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Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

 
Political Biography: Zia-ul- Huq
 

(b. Jullundur, 12 Aug. 1942; d. 17 Aug. 1988) Pakistani; President 1978 – 88 Zia came from a lower-middle-class family and was educated at St Stephen's College inn Delhi before joining the British Indian Army in 1944. He was commissioned into the cavalry and saw service in Burma, Malaya, and Java at the end of the Second World War. After his promotion to Brigadier in 1969, Zia was seconded to Jordan where he helped King Hussein's forces in their operations against the PLO. On his return home, Zia commanded the first Armoured Division for three years. He was still relatively unknown however when he became head of the Pakistan army in the spring of 1976.

Zia launched the coup code-named "Operation Fairplay" against Bhutto on 5 July 1977. It ushered in Pakistan's longest period of military rule. Even when it was withdrawn on 30 December 1985, Zia retained his post as Chief of Army Staff and continued to wield power through the office of President. Indeed on 29 May 1988, he dismissed his handpicked Prime Minister Mohammed Khan Junejo.

Zia's political survival rested on his skill in wrong-footing opponents, and on the favourable external environment following the December 1979 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. This transformed him overnight from an international pariah to America's front-line ally in the fight against Communism. The Reagan administration provided $3.2 billion of military and economic assistance, despite concerns over human rights abuses and the nuclear programme.

The martial law era was punctuated by unfulfilled promises of national elections and by discussion of the relevance of democracy for an Islamic state. Zia maintained that a Western-style democracy was unsuitable for Pakistan. He eventually agreed to hold "party-less" elections in February 1985, following a referendum on his Islamic policies which was linked with his re-election as President. The eleven-party alliance Movement for the Restoration of Democracy, which had mounted a major campaign in Sind in 1983 against the Zia regime, boycotted both the polls.

Zia introduced special shariat courts, with Islamic rules of evidence and punishments for certain crimes. Further measures included the provision of Islamic banking facilities and the government collection of zakat (alms) and ushr (agricultural tax). Islamization which was stoutly opposed by women's groups and human rights activists stirred up sectarian tensions between Sunnis and Shias.

Karachi experienced mounting ethnic violence from 1986 onwards. Clashes between mohajirs and Pakhtuns, later extended to the Sindhi community. The growing lawlessness was encourage by the ready availability of weapons and drugs as a result of the Afghan War. Zia justified his dismissal of Junejo in terms of the deteriorating security situation. Party-less elections were scheduled for November 1988. Zia died however on 17 August following the unexplained crash of his C-130 aircraft.

Zia can be viewed as a pious Muslim who halted his country's moral decay and contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire, or condemned as an intolerant and vindictive ruler who cynically manipulated Islam to remain in power.

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Biography: Mohammad Zia ul-Haq
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Mohammad Zia ul-Haq (1924-1988), an army officer, was president of Pakistan from 1978 until his death in an air crash that was a suspected assassination. He sustained a military government while strengthening Islamic institutions and practices.

Mohammad Zia ul-Hag was born into a middle-class family on August 12, 1924, at Jullunder in East Pubjab, India. After completing his early education at home, he enrolled at St. Stephen's College in New Delhi, India. Choosing a career in the British army, he joined the Royal Indian Military Academy in Dehra Dun and then served with British troops in Burma, Malaysia and Indonesia during the latter part of World War II.

After the partition of India into India and Pakistan in 1947, Zia joined the Pakistani army. In 1955 he graduated from the Command Staff College in Quetta, where he later served as an instructor. He attended two military schools in the United States, first at Fort Knox, KY, in 1959, and then the U.S. Command and General Staff School at Fort Leavenworth, KS, in 1963. Zia was on active duty in Kashmir during the 1965 war between India and Pakistan, and after it he was promoted to colonel. In 1969 he was made a brigadier, and for two years he was adviser to the Royal Jordanian Army in their conflict with Palestinian guerrillas.

Leader of Coup

Under the government of Prime Minister Z.A. Bhutto, Zia advanced rapidly within the army ranks. In 1975 he was promoted to lieutenant-general and in 1976 was appointed as army chief of staff, chosen over several more senior officers. Because the military had been so prominent in Pakistan's politics, Bhutto apparently wanted a less qualified officer with little political ambition as chief of staff. But Bhutto underestimated Zia. Accusations by opposition leaders that the prime minister's party had manipulated the results of the March 1977 parliamentary elections led to widespread public demonstrations and violence. The military, headed by Zia, stepped in on July 5, 1977, to impose martial law and deposed Bhutto in a bloodless coup.

