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Patrice Hemery Lumumba |
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Oxford Dictionary of Political Biography:
Patrice Lumumba |
(b. Kasai, Belgian Congo, 2 July 1925; d. 13 Feb. 1961) Zairean; Prime Minister 1960 As the charismatic leader and first Prime Minister of Zaire (the former Belgian Congo, now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Patrice Lumumba has gained a reputation out of all proportion to his brief tenure of power. After primary education, he became assistant postmaster in Stanleyville (now Kisangani) and was imprisoned for a year for embezzlement. In 1958 he formed and led the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC), which sought a unitary state while its main opponents opted for some form of federalism. In the May 1960 elections, the MNC emerged as the strongest single party with thirty-three of the 137 seats, and Lumumba became Prime Minister at independence in June, in uncomfortable coalition with his rival, Joseph Kasavubu. The complete breakdown of order immediately after independence was due in part to Lumumba's intemperate rhetoric, and was followed by the attempted secession of the mineral-rich Katanga region under Moise Tshombe, and by UN intervention. In September the coalition broke down, and Lumumba was ousted in a coup led by Mobutu. Attempting to escape, he was captured and flown to Katanga, where he was murdered by Tshombe's forces.
Charismatic, idealistic, and entirely unsuited to government, Lumumba's name lives on as a symbol of the tragedy of the Congo, and as a contrast and reproach to his successors.
Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:
Patrice Emery Lumumba |
Patrice Emery Lumumba (1925-1961) was the first prime minister of the Republic of the Congo. His fame rests on the manner of his death and on the symbolic character of his short public life.
Patrice Lumumba was born on July 2, 1925, at Onalua near the town of Katako-Kombe in the Sankuru district of northeastern Kasai. His tribe, the Batetela, is a peripheral but dynamic branch of the Mongo-Nkutshu family of central Congo. He attended Protestant and then Catholic missionary schools and, after completing his secondary education, found a job as a postal clerk in the provincial capital of Statesville (now Kisangani) in 1954.
Political Leader
Lumumba rapidly emerged as a leader of the évoluécommunity and organized a postal workers' union. He also became a protégéof local sympathizers of the Belgian Liberal party at a time when the policy of the Liberal minister of colonies Auguste Buisseret toward mission schools was raising violent conflicts between Catholic and non-Catholic members of the colonial establishment. This patronage led to an extensive interview with King Baudouin when he visited the Congo in 1955 and helped minimize the legal aftereffects of an embezzlement charge raised against Lumumba in 1956.
In 1957, having been appointed to the much better paid position of sales director for an important brewery, Lumumba left Stanleyville for Léopoldville just in time to witness the first manifestation of organized political activity in the form of a bitterly fought municipal election that was won by Joseph Kasavubu's ABAKO. Lumumba's debut on the Léopoldville political scene was in the relatively modest role of leader of a tribal association which took part in an alliance of non-Bakongo elements in the capital.
Lumumba soon became involved, however, in a less parochial endeavor - namely, the foundation of a supraethnic movement called Movement National Congolais (MNC), a group initially dominated by educated Congolese linked to Catholic circles who wanted to broaden their appeal. Lumumba's dynamism and oratorical talents soon won him prominence in the party. He led an MNC delegation to the December 1958 All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, where he met Kwame Nkrumah, with whom he remained in touch during the rest of his own short political career.
Rise in National Politics
The year 1959 saw the emergence of Patrice Lumumba as the sole truly national figure on the Congo political scene. His persuasive, magnetic personality dominated the Luluabourg congress of April 1959, where all those political formations favoring a unitary form of government for the Congo attempted to establish a common front. Lumumba's growing prestige as well as his comparative radicalism, however, antagonized other MNC leaders, and the outcome was a split in the ranks of the party (July 1959), as a result of which most of the original founders of the party rallied behind Albert Kalonji while Lumumba retained the bulk of the rank and file.
Lumumba was briefly imprisoned in November 1959 on charges of inciting riots in Stanleyville, but he was set free in time to attend the Round Table Conference in Brussels, where his dramatic appearance stole the show from other Congolese leaders. Lumumba's efforts throughout this period were directed more steadfastly than those of any other Congolese politician toward the organization of a nationwide movement. To this effect, he took full advantage of local political situations, of his earlier connections in Stanleyville, and of his own ethnic background, which provided him with an initial foothold in many districts of the Congo. His linguistic abilities - unlike Kasavubu or Moïse Tshombe, Lumumba was an effective speaker in each of the Congo's major vehicular languages as well as in French - also helped his campaigning.
