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| Political Biography: Neil Kinnock |
(b. Glamorgan, 28 Mar. 1942) British; leader of Labour Party 1983 – 92; European commissioner 1995 – 9; vice-president of the European Commission (with responsibility for administrative reform) 1999 – 2004; head of the British Council 2004 – Neil Kinnock was the son of a coal miner and brought up in the Welsh valleys. At university he devoted a lot of his energy to student politics. He won a safe Labour seat, Bedwelty in South Wales (much of which remained in the new seat of Islwyn which he represented from 1983), and entered parliament in 1970 aged 28. Kinnock was a brilliant orator and a supporter of most left-wing causes in the next ten years. This was useful as the party moved sharply to the left, particularly after the defeat of the Labour government in the 1979 election.
Kinnock was elected to the party's National Executive in 1978 and then the shadow Cabinet in 1980. After Labour's worst election defeat for fifty years the party skipped a generation and elected him as leader in 1983 in succession to his close friend Michael Foot. He was elected under the new electoral machinery which gave 70 per cent of the vote to the constituency parties and trade unions. It was this extra-parliamentary support that helped him to win.
As party leader Kinnock was faced by a formidable Prime Minister in Margaret Thatcher and huge Conservative majorities in the House of Commons. The Thatcher government broke with the post-war consensus and moved the agenda sharply to the right. Labour had to come to terms with the changes and was dispirited in these years. Kinnock also had to face down challenges from determined left-wing Labour local authorities and trade unions (notably the National Union of Mineworkers) who robustly contested Conservative government policies. He showed great courage in defying activists' demands that he support actions which broke the law. He had few heavyweight supporters in the party. Before the 1987 election Kinnock persuaded the party to accept a number of policy changes including the sale of council houses to tenants and Britain's continued membership of the European Community.
After another clear election defeat in 1987 Kinnock moved party policy further to the centre ground. For Labour to come to terms with the social and cultural changes and win another election, it would have to change itself radically. This involved abandoning a unilateralist defence policy, accepting a number of the Conservative policies on privatization, tax, and industrial relations, and trying to appeal to the skilled working class. The party's left wing criticized the policy changes, as well as the reforms in the party organization, which were designed to weaken the influence of left-wing activists, and the use of public relations. He was challenged in a leadership contest in 1988 by the left-wing Tony Benn, and won 88 per cent of the electoral college vote. In the 1992 election a Labour victory seemed highly probable and Kinnock was bitterly disappointed when the party failed to win. He knew that he was widely regarded as an electoral liability and resigned the leadership soon afterwards.
Kinnock had done much to make the Labour Party more electable and repudiate the left wing. But much of his energy was spent on internal party battles rather than projecting himself to the nation. It was ironic that, having been elected as the candidate of the left, Kinnock did so much to weaken it. Critics pointed to the number of positions which he had held as a young MP but now repudiated and wondered what he stood for. It was his misfortune that much of his political learning and many of his changes of mind on policy occurred while he was party leader. Apart from a brief spell as Michael Foot's parliamentary secretary, he never held any government post. In 1994 he resigned from the Commons and became a European Commissioner.
| Biography: Neil Kinnock |
The British Labor Party politician Neil Kinnock (born 1942) served as a member of Parliament beginning in 1970. He also served as a member of the Labor Party's national executive committee beginning in 1977 and was elected party leader in 1983.
Neil Kinnock was born in Tredegar, South Wales, on March 28, 1942. His father, Gordon Kinnock, began his working life as a coal miner but subsequently changed to work in a steel mill due to a chronic skin disease brought on by the working conditions in the mines. In 1939 he married Mary Howells, who was the district nurse for Tredegar. Both parents were staunch Labor supporters. His first distinct political memory was being taken by his father to hear a speech by Aneuran Bevan, the town's member of Parliament (M.P.). Kinnock joined the Labor Party at the age of 15.
Mary Kinnock saw to it that her son attended the best schools in the district. Although Neil passed the entrance exam known in Britain as the "11 plus" with flying colors, his years in secondary school were neither happy nor academically successful. However, he did well enough in his final year to gain admission to University College, Cardiff.