Zia took office as chief martial law administrator and said his sole purpose was to hold "free and fair" elections as early as possible. Instead, he suspended the 1973 constitution, dissolved the National Assembly, and banned political activity. Declaring himself president in 1978, Zia abandoned his plan for elections for fear that Bhutto would return to power and seek revenge. Zia instead began a purge of politicians associated with Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party. Bhutto was implicated in a case concerning the assassination of a political opponent's father, and in April 1979, despite international protests, Zia had him executed.

Islamic Policies

Bhutto's execution made Zia unpopular, the economy was in trouble, and in November 1979 Islamic extremists burned the American embassy in Islamabad. Zia's days seemed numbered, but on Christmas Eve 1979 the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, and the United States reversed its long opposition to Pakistan and began aiding Zia's regime to help it fend off Soviet agression.

Zia continued to suppress political activity, saying the country was not ready to return to democracy. He embarked on a program of strengthening Pakistan's economy and reforming social, economic, and political institutions in accordance with Islamic precepts. His government encouraged foreign and domestic investment that had been frightened off by nationalization and threats of government takeovers during the Bhutto years. Islamic penal and fiscal injunctions were incorporated into the legal system. Zia's Islamization program won him the backing of an important fundamentalist party and tempered criticism of his military regime. Zia skillfully coopted and suppressed a divided opposition and outmaneuvered potential challengers within the military. He had hundreds of dissidents arrested and imprisoned. Many were publicly flogged in accord with Islamic law.

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan resulted in a revival of U.S. strategic interests in the region and in an economic and military aid package of $3.2 billion to Pakistan. During the conflict, Zia helped smuggle U.S. supplies to the Soviet-backed Afghan rebels and allowed them to operate training bases in Pakistan. He offered shelter to three million Afghan refugees. But the influx of Afghans exacerbated ethnic and regional conflicts and placed serious new burdens on the economy.

Zia strived to maintain Pakistan's good relations with other Arab countries and China. He assumed a conciliatory stance towards India, proposing normalized relations and a non-aggression pact to end decades of hostility. But in the mid-1980s Indian President Rajiv Gandhi accused Zia of stirring up unrest among Sikhs, a religious sect pushing for independence in the Indian state of Punjab, bordering Pakistan.

In December 1984 Zia abruptly called for a referendum to determine support for his Islamization policies. He declared that public criticism or advocacy of a boycott of the referendum was a punishable offense. The referendum passed overwhelmingly, and Zia considered it a mandate to remain as president for another five years. in March 1985, elections for a national assembly took place, but major political parties were not allowed to participate. Announced as a step towards returning the country to civilian rule, the elections served mainly to legitimize Zia's government. Zia had engineered constitutional changes which increased his presidential powers and permitted him to dissolve the National Assembly at his discretion. Zia also assumed the authority to appoint a prime minister from among the assembly's elected members.

Return of Opposition

In 1986 Benazir Bhutto, daughter of the executed president, returned to Pakistan after two years of self-imposed exile and started to organize the opposition. Prime Minister Mohammed Khan Junejo led efforts to exert more civilian control over the military. In May 1988, Zia fired Junejo and his 33-member cabinet and dissolved the National Assembly. Bhutto declared that her Pakistan People's Party was "ready to go to the people."

On August 17, 1988, Zia was on a secret mission to a desert area in eastern Pakistan, meeting U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel for a demonstration of the M-1 Abrams tank. With an American military attache and 27 Pakistani advisors, Zia and Raphel boarded a C-130 plane to return to the capital. Within minutes after takeoff, it exploded, killing everyone aboard. The crash was suspicious. But Pakistani and American investigators failed to confirm the plane had been bombed. Experts speculated about which of Zia's many enemies might have assassinated him. The Soviet Union, the government of India, Bhutto's People Party and Zia's own military all came under suspicion, but no culprit was ever found. After Zia's death, democracy was restored to Pakistan and Benazir Bhutto, the daughter of the leader whom Zia had executed, was elected prime minister in November 1988.

Further Reading

Contemporary Pakistan: Politics, Economy and Society (1980), edited by Manzooruddin Ahmed, provides an overview of the 1977 coup and Zia's government. "Pakistan in 1982: Holding On" by Marvin G. Weinbaum and Stephen P. Cohen in Asian Survey (February 1983) describes the martial law system and Zia's handling of the government opposition and the economy. The Pakistan Army (1984) by Stephen P. Cohen offers a comprehensive analysis of Zia's policies and the problems confronting him. "Pakistan in 1984: Digging In" by William Richter in Asian Survey (February 1985) provides a useful discussion of Zia's policies. "Islamization and Social Policy in Pakistan: The Constitutional Crisis and the Status of Women" by J. Henry Korson and Michelle Mashielle in Asian Survey (June 1985) is helpful in understanding Zia's Islamization policies and their implications. "Death in the Skies" by Michael Serrill in Time (August 29, 1988) discusses Zia's death and possible suspects.

