Normandy campaign (1944). The western Allies had long agreed that continental Europe should be invaded as soon as practicable, and the Soviets vigorously demanded a second front to reduce German pressure in the east. However, the British, with imperial commitments and the painful legacy of WW I, were more cautious than their allies. In August 1942 a raid on Dieppe by a Canadian division failed with heavy casualties, but by illustrating the problems of cross-Channel assault it gave planners an early indication that specialized armoured vehicles and landing craft would be required for a subsequent attack. At the Casablanca conference in January 1943 Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt agreed that the Allies would develop operations in the Mediterranean and continue with the bombing of Germany. Although there was as yet no supreme commander for the operation, the British Lt Gen Morgan, COS Supreme Allied Commander (Designate) (COSSAC), began planning an invasion, and a target date of 1 May 1944 was set.
The Normandy campaign, June 1944: the Normandy landings, Operation OVERLORD.
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The Normandy campaign, 1944: the breakout
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COSSAC staff considered two main invasion sites: the Pas de Calais, across the Channel at its narrowest point, and Normandy. They decided on the latter. It was less obvious and less heavily defended; the port of Cherbourg might be captured early on; and, although Normandy was further away than the Pas de Calais, it was well within range of fighters based in Britain and conveniently placed for the many ports and anchorages on the south coast. Morgan believed that it would take two weeks to capture Cherbourg, and in the meantime the Channel weather might make it difficult to land supplies: work was begun on two huge floating sectional harbours (Mulberries) which would be towed to France. Maj Gen Hobart, a pioneer of armoured warfare, had been brought back from retirement to command an armoured division composed of ‘funnies’, specialist vehicles which would help the attackers get ashore and fight their way through the beach defences. In addition to the naval plan for the invasion (NEPTUNE) and the invasion itself (OVERLORD), a comprehensive deception plan (FORTITUDE) would seek to persuade the Germans first that the Pas de Calais would be attacked and second that the invasion of Normandy was simply a diversion.
In December 1943 Eisenhower was appointed Supreme Allied Commander, with a British deputy, ACM Tedder. The component commanders were all British. Naval forces would be commanded by Adm Ramsay, ground forces (Twenty-First Army Group) by Montgomery, and air forces by ACM Leigh-Mallory. Montgomery decided that the COSSAC team had allocated too few troops to the initial attack, and directed that five divisions—from east to west British, Canadian, British, and two American—would form the first wave, their flanks protected by three airborne divisions, the British 6th to the east and the US 82nd and 101st to the west.
Concurrent activity proceeded on a massive scale. Intelligence on the invasion area was gleaned from the French Resistance, air reconnaissance, and even holiday postcards requested by the BBC. Air attacks wreaked havoc on German road and rail communications, though in such a way that the invasion sector was not especially favoured. The Mulberries and landing craft were built, and as Montgomery's plan demanded more of the latter the invasion date slipped to 5 June. FORTITUDE gained momentum, persuading the Germans that an American army group under Patton was in south-east England, ready for a descent on the Pas de Calais.
The Germans knew that invasion was likely. Their forces in France and the Low Countries, under C-in-C West Rundstedt, comprised Army Group G, in southern France, and Rommel's Army Group B. The latter's Seventh Army held Normandy, with the Fifteenth responsible for the Pas de Calais, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The Germans had been at work on the defences of the Atlantic wall since 1942, and Rommel pushed the work ahead as quickly as he could. His own experience in North Africa persuaded him that the textbook solution for dealing with amphibious invasion—identifying its main thrust, and then concentrating reserves to meet it—would not work in Normandy because of Allied air power. He was convinced that the invasion would have to be stopped on the beaches, and that, for Allies and Germans alike, the first day would be the longest. Both Rundstedt and the commander of Panzergruppe West, Gen Geyr von Schweppenburg, disagreed. The argument was made more complex by the fact that most German armoured divisions in Normandy could not be moved without Hitler's personal authority. When the invasion came Rommel had only one usable armoured division, 21st Panzer, in the immediate area.
The west played second fiddle to the eastern front, and the bulk of German combat-ready divisions were there. Many divisions in the west were understrength and still relied on horse-drawn transport. There were many foreign troops, most of them former Soviet POWs who spoke little German. Allied bombing wore down the German arms industry, forced the diversion of manpower and material to the air defence of the Reich, and had already done serious damage to the Luftwaffe.