At the university, Kinnock immediately threw himself into the whirl of student politics. He organized protests against apartheid in South Africa and the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela, campaigned for James Callaghan during the 1964 elections, served as chairman of the campus socialist society, and in 1965 was elected president of the student union. During his college years he developed his skills as a fluent and quick-witted speaker. He also met Glenys Parry, the daughter of a North Wales railway worker and student activist. The two were married in 1967.
Because of his political activity, his studies suffered; in fact, he only barely graduated after failing his exams the first time. Shortly afterwards he became a staff tutor and organizer for the Worker Education Association. He gained a reputation as a gifted teacher and lecturer on economics, and as early as 1967 his name was being mentioned as a prospective candidate for Parliament. When the incumbent Labor M.P. for Bedwellty, South Wales, unexpectedly announced in 1969 that he would not be running for reelection, Kinnock decided to seek - and narrowly won - the local Labor Party nomination over an endorsed candidate of the National Union of Mineworkers who was twice his age. In the 1970 general election Kinnock won by 22,000 votes and held the seat by massive majorities through the mid-1980s.
On entering Parliament, Kinnock joined forces with the left wing of the parliamentary Labor Party grouped around the newspaper Tribune. His maiden speech was an abrasive attack on the Tories during a debate on the National Health Service. During the 1970-1974 Parliament he spoke frequently in debates and conscientiously attended to the needs of his Bedwellty constituents. Thereafter, however, his attendance in Parliament dropped off; and by the early 1980s he had one of the ten worst attendance records of all contemporary M.P.s.
In the years 1974-1979 Kinnock had gained a national following among the left wing of the Labor Party and in the country at large. He appeared frequently on television and spoke at many local Labor Party and trade union meetings. A sharp critic of the Wilson and Callaghan administrations, he turned down offers of ministerial positions, although he served briefly as Michael Foot's parliamentary private secretary. He unsuccessfully opposed Britain's entry into the European Common Market (European Union), which the British electorate approved by a large margin in a 1975 referendum. He led the Welsh opposition to legislation providing for limited self-government for Wales, arguing that the misfortunes of Welsh working people could best be redressed "in a single [British] nation and in a single economic unit." His stance was triumphantly vindicated in March 1979 when Welsh voters overwhelmingly rejected the proposal in a referendum. He was also associated with Labor Party M.P.s and activists who were calling for constitutional changes in the electoral method by which the Labor Party selected its leader. He won election to the Labor Party's national executive committee on his second attempt in 1977 and was subsequently re-elected until his emergence as party leader. As a Conservative newspaper said of him in 1978, Kinnock was "a left wing fanatic who looks and sounds like a reasonable man."
Following Labor's defeat in the general election of 1979, Kinnock's political orientation underwent an abrupt change. He agreed to enter the shadow cabinet as spokes-person on education, thus ending his years as a back-bench "rebel." Distancing himself from the far left of the Labor Party, he opposed the candidacy of Tony Benn for the post of deputy leader in 1981 - a bitterly fought contest that Benn lost by the narrowest of margins. In Kinnock's opinion, "We needed the contest like we needed bubonic plague." He also denounced as demagogic promises that a Labor government could fully restore cuts in educational and social services spending given the parlous state of the British economy. These and other positions of his cost him considerable support on the Labor left, and by the 1982 party conference he had slipped to fifth place in the balloting for election to the national executive.
The 1983 general election was a disaster for the Labor Party, which saw its proportion of the votes cast reduced to a post World War II low of 27.6 percent. Nevertheless, it was Labor's defeat that provided the context for Kinnock's election as party leader in October 1983. He had been an unswerving supporter of Michael Foot, and, partially as a repayment for his loyalty, Foot let it be known following his resignation as leader that he wanted Kinnock to succeed him. In a smoothly-run campaign held under the terms of the new electoral system he had been one of the first to advocate in the 1970s, Kinnock easily defeated three opponents with 71.3 percent of the votes. In his tenure as leader he continued his attacks on the Conservative administration of Margaret Thatcher, as well as his opponents on the left - most notably Arthur Scargill of the National Union of Mineworkers, whose leadership of the 1984-1985 nationwide coalmining strike he sharply criticized at Labor Party conferences. In the opinion of the Economist of London his personal dominance within the Labor Party had by 1986 come to exceed that of any Labor Party leader since Clement Attlee in the 1940s and 1950s.
By 1992, Kinnock had resigned as Labor Party Chief. The Labor Party was defeated in the April 9, 1992 election. Kinnock now serves as European Commissioner for Transport.