 
Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq
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(born Aug. 12, 1924, Jullundur, Punjab, India — died Aug. 17, 1988, near Bahawalpur, Pak.) President of Pakistan (1978 – 88). He served with the British in Southeast Asia at the end of World War II; after Pakistan's independence, he held various staff and command appointments for 19 years. He became a major general in 1972 and army chief of staff in 1976. The following year he seized power from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and in 1978 he assumed the presidency. After having the popular Bhutto executed in 1979, he tightened his grip on the government, suspending political parties and declaring martial law, and he worked for the Islamization of Pakistan's political and cultural life. He died in an airplane crash.

For more information on Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, visit Britannica.com.

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Mohammad Zia ul-Haq
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Zia ul-Haq, Mohammad, 1924–88, Pakistani military and political leader. Named general and chief of staff by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1976, he declared martial law in July, 1977, in response to agitations against election fraud. He imprisoned Bhutto, later (1979) executing him. Zia became president in 1978 declaring the “Islamization” of Pakistan. He attempted to establish a partyless politics, winning a referendum in 1984. He permitted elected legislatures by 1985, lifting martial law in 1986. However, agitations caused Zia to dissolve the government (May, 1988), calling for elections in 90 days. He died in a plane crash and was succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
 
Wikipedia: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
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General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
محمد ضياء الحق
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

In office
16 September 1978 – 17 August 1988
Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo
Preceded by Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
Succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq Khan

In office
11 October 1976 – 17 August 1988
Preceded by Tikka Khan
Succeeded by Mirza Aslam Beg

Born 12 August 1924(1924-08-12)
Jalandhar, British India
Died 17 August 1988 (aged 64)
Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan
Political party Military
Religion Sunni Muslim

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (Punjabi, Urdu: محمد ضياء الحق) (b. 12 August 1924 –17 August 1988) was the President and military ruler of Pakistan from July 1977 to his death in August 1988. Distinguished by his role in the Black September in Jordan military operation in 1970, he was appointed Chief of Army Staff in 1976. General Zia came to power after he overthrew ruling Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a military coup d'état on 5 July 1977 and became the state's third ruler to impose martial law. He initially ruled as Chief Martial Law Administrator, but later assumed the post of President of Pakistan in September 1978.

Zia's major domestic initiatives included the country's Islamization, the consolidation of the fledgling nuclear program, denationalization and deregulation leading to a rejuvenated economy. His tenure saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, as well as the abridgement of civil and political liberties. His endorsement of rightwing political party Pakistan Muslim League initiated its mainstream revival. However, he is most remembered for his foreign policy; the subsidizing of the Mujahideen movement during the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

Zia died along with several of his top generals and the then United States Ambassador to Pakistan in an aircraft crash near Bahawalpur (Punjab) on 17 August 1988, the circumstances of which remain unclear.

Contents

Early life

Zia was born in Jalandhar, British India, in 1924 as the second child of an Arain, Muhammad Akbar, who worked in the GHQ in Delhi and Simla pre-partition. He married Shafiq Jahan and had five children. His two sons went into politics with Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq becoming a cabinet minister in the government of Nawaz Sharif. He completed his initial education in Simla and then at St. Stephen's College, Delhi.

Army career

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
12 August 1924(1924-08-12) – 17 August 1988 (aged 64)
Place of birth Jalandhar, British India
Place of death Bahawalpur, Pakistan
Allegiance Flag of Pakistan Pakistan
Service/branch Pakistan Army (PA – 1810)
Years of service 1943 – 1988
Rank General
Unit Armoured Corps (Guides Cavalry FF)
Commands held 2nd Division, Jordan
1st Armoured Division, Multan
II Strike Corps, Multan
Chief of Army Staff
Battles/wars World War II
Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
Black September in Jordan
Soviet war in Afghanistan

He was commissioned in the British Indian Army in a cavalry regiment on 12 May, 1943 and served during World War II. After Pakistan gained its independence, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Army as a major. His regiment was now the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He trained in the United States in 1962–1964 at the US Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. After that, he returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta.[1] During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia was a tank commander.[2]

Zia was stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in the training of Jordanian soldiers, as well as leading the training mission into battle during the Black September operations as commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial to King Hussein's remaining in power. By 1973, then Maj Gen Zia was commanding the 1st Armoured Division at Multan.[1]