Bad weather compelled Eisenhower to postpone the invasion for 24 hours, and even on 5 June the forecast was uncertain. Early that morning Eisenhower, in his headquarters at Southwick House near Portsmouth, took the brave decision to go ahead on the 6th, which was to become D-Day. Almost 5, 000 ships set out, and parachutists and glider troops prepared to board their aircraft. The first blow fell just after midnight on the 6th when a company of 2nd Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry secured the bridges over the Caen canal and the river Orne just north of Caen. Shortly afterwards the airborne divisions began to arrive, and although they were widely spread, with some men lost in the sea or flooded rivers, their arrival helped confuse German commanders. German response was not helped by the fact that Rommel was on leave in Germany and many senior officers were on their way to a war game at Rennes.
The British and Canadian landings on GOLD, JUNO, and SWORD beaches went much as planned, although exploitation inland was somewhat disappointing, and the British 3rd Division, in the east, failed to capture Caen. Although the American landing on UTAH beach went well, at OMAHA beach the Americans ran into a strong defence and, with most of their amphibious tanks swamped offshore and lacking the specialist armour used in the British sector, they suffered heavily before wresting a toehold. The results of D-Day were impressive enough. Over 150, 000 Allied soldiers were ashore, and the expected German counter-attack had failed to materialize: even 21st Panzer Division, dangerously close to SWORD beach and the British airborne landings, had not been committed until it was too late.
Over the days that followed, the Allies linked up their beachheads and, while the Americans swung up the Cotentin peninsula towards Cherbourg, Montgomery made the first of several attempts to take Caen. The 7th Armoured Division, with desert experience but uneasy in the very diffrent terrain of Normandy, was checked at Villers-Bocage on 12-14 June. Cherbourg fell at the end of June, but the harbour was so thoroughly damaged that it took months to repair. On 24-30 June the British launched EPSOM, another attempt to outflank Caen from the west, and made slow progress in very heavy fighting.
The characteristics of the battle for Normandy, where the intensity of the fighting at times resembled that on the western front in WW I, were already clear. The Allies enjoyed superior resources, and sustained themselves despite a storm which destroyed the American Mulberry and damaged the British. Their air power played havoc with German units on their way to the front and made movement in the battle area risky. But they lacked relevant experience, and sometimes their morale wavered. The bocage terrain of western Normandy favoured the resolute defender, and there was growing concern at an invasion which seemed to have stuck fast. Yet German commanders were no more sanguine. Hitler replaced the gloomy Rundstedt with FM von Kluge, who arrived filled with a confidence which soon evaporated. Rommel was wounded in an air attack on 17 July, and three days later the bomb plot increased the tensions between Hitler and his senior commanders.
Montgomery's role remains controversial. He was to maintain that his master plan involved fixing German armour in the east to allow the Americans to break out in the west, while his critics have suggested that he was in fact more opportunistic. He was under pressure to take decisive action when, on 18 July, he launched three armoured divisions east of Caen in GOODWOOD. The attack was preceded by a strike by Allied heavy bombers, and it may be that the need to secure the support of the strategic bombing force induced Montgomery to oversell the operation to Eisenhower. It cost almost 6, 000 casualties and 400 tanks, and produced no breakout. Montgomery argued that this did not matter, for he had attracted German reserves, giving Bradley, in command of the US First Army, the chance to break out.
On 25 July Bradley mounted COBRA, west of Saint-Lô. Its initial aims were modest, but Lt Gen Collins, commanding the assaulting corps, realized that he had achieved a breakthrough and hustled on towards Avranches. It had been planned that when the Americans had sufficient forces in theatre they would activate the US Third Army under Patton, with Lt Gen Hodges taking over First Army while Bradley became commander of Twelfth Army Group. Patton, ideally suited to fighting a mobile battle, sent some of his troops to Brittany but swung others eastwards. The British and Canadians continued the long slog around Caen, the former taking Mont Pincon and the latter mounting two methodical attacks, operations TOTALISE and TRACTABLE, down the Caen-Falaise road. Hitler insisted on a counter-attack at Mortain with the intention of cutting off Patton, but despite initial progress on 7 August it foundered in the face of Allied air attacks.
German forces in Normandy were squeezed into a pocket around Falaise, with the Americans curling round from the south while the British, Canadians, and a Polish armoured division, thrust down from the north. Although the Allies were slow to seal off the pocket, enabling many determined Germans to escape, it was the climax of the campaign. The Germans lost most of their guns and vehicles, mainly to Allied air attack. Paris was liberated on 25 August, and the tide of war rolled away. German defeat in Normandy was serious in itself, and on the eastern front operation BAGRATION destroyed Army Group Centre: Germany's strategic position, parlous three months before, was now impossible.
Bibliography
- d'Este, Carlo, Decision in Normandy (London, 1983).
- Hastings, Max, Overlord: D Day and the B battle for Normandy (London, 1984).
- Keegan, John, Six Armies in Normandy (London, 1982)
— Richard Holmes




