions. The reason there is not any popcorn discount is that there is not any effective way to prevent resell. A profit maximizing theater owner maximizes concession sales by selling where marginal revenue equals marginal cost.
  69. ^ Lovell, (2004) p. 266.
  70. ^ Lovell (2004) p. 266.
  71. ^ Frank (2008) p. 394.
  72. ^ Frank (2008) p.266.
  73. ^ Binger, B & Hoffman, E.: Microeconomics with Calculus, 2nd ed. 406 Addison-Wesley 1998.
  74. ^ Samuelson, P. & Nordhaus, W.: Microeconomics, 17th ed. McGraw-Hill 2001
  75. ^ Samuelson, W & Marks, S: p. 376. Managerial Economics 4th ed. Wiley 2005
  76. ^ a b Samuelson, W & Marks, S: 100. Managerial Economics 4th ed. Wiley 2003
  77. ^ a b c Frank, R., Microeconomics and Behavior 7th ed. (Mc-Graw-Hill) ISBN 978-007-126349-8.
  78. ^ C-27/76 United Brands Continental BV v. Commission [1978] ECR 207
  79. ^ [www.univie.ac.at/RNIC/papers/kerber_kretschmer_vwangenheim.pdf Market Share Thresholds and Herfindahl-Hirschman-Index (HHI) as Screening Instruments in Competition Law: A Theoretical Analysis].
  80. ^ 1.5 Concentration and Market Shares. US Merger Guidelines.
  81. ^ C-85/76 Hoffmann-La Roche & Co AG v. Commission [1979] ECR 461
  82. ^ AKZO [1991]
  83. ^ Michelin [1983]
  84. ^ BA/Virgin [2000] OJ L30/1
  85. ^ Continental Can [1973]
  86. ^ Aristotle: Politics: Book 1
  87. ^ Aristotle, Politics
  88. ^ Robin Gollan, The Coalminers of New South Wales: a history of the union, 1860-1960, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1963, 45-134.
  89. ^ Ars technica The Victorian Internet
  90. ^ EU competition policy and the consumer
  91. ^ Leo Cendrowicz (2008-02-27). "Microsoft Gets Mother Of All EU Fines". Forbes. http://www.forbes.com/home/markets/2008/02/27/microsoft-eu-fines-markets-equity-cx_po_0227markets08.html. Retrieved 2008-03-10. 
  92. ^ "EU fines Microsoft record $1.3 billion". Time Warner. 2008-02-27. http://money.cnn.com/2008/02/27/technology/eu_microsoft.ap/. Retrieved 2008-03-10. 
  93. ^ Kevin J. O'Brien, IHT.com, Regulators in Europe fight for independence, International Herald Tribune, November 9, 2008, Accessed November 14, 2008.
  94. ^ Milton Friedman, Free to Choose, p. 53-54
  95. ^ In Praise of Private Infrastructure, Globe Asia, April 2008

Further reading

External links

Criticism


Translations:

Monopoly

Top

Dansk (Danish)
n. - monopol, eneret, matador (spil)

Nederlands (Dutch)
monopolie, Monopoly (spel)

Français (French)
n. - (Écon, fig) monopole, Monopoly

Deutsch (German)
n. - Monopol

Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - μονοπώλιο

Italiano (Italian)
monopolio

Português (Portuguese)
n. - monopólio (m)

Русский (Russian)
монополия

Español (Spanish)
n. - monopolio

Svenska (Swedish)
n. - monopol

中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
垄断, 独占事业, 专卖权

中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 壟斷, 獨佔事業, 專賣權

한국어 (Korean)
n. - 독점, 전매품

日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 独占, 専売, 専有, 独占物, 専売品, 専売事業, 独占企業, 独占権

العربيه (Arabic)
‏(الاسم) إحتكار‏

עברית (Hebrew)
n. - ‮שליטה גמורה בענף כלכלי או בסחורה מסוימת, ענף כלכלי או סחורה הנמצאים בשליטה גמורה, חברה בעלת מונופול, שליטה גמורה, מונופול‬


 
 

 

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