He was then promoted as Lt Gen and was appointed commander of the II Strike Corps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time when General Zia invited Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armoured Corps at Multan, using his tailor to stitch the Blue Patrols of his size. The next day, Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target, where the target was quite obviously hit. After the function, General Zia met Bhutto, placed his hand on the Quran and said, "You are the saviour of Pakistan and we owe it to you to be totally loyal to you."[3]

On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved Zia-ul-Haq as Chief of Army Staff, ahead of a number of more senior officers, most likely because both of them are from the Arain tribe. At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing chief General Tikka Khan, the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were, Muhammad Shariff, Muhammad Akbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed Khan, Azmat Baksh Awan, Agha Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed Malik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most junior, superseding seven more senior generals.[4] However, the senior most at that time, Lt Gen Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to General, was made the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post akin to President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry.[5]

Popular unrest and coup

Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed.[6]. Initially targeting leader of the opposition Khan Abdul Wali Khan and his opposition Awami National Party (ANP). Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal governments decision to oust the ANP provincial government in Balochistan for alleged secessionist activities[7] and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao in a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of a leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.[8]

On 8 January 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance.[8] Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated in those elections in full force. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party. The ANP faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. First, they claimed rigging for 14 seats and, finally, for 40 seats in the National Assembly. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was high voter turn out in national elections; howerver, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the newly-elected Bhutto government as illegitimate. Firebrand Islamic leaders such as Abul Ala Maududi called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.[6] Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest.[9] Nevertheless, a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition was ultimately reported. Yet on July 5, 1977, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops under the order of General Zia.[8]

Postponement of elections and call for accountability

After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, General Zia promised to hold National and Provincial Assembly elections in the next 90 days and to hand over power to the representatives of the nation. He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated whatsoever, but had been temporarily suspended. However, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for the politicians. Zia said that he changed his decision due to the strong public demand for the scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past (a large number of both PNA and PPP members had asked General Zia to postpone the elections). Thus the "retribution first, elections later" PNA policy was adopted. This severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malacious.

A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been Members of Parliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next seven years. A white paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts.

Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator

The Doctrine of Necessity

Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against General Zia's military regime, challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, in what would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 Doctrine of necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, General Zia's overthrowing of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgement tightened the general's hold on the government.

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead. After completing his term, and despite General Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Mr Chaudhry resigned, and General Zia also assumed the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978. Thus his position was cemented as the undisputed ruler of the country.

Over the next six years, Zia issued several decrees which amended the constitution and greatly expanded his power. Most significantly, the Revival of Constitution of 1973 Order granted Zia the power to dissolve the National Assembly virtually at will.

The trial of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

On 4 April 1979, the former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as passed by the Lahore High Court. The Supreme Court ruled four to three in favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician. Despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals as "trade union activity" and upheld the death sentence. The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military man was condemned by the international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan. Today it is widely accepted as a politically motivated judicial murder. People believe that Bhutto was framed into the case.

Immediate stabilization of Balochistan

Declaration of an Amnesty

On assuming power, General Zia inherited armed secessionist uprisings in Pakistan's largest province, Balochistan, from the Bhutto era. Tribal unrest and feudal clashes were moving the province towards a precarious position. The general acted quickly, offering a general amnesty to those who gave up arms and moving for the appeasement of the tribal unrest. When this had little effect on the prevailing situation there, Zia withdrew troops from the province, ending much of the civil disobedience movements.

Appointment of Rahimuddin Khan as Martial Law Governor

Zia then appointed General Rahimuddin Khan, whose previously distinguished career made him stand out among his peers, to the post of martial law Governor of Balochistan (and later Governor of Sindh). General Rahimuddin then embarked on a provincial policy that completely isolated feudal families from the government. His authoritarian rule crushed any remaining civil unrest within Balochistan.

This garnered controversy over Zia's appointing of the dictatorial Rahimuddin, as the latter would go on to concentrate power solely with the provincial military regime and mostly act independently of the central government. The controversy eventually dissipated after the impressive progress Balochistan went through during Rahimuddin's lengthy rule (1978-1984), which was to remain characterized by the isolation of feudal families from provincial policy.

Reign as President of Pakistan

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora

In the absence of a parliament, General Zia decided to set up an alternative system, Majlis-e-Shoora, in 1980. Most of the members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals belonging to different fields of life. The Shoora was to act as a board of advisors to the President. All 284 members of the Shoora were to be nominated by the President..