Head of Government
In the May 1960 general elections, Lumumba and his allies won 41 of 137 seats in the National Assembly and held significant positions in four of six provincial governments. As leader of the largest single party (the MNC's nearest competitor had only 15 seats), Lumumba was somewhat reluctantly selected by the Belgians to form a coalition cabinet and became the Congo's first prime minister (and minister of defense) a week before independence, and Kasavubu, leader of the Bakongo, became president of the republic with Lumumba's tacit support.
During his brief incumbency, Lumumba had to face a conjunction of emergencies such as has seldom been met by a newly independent country: the mutiny of the army and the secession of Katanga and then of Southern kasai, aided and abetted by Belgian interests and the unilateral intervention of Belgian forces. Lumumba turned to the United Nations for support, only to discover that they had no intention of accepting his definition of the Congo's national interest and insisted on opposing the use of force whether by legal or illegal authorities. In desperation, Lumumba asked for Soviet logistical support to mount an offensive against the break away regimes of Southern Kasai and Katanga but was stopped in his tracks when President Kasavubu dismissed him from office on Sept. 5, 1960.
The National Assembly reconfirmed Lumumba in power, but a fraction of the army, led by Col. Mobutu, took power, and Lumumba was confined to de facto house arrest under the protection of Ghanaian troops of the UN force. His political associates had meanwhile withdrawn to Stanleyville to organize a rival government. Lumumba slipped out of the capital and tried to make his way toward Stanleyville, but he was arrested by an army patrol and incarcerated in a military camp at Thysville.
His Murder and Legacy
Even then, Lumumba's prestige and the strength of his followers remained a threat to the unstable new rulers of the Congo. This was demonstrated when Lumumba nearly managed the incredible feat of persuading his military jailers to help him recapture power. This incident only confirmed the Léopoldville authorities' determination to get rid of the deposed premier. The decision to transfer him to either one of the secessionist states of Southern Kasai or Katanga (where he was sure to be put to death) had been debated for some time as a possible prelude to reconciliation with these two breakaway regions. On Jan. 18, 1961, Lumumba was flown to Elisabethville, capital of Katanga, where, despite the presence of UN troops, he was picked up by a small Katanga task force led by Interior Minister Godefroid Munongo and including white mercenaries, taken to a nearby house, and murdered.
The Katanga government made clumsy attempts to conceal and then to disguise the murder, but the shock waves caused by the assassination reverberated around the world and generated enough international pressure to ensure passage of a Security Council resolution permitting the use of force as a last resort by UN forces in the Congo (Feb. 21, 1961). This resolution itself unleashed a train of events which led to the restoration of a civilian regime in Léopoldville and to the eventual liquidation of all secessionist movements.
Lumumba had not been a Communist, had little interest in ideologies, and was more opportunistic than truly radical, but this has not prevented his name from being invoked after his death from a number of different quarters. The most legitimate use of Lumumba's memory is probably that which associates it with an attitude of intransigent nationalism and opposition to neocolonialism.
Further Reading
Studies of Lumumba are R. Lermachand's "Patrice Lumumba" in W. A. E. Skurnik, ed., African Political Thought: Lumumba, Nkrumah, and Touré (1968), and G. Heinz and H. Donnay, Lumumba: The Last Fifty Days (1970). Profiles of Lumumba are in Catherine Hoskyns, The Congo since Independence, January 1960 - December 1961 (1965), and Crawford Young, Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence (1965).
Gale Contemporary Black Biography:
Patrice Hemery Lumumba |
prime minister
Personal Information
Born Patrice Hémery Lumumba on July 2, 1925, in the village of Onalua in the province of Kasai, Congo, in the Batetela tribe; died on January 17, 1961; son of François Tolenga; married: Pauline Opangu, c. 1951; children: Patrice.
Career
Postal worker, c. 1947; writer for Voice of the Congo, c. 1951; arrested for misappropriating postal funds, 1956; organized Congolese Movement (MNC), 1958; elected prime minister of Congo with President Kasavubu and subsequently overthrown, 1960; arrested, escaped, captured, and delivered to Katanga secessionists, December 1960-January 1961; executed and his body destroyed, January 1961.