Further Reading
Two currently available biographies are Robert Harris, The Making of Neil Kinnock (London, 1984) and G. M. F. Drower, Neil Kinnock: The Path to Leadership (London, 1984). B. Pimlott reviews both books and adds his own analysis in the Times Literary Supplement (London, October 12, 1984). The Economist (London, May 17, 1986) contains a useful survey and analysis of his career. Since Kinnock speaks better than he writes, Hansard's Parliamentary Debates should be consulted in order to catch the full impact of his style. See also: "The Labour Party leadership and deputy leadership elections of 1992," by R. K. Alderman in Parliamentary Affairs, January 1993, vol. 46, no. 1, pp. 49-65; and "Neil Kinnock: European Commissioner," by David Lennon in Europe, October 1995, pp. 12-16.
| British History: Neil G. Kinnock |
Kinnock, Neil G. (b. 1943). Formerly leader of the Labour Party (1983-92), European commissioner from 1995. Having lost two general elections in a row to the Conservatives (1987, 1992), Kinnock disarmingly confessed to being a failure. His left-wing views (particularly support for the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament) alienated many voters, while his rhetorical style was considered verbose even by many of his own supporters. Though he demonstrated courage in facing up to left-wing extremists in his party, dropping unpopular policies, and beginning the process of modernizing Labour, the impression remained that he lacked the gravitas required of a prime minister.
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Neil Gordon Kinnock |
Bibliography
See R. Harris, The Making of Neil Kinnock (1984).
| Quotes By: Neil Kinnock |
Quotes:
"The enemy of idealism is zealotry."
"I would die for my country, but I could never let my country die for me."
| Wikipedia: Neil Kinnock |
| The Right Honourable The Lord Kinnock of Bedwellty PC |
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| In office 2 October 1983 – 18 July 1992 |
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| Monarch | Elizabeth II |
|---|---|
| Prime Minister | Margaret Thatcher John Major |
| Preceded by | Michael Foot |
| Succeeded by | John Smith |
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| In office 4 May 1979 – 2 October 1983 |
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| Leader | Michael Foot |
| Preceded by | Mark Carlisle |
| Succeeded by | John Smith |
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Member of Parliament
for Bedwellty |
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| In office 18 June 1970 – 9 June 1983 |
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| Preceded by | Harold Finch |
| Succeeded by | Constituency Abolished |
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Member of Parliament
for Islwyn |
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| In office 9 June 1983 – 16 February 1995 |
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| Preceded by | Constituency Established |
| Succeeded by | Don Touhig |
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| Born | 28 March 1942 Tredegar, Wales, UK |
| Nationality | British |
| Political party | Labour |
| Spouse(s) | Glenys Kinnock |
| Religion | Agnostic |
Neil Gordon Kinnock, Baron Kinnock of Bedwellty (born 28 March 1942) is a Welsh Labour politician, who was a Member of Parliament from 1970 to 1995, and was the Leader of the Opposition from 1983 to 1992, when he resigned after being defeated in the 1992 general election. Kinnock is seen as the last leader to preside over "Old Labour" before his successor John Smith began the party's transition to a more moderate ideological direction. He served as a UK Commissioner of the European Commission from 1995 until 2004, and is now Chairman of the British Council and President of Cardiff University.
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Kinnock, an only child, was born in Tredegar, Wales. His father Gordon Herbert Kinnock was a coal miner who suffered from dermatitis and had to find work as a labourer; and his mother Mary Kinnock was a district nurse. Gordon died in November 1971 aged 64, and Mary died the following month aged 61.
In 1953, Kinnock went to Lewis School, Pengam from where he won a place to University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, obtaining a degree (his second attempt) in industrial relations and history in 1965. A year later, Kinnock obtained a postgraduate diploma in education. Between August 1966 and May 1970, he worked as a tutor for a Workers' Educational Association (WEA).
He married Glenys Parry in 1967 and they have two children - a son Stephen who was born in 1969, and a daughter Rachel who was born in 1971. They now have four grandchildren.