Referendum of 1984

General Zia eventually decided to hold elections in the country. But before handing over the power to the public representatives, he decided to secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on 1 December 1984, and the option was to elect or reject the General as the future President. The question asked in the referendum was whether the people of Pakistan wanted Islamic Sharia law enforced in the country. According to the official result, more than 95% of the votes were cast in favour of Zia-ul-Haq, thus he was elected as President for the next five years. However, they were marred by allegations of widespread irregularities and technical violations of the laws and ethics of democratic elections. Also, despite pressure from the government to vote, only 10% of those eligible to vote did so. Zia had the overwhelming majority of the votes cast, but in reality the referendum was an embarrassing failure.[10]

Laws against Ahmadiyya community of 1984

General Zia-ul-Haq promulgated Ordinance XX on 26 April, 1984, banning members of the Ahmadiyya community from performing their religious ceremonies and prayers. [11] He declared "This Ordinance may be called the Anti-Islamic Activities of the Qadiani Group, Lahori Group and Ahmadis (Prohibition and Punishment) Ordinance, 1984". Although in 1974 Pakistan's National Assembly under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's deal with Islamic parties declared Ahmadis as non-Muslims for the definition of the law [12]. But it was not sufficient in stopping the missionary activities of Ahmadiyya community. They found a great friend in General Zia-ul-Haq to further this cause to persecute the community more aggressively. The new laws were designed and used for persecution of Ahmadiyya community. Article 298-C of this law states "Any person of the Quadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves ‘Ahmadis’ or by any other name), who, directly or indirectly, poses himself as Muslim, or calls, or refers to, his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine." Thousands of cases were registered against Ahmadis. One such case even included the entire 35,000 population of an Ahmadiyya town on the behest of a religious clergy of a neighbouring town.[13]

These laws forced the head of the Ahmadiyya community, Mirza Tahir Ahmad to migrate within days of this law to the United Kingdom in order to maintain contact and communication with his community, which was spread in about 100 countries at that time.[14]

Thousands of Ahmadiyya community members fled Pakistan in the following years and sought refuge in many western countries. The new leader of Ahmadiyya community, Mirza Masroor Ahmad still resides outside Pakistan, as these laws still remain in effect.

The Eighth Amendment and elections of 1985

After being elected President, Zia-ul-Haq decided to hold elections in the country in February 1985 on a non-party basis. Most of the opposing political parties decided to boycott the elections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. To make things easier for himself, the General nominated the Prime Minister from amongst the Members of the Assembly. To many, his nomination of Muhammad Khan Junejo as the Prime Minister was because he wanted a simple person at the post who would act as a puppet in his hands. Before handing over the power to the new Government and lifting martial law, Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his coup of 1977. He also managed to get several amendments passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the National Assembly. However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper. The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Assembly only if 1) the Cabinet had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or 2) the government could not function in a constitutional manner.

Involvement in the Soviet-Afghan War

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan

On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union, a superpower at the time, invaded Afghanistan. General Zia, as President of neighbouring Pakistan, was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the USSR at the time. General Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouring country, and made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan resistance(the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States.

Economic reform

Under Zia, the previous ruler Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's nationalisation policies were slowly reversed, and gradual privatisation took place. General Zia greatly favoured egalitarianism and industrialisation. Between 1977 and 1986, Zia could proudly point to an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%, one of the highest in the world at that time.

Consolidation of Pakistan's nuclear programme

Zia sought and substantially contributed to attaining nuclear capability for Pakistan. However, nuclear technology was a dream and the brainchild of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who deserves the credit of initiating the project. Accordingly, the country was made a subject of attack by international organisations for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Zia deftly neutralised international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear programme to the nuclear designs of neighbouring India. He then drew a five-point proposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to sign the NPT; the points including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons. Despite this, he also openly funded a uranium enrichment plant based at the Kahuta Research Laboratories in Kahuta under Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan. During General Zia's rule the nuclear plan was considered a great national issue and international pressure was difficult to counter unless several other pro-Pakistan nations were also groomed to become nuclear capable. Dr. Khan was assigned this task and given free hand to work with some like minded nations like North Korea, Iran and Libya who also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. It was envisaged that this would deflect international pressure on these countries and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.[15] Dr. Khan's dismissal from the nuclear programme in 2004 was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistani military and political establishment under the then President Pervez Musharraf.[16]

Zia also supported the nuclear program being run in PAEC by Munir Ahmad Khan and sanctioned the launch of the 50 MW heavy water plutonium production reactor at Khushab in 1985. PAEC also carried out the first cold test of a nuclear device on 11 March 1983 which was followed by several cold tests throughout the 1980s.