Life's Work
If the United States has the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X to remember as heroes of the battles in the civil rights movement and "symbols of liberation for people of African descent around the world," wrote Alan Riding in the New York Times, Congo (for many years known as Zaire) and Africa itself have Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba, a passionate nationalist, became Congo's first elected prime minister after leading the movement to wrestle control of the country's independence from Belgium in June of 1960. Two months later, vilified as a Communist by the West in the throes of the Cold War, Lumumba was overthrown and only months after that was murdered with the suspected collusion of the United States and Belgium. Though the United States was cleared of any involvement in Lumumba's death at the time, suspicions remained and independent investigations continued forty years later. According to sociologist Ludo de Witte in his book The Assassination of Lumumba, Belgian operatives directed and carried out the murder, and even helped dispose of the body. Lumumba's demise, wrote Bill Berkeley in the New York Times, was a "turning point in history that helps explain how that African nation wound up on the road to its present ruin."
Showed a Passion for Learning
Patrice Hémery Lumumba was born on July 2, 1925, in the village of Onalua in the province of Kasai, Congo, in the Batetela tribe. One of four sons of poor farmers, he began attending missionary schools at age eleven. Most missionary schools' prime directive was to prepare blacks for manual labor, and only one hour per day was given to book study, the rest to farming and other physical work. Lumumba's missionary teachers responded to the boy's ravenous hunger for knowledge and talent for learning by lending him books to read before dark, as his family was too poor to afford a candle for him to read by. Growing up, gathered with other villagers, Lumumba was told the horrific tales of atrocities at the hands of Belgian soldiers under King Leopold II. The soldiers' practice was to sever the hands of slave natives who did not gather enough rubber or ivory. Lumumba completed his primary studies in four years and went on to Tshumbe Sainte Marie Secondary School for his secondary education. For reasons unknown--some suggest his father could no longer afford school fees--Lumumba left school at age 18, after three years and with no diploma.
Lumumba went in search of work, first 150 miles away from home to Kindu, a mining town, then to Kalima, where he worked as a nursing assistant. In 1944 Lumumba set out for Kasai's second-largest city, Stanleyville (now Kisangani). Lumumba was dazzled by the cosmopolitan and European areas of the big city--its wide boulevards, lush parks, swimming pools, skyscrapers, and luxurious villas. But the city's restaurants, theaters, and hotels were off limits to Africans who were relegated to the back seats of buses and boats, and were not permitted to live within city limits.
Lumumba lived in the nearby township of Mangobo which, fortunately for Lumumba, boasted a library. Lumumba spent his time reading and with Congolese youth of his age who had also come from rural villages and had been educated in westernized mission schools. They called themselves "évolués." Together, the group debated issues, listened to news on the radio, and exchanged books. Lumumba took a course to improve his French and learned several Congolese languages, including Swahili, spoken in eastern Congo and throughout East Africa, and Lingala, a trade language spoken along the Congo River.
Became Part of the "Évolué" Community
In 1947 Lumumba--because he was fluent in Congolese languages--got a job as a postal worker in the capital city of Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), nearly 1,000 miles down the Congo River, but was transferred back to Stanleyville in 1950. Back in Stanleyville, Lumumba surrounded himself with Congolese intellectuals and liberal politics. He volunteered at the local library and helped organize the first postal-workers' union. He was a founder of Comité de l'Union Belgo-Congolaise--a group of African intellectuals and liberal Europeans with an aim to improve race relations. Lumumba's days began at two in the morning, when he would read for a few hours before taking a bath at five and breakfasting on coffee with no sugar. In 1951 Lumumba, no fan of arranged marriages, married 15-year-old Pauline Opangu, an arrangement set up by his father. Pauline could not read, write, or speak French, but Lumumba became "completely captivated" by her "elfin charm," according to Historic World Leaders. The two had one son, Patrice.
In the early 1950s, Lumumba began expressing himself in editorials and poems he wrote for La Voix du Congolese (Voice of the Congo) and La Croix du Congo, two "évolué" publications. Through these writings, he became known as one of "only a dozen Congolese in a country of thirteen million who dared to express himself," according to Historic World Leaders. In 1952 after mounting pressure from the évolués, the colonial government announced that qualified natives would be granted a registration card which would entitle them to the same privileges as Europeans, theoretically. Lumumba applied and passed the required tests, but was denied on the grounds of "immaturity." He appealed in 1954 and was among the first to receive the card. The next year, Lumumba was among a group of Congolese granted an audience with reformist Belgian King Baudouin, who was touring Congo. Lumumba was the only one in the group to answer the king's questions, and the king drew Lumumba aside to discuss the future of Congo as Baudouin's white dignitaries looked on, ignored.