In June 1969 he won the Labour Party nomination for the constituency of Bedwellty in Wales (later Islwyn). He was elected on 18 June 1970 and became a member of the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party in October 1978. On becoming an MP for the first time, his father said "Remember Neil, MP stands not just for Member of Parliament, but also for Man of Principle". Labour government policy at the time was in favour of devolution for Wales, but the wider party was split. Calling himself a 'unionist', Kinnock was one of six south Wales Labour MPs to campaign against devolution on centralist, essentially British-nationalist grounds. He dismissed the idea of a Welsh identity, saying that "between the mid-sixteenth century and the mid-eighteenth century Wales had practically no history at all, and even before that it was the history of rural brigands who have been ennobled by being called princes".[1] In the Wales referendum, 1979, the proposal for devolution was rejected.
Following Labour's defeat in the 1979 General Election, James Callaghan appointed Neil Kinnock to the Shadow Cabinet as Education spokesman. His ambition was noted by other MPs, and David Owen's opposition to the changes to the electoral college was thought to be motivated by the realisation that they would favour Kinnock's succession. He was known as a left-winger, and gained notoriety for his attacks on Margaret Thatcher's handling of the Falklands War.
His first period as party leader - between the 1983 and 1987 elections - was dominated by his struggle with the hard left. Although Kinnock had come from the "Tribune" left of the party, he parted company with many of his previous allies after his appointment to the shadow cabinet. In 1981, Kinnock was alleged to have effectively scuppered Tony Benn's attempt to replace Denis Healey as Labour's deputy leader by first supporting the candidacy of the more traditionalist Tribunite John Silkin and then urging Silkin supporters to abstain on the second, run-off, ballot.
All this meant that Kinnock had made plenty of enemies on the left by the time he was elected as leader, though a substantial number of former Bennites gave him strong backing. He was almost immediately in serious difficulty as a result of Arthur Scargill's decision to lead his union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) into a national strike (in opposition to pit closures) without a members' ballot. The NUM was widely regarded as the Labour movement's praetorian guard and the strike convulsed the Labour movement. Kinnock supported the aim of the strike - which he famously dubbed the "case for coal" - but, as an MP from a mining area, was bitterly critical of the tactics employed. In 1985 he made his criticisms public in a speech to Labour's conference :
| “ | The strike wore on. The violence built up because the single tactic chosen was that of mass picketing, and so we saw policing on a scale and with a system that has never been seen in Britain before. The court actions came, and by the attitude to the court actions, the NUM leadership ensured that they would face crippling damages as a consequence. To the question: "How did this position arise?", the man from the lodge in my constituency said: "It arose because nobody really thought it out." | ” |
The strike's defeat and the rise of the Militant tendency were the immediate background for 1985's Labour conference in Bournemouth. Kinnock attacked the Militant-dominated Liverpool City Council. The passage of his speech referring to Militant and Liverpool is one of the most famous of any post-war British politician's:
| “ | I'll tell you what happens with impossible promises. You start with far-fetched resolutions. They are then pickled into a rigid dogma, a code, and you go through the years sticking to that, out-dated, misplaced, irrelevant to the real needs, and you end in the grotesque chaos of a Labour council - a Labour council! - hiring taxis to scuttle round a city handing out redundancy notices to its own workers. | ” |
In 1986, the party's position appeared to strengthen further with excellent election results and a thorough rebranding of the party under the direction of Kinnock's director of communications Peter Mandelson. Labour, now sporting a continental social democratic style emblem of a rose, appeared to be able to run the governing Conservatives close, but Margaret Thatcher did not let Labour's makeover go unchallenged.
The Conservatives' 1986 conference was well-managed, and effectively relaunched the Conservatives as a party of radical free-market liberalism. Labour suffered from a persistent image of extremism, especially as Kinnock's campaign to root out the Militants dragged on as figures on the hard left of the party tried to stop its progress. Opinion polls showed that voters favoured retaining Britain's nuclear weapons and believed that the Conservatives would be better than Labour at defending the country.[2]
In early 1987, Labour lost a by-election in Greenwich to the Social Democratic Party's Rosie Barnes. As a result, Labour faced the 1987 election in some danger of coming third in the popular vote. In secret, Labour's aim became to secure second place with a good 35% of the vote - effectively cutting into the Tory majority but not yet in government.[citation needed]
Labour fought a professional campaign that at one point scared the Tories into thinking they might lose. Mandelson and his team had revolutionised Labour's communications - a transformation symbolised by a party election broadcast popularly known as "Kinnock: The Movie". This was directed by Hugh Hudson and featured Kinnock's 1985 conference speech, and shots of him and Glenys walking on the Great Orme in Llandudno (so emphasising his appeal as a family man and associating him with images of Wales away from the coalmining communities where he grew up), and a speech to that year's Welsh Labour Party conference asking why he was the "first Kinnock in a thousand generations" to go to university.