International standing enhancement and resumption of aid

Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Soviet invaders, as he went from being portrayed as just another military dictator to a champion of the free world by the Western media. Indeed, Pakistan–United States relations took a much more positive turn. U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, cut off U.S. aid to Pakistan on the grounds that Pakistan had not made sufficient progress on the nuclear issue. Then, on 25 December 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, and Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in aid over three years. Zia rejected this as "peanuts." Carter also signed the finding in 1980 that allowed less than $50 million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan came to office, defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed, due to President Reagan's new priorities and the unlikely and remarkably effective effort by Congressman Charles Wilson (D-TX), aided by Joanne Herring, and CIA Afghan Desk Chief Gust Avrakotos to increase the funding for Operation Cyclone. Aid to the Afghan resistance, and to Pakistan, increased substantially, finally reaching $1 billion. The United States, faced with a rival superpower looking as if it were to create another Communist bloc, now engaged Zia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in Afghanistan against the Soviets.

To this day, Pakistan is confronted by the legacy of Zia's policies.

Fighting the war by proxy

Zia now found himself in a position to demand billions of dollars in aid for the Mujahideen from the Western states, famously dismissing a United States proposed $325 million aid package as "peanuts". Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and Special Service Group now became actively involved in the conflict, and in cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency and the United States Army Special Forces supported the armed struggle against the Soviets.

In 1981, Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter as President of the United States. Reagan was completely against the Soviet Union and its Communist satellites, dubbing it "the evil empire". Reagan now increased financial aid heading for Pakistan. In 1981, the Reagan Administration sent the first of 40 F-16 jet fighters to the Pakistanis. But the Soviets kept control of the Afghan skies until the Mujahideen received Stinger missiles in 1986. From that moment on, the Mujahideen's strategic position steadily improved.

Accordingly, the Soviets declared a policy of national reconciliation. In January they announced that a Soviet withdrawal was no longer linked to the makeup of the Afghan government remaining behind. Pakistan, with the massive extra-governmental and covert backing from the largest operation ever mounted by the CIA and financial support of Saudi Arabia, therefore, played a large part in the eventual withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1988.

The war legacy

The war left deep scars to the Pakistani society with the menace of Kalashnikov (AK-47 assault rifle) culture spreading all over the country.[17] It is estimated that there are currently 20 million firearms in Pakistan, which has a population of 160 million i.e, every eighth person has a firearm, most likely an automatic one.[18] The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their Pakistani and American sponsors such as the CIA. [19]

Many Afghan Mujahideen later converted to new forms of Jihadist outfits in the shape of Taliban and Al-Qaeda in the early 1990s. The Pakistan and US trained Arab and Afghan fighters later in 2001 initiated a 'Jihad' against US. The links of the spectacular and deadly events of September 11 were deeply rooted in the Soviet-Afghan war. Osama bin Laden invested his inherited money into the Soviet-Afghan war to fight the 'infidel communist power' and was abetted by CIA, ISI, US and Pakistani military establishments for over 10 years. [20]

The legacy of the war has transformed itself into another war, the war against terrorism, which is affecting Pakistani society to its roots.

General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamisation

On 2 December 1978, on the occasion of the first day of the Hijra to enforce the Islamic system in Pakistan in a nationwide address, Zia accused politicians of exploiting the name of Islam: "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."

After assuming power, the government began a program of public commitment to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa (Islamic System), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantly Anglo-Saxon law, inherited from the British. As a preliminary measure to establish an Islamic society in Pakistan, General Zia announced the establishment of Sharia Benches.

Under the Offences Against Property (Hudood Ordinance) Ordinance, 1979; the punishment of imprisonment or fine, or both, as provided in the existing Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) for theft, was substituted by the amputation of the right hand of the offender from the joint of the wrist by a surgeon. For robbery, the right hand of the offender from the wrist and his left foot from the ankle should be amputated by a surgeon. Hudood (حدود, also transliterated Hadud, Hudud; plural for Hadh, حد, limit, or restriction) is the word often used in Islamic social and legal literature for the bounds of acceptable behaviour. Although the punishment were imposed, the witnesses and prosecution system remained Anglo-Saxon. As in Islamic laws Hudud can only be given if four witnesses saw the crime happen, in reality hardly anyone can be punished by Islamic Hud laws as very rarely can the conditions for punishment be met.

In legal terms, (Islamic law being usually referred to as Sharia, شريعة) the term is used to describe laws that define a certain level of crime classification. Crimes classified under Hudud are the most severe of crimes, such as murder, theft, and adultery. There are minor differences in views between the four major Sunni madh'habs about sentencing and specifications for these laws. It is often argued that, since Sharia is God's law and states certain punishments for each crime, they are immutable. It has been argued by some, that the Hudud portion of Sharia is incompatible with humanism or human rights. Although the Hud punishment were imposed but the Islamic law of evidence was not implemented and remained British in origin.