Former Delaware Senator, presidential candidate and future Vice President of the United States Joe Biden was so impressed with Kinnock's speech that he borrowed lines from it in his own campaign speeches in the summer of 1987. Biden sometimes attributed his words to Kinnock, but notably did not in a speech at a Democratic debate in Iowa in August 1987, a mistake that led to Biden's withdrawal from the race a month later.
On polling day, Labour easily took second place, but with only 31 per cent to the SDP-Liberal Alliance's 22 per cent. Labour was still more than ten percentage points behind the Conservatives, who retained a three-figure majority in the House of Commons. However, the Conservative government's majority had come down from 144 in 1983 to 102. Labour won extra seats in Scotland, Wales and Northern England, but lost ground particularly in Southern England and London. Nevertheless, the party still made a net gain in seats.
The second period of Kinnock's leadership was dominated by his drive to reform the party's policies and so win power. This began with an exercise dubbed the policy review, the most high-profile aspect of which was a series of consultations with the public known as "Labour Listens" in autumn 1987.
In organisational terms, the party leadership continued to battle with the Militant Tendency, though by now Militant was in retreat in the party and was simultaneously attracted by the opportunities to grow outside Labour's ranks - opportunities largely created by Margaret Thatcher's hugely unpopular poll tax.
After Labour Listens, the party went on, in 1988, to produce a new statement of aims and values - meant to supplement and supplant the formulation of Clause IV of the party's constitution (though, crucially, this was not actually replaced until 1995 under the leadership of Tony Blair) and was closely modelled on Anthony Crosland's social-democratic thinking - emphasising equality rather than public ownership. At the same time the commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament was dropped, and reforms of Party Conference and the National Executive meant that local parties lost much of their ability to influence policy.
In 1988, Kinnock was challenged by Tony Benn for the party leadership. Later many identified this as a particularly low period in Kinnock's leadership - as he appeared mired in internal battles after five years of leadership and the Conservatives still dominating the scene. In the end, though, Kinnock won a decisive victory over Benn.
The policy review - reporting in 1989 - coincided with Labour's move ahead in the polls as the poll tax row was destroying Conservative support, and Labour won big victories in local by-elections. Kinnock was also perceived as scoring in debates over Margaret Thatcher in the Commons - previously an area in which he was seen as weak - and finally Conservative MPs voted to remove Thatcher as their leader, after disagreements with her on Europe and the poll tax, installing John Major. Public reaction to Major's elevation was highly positive. A new Prime Minister and the fact that Kinnock became the longest-serving current leader of a major party reduced the impact of calls for "Time for a Change".
In the 1992 election, Labour made considerable progress - reducing the Conservative majority to just 21 seats. It came as a shock to many when the Conservatives remained in power, but the perceived triumphalism of a Labour party rally in Sheffield (together with Kinnock's performance on the podium) may have helped put voters off. (Although most of those directly involved in the campaign believe that the rally really came to widespread attention only after the election itself).
On the day of the general election, The Sun ran a famous front page featuring Kinnock (headline: "If Kinnock wins today will the last person to leave Britain please turn out the lights") that he blamed in his resignation speech for losing Labour the election.
In the three years leading up to the 1992 election, Labour had constantly topped the opinion polls, with 1991 seeing the Tories (rejuvenated by the arrival of a new leader in John Major the previous November) snatch the lead off Labour more than once before Labour regained it. Kinnock had spent all of 1991 putting pressure on Major to hold the election that year, but Major had held out and insisted that there would be no general election in 1991.
Kinnock himself later claimed to have half-expected the loss and proceeded to turn himself into a media personality, even hosting a chat show on BBC Wales and twice appearing - with considerable success - on the topical panel show Have I Got News For You within a year of the defeat. Many years later, he returned to appear as a guest host of the programme.
He remains on the Advisory Council of the Institute for Public Policy Research, which he helped set up in the 1980s.