Drinking of wine (i.e. all alcoholic drinks) was not a crime under the PPC. In 1977, however, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims was banned in Pakistan and the sentence of imprisonment of six months or a fine of Rs. 5000/-, or both, was provided in that law.

Under the Zina Ordinance, the provisions relating to adultery were replaced so that the women and the man guilty will be flogged, each of them, with one hundred lashes, if unmarried. And if they are married they shall be stoned to death.

The Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) were amended, through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986 to declare anything implying disrespect to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of Muhammad), Sahaba (companions of Muhammad) and Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols), a cognizable offence, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or with both.

Another addition to the laws was Ordinance XX of 1984. Under this, the Ahmadiyya were barred from calling themselves Muslims, or using Islamic terminology or practising Islamic rituals. This effectively resulted in turning the Ahmadiyya community of Pakistan into a minority group. Zia was also considered anti-Shia because during his reign many Shi'a Muslims personalities and politicians were killed, most prominently the judicial killing of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Red Mosque, Islamabad

'When General Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq reached power in Pakistan in 1977, Sheikh Abdullah of the Red Mosque in Islamabad sought to cement relations with him given that the circumstances allowed such relations. These relations continued until the death of General Zia-ul-Haq in 1988.

Sheikh Abdullah took advantage of his close relations, and throughout the rule of Zia-ul-Haq, he was nominated head of the Central Committee for Verifying the Start of the Hegira Month.' (www.islamonline.net/servlet/satellite)

Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988, rumors about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and Zia were rife.

On 29 May 1988, General Zia dissolved the Senate and the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under article 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime Minister Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of General Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal.

After eleven years, General Zia-ul-Haq once again promised the nation that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, along with her husband Asif Ali Zardari, had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Mohtarma Bhutto's popularity rapidly increasing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was trapped in a difficult political situation.

Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) [21]

After dismissing the elected civilian government of Bhutto, Zia avoided all the political avenues that could lead to democracy or civilian supremacy. He never held free and fair elections. With whatever worth of civilian prime minister, Mr Junejo, he dismissed him abruptly too in a very short course. He crushed the populist Movement for the Restoration of Democracy using the bullett and Army. MRD was born as a hatred to Zia and his undemocratic dictatorial policies in 1983 which gained popularity in the smaller poverty stricken deprived provinces of Pakistan. It is said that 45000 troops were deployed in Sindh alone to crush the movement. Mrs Gandhi, Indian PM raised concerns over this brutality and violation of human rights at the hands of Pakistan's military dictatorship (Dawn 14 August 1983).[22] Thousands of civilians were brutally killed. That potentiated the feeling of deprivation in smaller provinces as it was seen as a further avenge on Sindhi population from where Shaheed Bhutto came. That high handed harsh approach is well on the record. This movement threatened the process of expanding state power in the name of Islamisation at a time when tensions were high with Afghanistan's proxy war that Zia had plunged into as well with the other front alongside India.

Death

As he was grappling with these problems, however, General Zia-ul-Haq died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a tank parade in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the small town in the Punjab province by C-130 Hercules aircraft. Shortly after a smooth take-off, the control tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterwards claim it was flying, as well as American Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the U.S. Military aid mission to Pakistan. Zia had ruled Pakistan for 11 years with an iron hand. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate Chairman announced Zia's death on radio and TV. The manner of his death has given rise to many conspiracy theories.[22] Recently, a report was released suggesting that the plane crash was due to mechanical failure. However, some people occasionally speculate that America (to eliminate Zia because of his unstable commitment to a more democratic government and his loyalty to Afghan extremists) or the Soviet Union (as retaliation for US-Pakistani supported attacks in Afghanistan) was behind the attack.[23].

A Board of Enquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded that the most probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday signal was given. Interestingly, shortly after 2 pm that day (two and a half hours before the crash), an anonymous caller phoned a daily newspaper and asked if it was true that General Zia had been involved in an air crash.[24]

The following military people died in the plane crash besides General Zia: General Akhtar Abdur Rehman (CJCSC), Lt Gen Mian Muhammad Afzaal (CGS), Maj Gen Mohammad Sharif Nasir (DGCD), Maj Gen Abdus Sami (VCGS), Maj Gen Muhammad Hussain Awan (GOC 23 Div), Brig Najib Ahmed (MS(P)), Brig Moin Ud Din Khawaja (PSO to CJCSC), Brig Siddique Salik (DPR), Brig Muhammad Latif (DITD), Brig Abdul Majid (DEME), Col Safdar Mohammad (OSD, Admin Presidency), Sqn Ldr Rahat Mujeeb Saddique (ADC to the President), Capt. Zahid (GSO-3, CGS Sectt), Naib Subedar Mohammad Shafiq, Jan Muhammad, Arnold Lewis Raphel (US Ambassador to Pakistan), and Brigadier General Herbert M. Wassom (US military attache to Pakistan).[25][26]