Kinnock was appointed one of Britain's two members of the European Commission, which he served first as Transport Commissioner under President Jacques Santer. He was obliged to resign as part of the forced, collective resignation of the Commission in 1999, but there was never any suggestion that he himself had done anything corrupt. He was re-appointed to the Commission under new President Romano Prodi. He now became one of the Vice-Presidents of the European Commission. His term of office as a Commissioner was due to expire on 30 October 2004, but was delayed owing to the withdrawal of the new Commissioners. During this second term of office on the Commission, he was responsible for introducing new staff regulations for EU officials, a significant feature of which was substantial salary cuts for everyone employed after 1 May 2004, reduced pension prospects for many others, and gradually worsening employment conditions. This made him disliked by many EU staff members, although the pressure on budgets that largely drove these changes had actually been imposed on the Commission from above by the Member States in Council.
In February 2004 it was announced that with effect from 1 November 2004 Kinnock would become head of the British Council. At the same time his son Stephen Kinnock was to become head of the British Council branch in St. Petersburg, Russia. At the end of October, it was announced that he would become a member of the House of Lords (intending to be a working peer), when he was able to leave his EU responsibilities. In 1977, he had remained in the House of Commons, with Dennis Skinner, while other MPs walked to the Lords to hear the Queen's speech opening the new parliament. He had dismissed going to the Lords in recent interviews. Kinnock explained his change of attitude, despite the continuing presence of 90 hereditary peers and appointment by patronage, by asserting that the Lords was a good base for campaigning.
He was introduced to the House of Lords on 31 January 2005, after being created Baron Kinnock, of Bedwellty in the County of Gwent. On assuming his seat he stated, "I accepted the kind invitation to enter the House of Lords as a working peer for practical political reasons." When his peerage was first announced, he said, "It will give me the opportunity... to contribute to the national debate on issues like higher education, research, Europe and foreign policy." His peerage meant that the Labour and Conservative parties were equal in numbers in the upper house of Parliament (since then, the number of Labour members has overtaken the number of Conservative members). Kinnock was a long-time critic of the House of Lords, and his acceptance of a peerage led him to be accused of hypocrisy, by Will Self[3], among others.[4]
Kinnock gained attention in the United States in 1987 when it was discovered that then-Senator Joe Biden of Delaware quoted one of Kinnock's speeches while forgetting to credit him during Biden 's 1988 presidential campaign.[5] This led to Biden's withdrawing from the race.[6]
Biden later became Vice President of the United States; on 18 January 2009 Glenys Kinnock revealed on the BBC's Andrew Marr Show that she and Neil Kinnock had received a personal invitation from Biden to attend the inauguration of Barack Obama and Biden on 20 January 2009 at the United States Capitol in Washington.
He is married to Glenys Kinnock, currently Minister for Europe, and formerly Labour Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for Wales from 1999 to 2009, and MEP for South Wales East from 1994 to 1999. The two met while studying at University College, Cardiff, where they were known as "the power and the glory" (Glenys the power), and they married on 25 March 1967.[7] Previously living together in Peterston-Super-Ely, a village near the western outskirts of Cardiff, in 2008 they moved to Tufnell Park, London, to be closer to their daughter and grandchildren[8]
They have two children, Stephen and Rachel.[9] Stephen is married to Helle Thorning-Schmidt, who is the leader of the Danish Social Democrats political party. He is assistant director of the British Council, which is chaired by his father, in Sierra Leone. Rachel works in the Political Office at 10 Downing Street under Gordon Brown.
In 1984 Neil Kinnock appeared in the video for the Tracey Ullman song "My Guy" as a someone with a clipboard canvassing on a council estate. The record reached #23 in the charts.
Before university, Kinnock attended Lewis School, Pengam, which he later criticised for its record on corporal punishment (caning).
On 26 April 2006, Neil Kinnock was given a six-month driving ban after being found guilty of two speeding offences along the M4 motorway, west of London.
Nicknamed "the Welsh Windbag" by Private Eye magazine, an image repeated on Spitting Image, and "Kinocchio" by the Conservatives, he had the task of leading the Labour Party during a protracted period out of government. Private Eye also ran a comic strip "Dan Dire: Pilot of the future?". This was based on the comic character Dan Dare, and one in which the hapless space pilot's adventures were based on the political misfortunes of Kinnock.
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