Funeral

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 in Islamabad, the country's capital. Also in attendance was his successor as President of Pakistan, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who had earlier officially announced Zia's death in a nationwide address. Zia's remains were interred in a small tomb outside the Faisal Mosque. The TV announcers cried during the whole ceremony.. and created an atmosphere of national lost

Books about Haq's time period

  • Breaking the Curfew by Emma Duncan (1989) ISBN 071812989X
  • Working with Zia by General Khalid Mahmud Arif
  • Khaki Shadows by General Khalid Mahmud Arif
  • Desperately Seeking Paradise by Ziauddin Sardar
  • Waiting for Allah by Christina Lamb
  • Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia by Hassan Iftikhar
  • Journey to Disillusionment by Sherbaz Khan Mazari
  • Ghost Wars by Steven Coll
  • General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Shaheed: A Compilation by various authors
  • Charlie Wilson's War by George Crile
  • The Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story by Mohammed Yousaf, Mark Adkin (1992) ISBN 0850522676

Portrayals in popular culture

Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:

  • Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame (1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (here known as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and put to death.
  • Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War.
  • Zia is caricatured as the main protagonist in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satirical novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his death.[27]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b A.H. Amin. "Interview with Brig (retd) Shamim Yasin Manto" Defence Journal, February 2002
  2. ^ The Consequences of Nuclear Proliferation: Lessons from South Asia By Devin T. Hagerty Published by MIT Press, 1998, ISBN 0262581612, pp 114
  3. ^ A.H. Amin "Interview with Maj Gen (retd) Naseerullah Khan Babar" Defence Journal, April 2001 issue
  4. ^ Ardeshir Cowasjee, "The general's generals" Daily Dawn, 29 June, 1995
  5. ^ A.H. Amin "Remembering Our Warriors: Maj Gen (Retd) Tajammal Hussain Malik" Defence Journal, September 2001
  6. ^ a b Story of Pakistan. "Ouster of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto" (PHP). http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A143. Retrieved on 2006-11-07. 
  7. ^ Militarism and the State Pakistan: Military Intervention by Eqbal Ahmed (Le Monde Diplomatique, October 1977)
  8. ^ a b c US Country Studies. "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto" (PHP). http://countrystudies.us/pakistan/20.htm. Retrieved on 2006-11-07. 
  9. ^ Mazari, Sherbaz(2000) A Journey into disillusionment
  10. ^ The History and Culture of Pakistan, Nigel Kelly ISBN 1901458679
  11. ^ Pakistan Penal Code, Religious and Ahmadi-specific Laws
  12. ^ Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, PART XII - Miscellaneous, Chapter 5. Interpretation, Article 260(3)
  13. ^ The entire population of Rabwah, now renamed as Chenab Nagar, was charged under section PPC 298-C on 15-Dec-1989 here
  14. ^ Excerpts from 'A Man of God' by Iain Adamson Review of Religions, pages 30-50, April 2003, Vol.98, No.4
  15. ^ Proliferation Unbound: Nuclear Tales from Pakistan, Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan. by Gaurav Kampani,February 23, 2004
  16. ^ The Man Who Sold the Bomb, Time.com Sunday, Feb 6, 2005
  17. ^ Pakistan's Kalashnikov Culture and the CIA-ISI-Saudi Axis,By Alex Constantine
  18. ^ Guns in Pakistan
  19. ^ The Afghanistan Drug Trade, Forbes.com by Richard McGill Murphy October 16, 1997
  20. ^ US lowers net worth of osama bin Laden, By Katherine Pfleger Shrader, Associated Press writer, September 2, 2004
  21. ^ http://www.travel-culture.com/pakistan/ziaulhaq.shtml
  22. ^ Daily Times Online Edition December 4, 2005
  23. ^ Times Online, 16 August 2008
  24. ^ The History and Culture of Pakistan by Nigel Kelly. ISBN 1901458679
  25. ^ Foreign affairs Pakistan by Pakistan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (MOFA, 1988)
  26. ^ "Plea in court to revive C-130 crash case" Business Recorder, 22 April, 1996
  27. ^ Mohammed Hanif (May 2008). A Case of Exploding Mangoes. Knopf. ISBN 0307268071. 

External links

Military offices
Preceded by
Tikka Khan
Chief of Army Staff
1976 – 1988
Succeeded by
Mirza Aslam Beg
Political offices
Preceded by
Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
President of Pakistan
1978 – 1988
Succeeded by
Ghulam Ishaq Khan

 
 

 

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