The royal attention earned Lumumba regard among his fellow Congolese and the contempt of Belgian officials. He was chosen to represent the Congolese in Belgium to discuss political reform. When he returned home to Stanleyville, Lumumba was arrested for stealing about 2,500 francs from his employer, the post office. He had openly "borrowed" the money, he said, and had left a signed receipt declaring his intention to repay. Lumumba maintained his innocence throughout, but was found guilty and sentenced to two years in jail, and served 11 months. The local évolué community raised enough money to reimburse the entire sum and provide for Lumumba's family during his jail term, but colonial officials likely felt they had silenced a young reformer, if only temporarily.
Independence Sparked in Africa, Inspired Lumumba
Bent on independence for Congo, but discouraged by what had happened in Stanleyville, Lumumba went to work as a salesman for the Belgian Polar Beer company in the capital city of Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) in 1957. During that time, significant political changes were taking place across Africa, with Ghana being the first black African colony to gain independence as a nation. The Mau Mau revolt had been averted in neighboring Kenya and the prospect of independence was looking like it could become reality for several French and British colonies. Belgium finally granted limited African involvement in civic activities and held elections in Leopoldville in 1957.
Lumumba emerged as a founder of the National Congolese Movement (MNC). The group was formed in anticipation of the 1958 visit of a Belgian delegation sent to Congo to examine the political situation there and suggest plans for the country's future. The MNC petitioned the Belgian government for more native involvement in the planning of their future, and talk began to circulate of Congo's independence from Belgium, previously unheard of. From this, over a dozen political groups arose in addition to the MNC, demanding independence for Congo. The most significant of these, ABAKO, had been elected to power in Leopoldville, with Joseph Kasavubu as mayor. Another party later appeared, called Confederation des Associations du Ratanga (CONAKAT), and led by Moise Tshombe.
Lumumba and Kasavubu planned to attend the Pan-African People's Conference that year to strategize all Africa to independence. Kasavubu was unable to make the trip, but Lumumba gave an impassioned speech before the 600 delegates, citing injustices of the past and the Universal Declaration of Rights of Man and the United Nation's Charter, and arguing for an immediate end to colonialism. He declared colonialism near its end, and made it clear that Europe's future with African nations depended on support in Africa's independence, not continued imperialism. Lumumba ended his speech powerfully with: "Down with imperialism. Down with colonialism. Down with racism and tribalism. Long live the Congolese nation. Long live independent Africa." Meanwhile, freely elected ABAKO and Kasavubu were removed from Leopoldville by Belgian authorities. Lumumba campaigned for Kasavubu's release and drummed up support for the MNC throughout the colony.
Divided Elections, Unstable Nation
In April of 1959 the MNC led a meeting of Congolese political parties to organize and strengthen and to plan a provisional government, with a deadline set for January 1, 1961. Lumumba was arrested in Stanleyville for inciting disorder in October of 1959, when a riot broke out and twenty Congolese were killed after he gave a speech at an MNC conference there. He was sentenced to six months in jail, but local Belgian officials were forced to release him so he could participate in a roundtable conference between the Congolese and Belgians in Brussels. At the meeting, provincial and national elections were set for May of 1960, with Congo winning independence in June.
The elections themselves attested to how divided Congo truly was. The 137 seats in the National Assembly were split between the PSA with 13 seats, ABAKO with 12, CONAKAT with 8, and MNC with 33, and the rest went to over a dozen smaller parties. Lumumba tried in vain to unify with Tshombe's CONAKAT, as did Kasavubu. Finally, on June 23rd, Lumumba and Kasavubu allied to form a unified government of Congo, with Kasavubu as president and Lumumba as prime minister.
What set Lumumba apart from his main rivals--veteran politician and Joseph Kasavubu and Moise Tshombe, a power in the Katanga province--were his convictions and vision for a unified and independent Congo. Lumumba, at age 35, became the country's first prime minister under President Kasavubu on Independence Day, June 30, 1960. In an impromptu Independence Day speech attended by King Baudouin, Lumumba declared that the eighty years of tyrannical colonial rule and Congolese exploitation would be put in the past, and looked forward to cooperating with Belgium as an equal and independent nation.
Tried to Quell a Chaotic Congo
Within days of the victory, the country was in chaos. Congolese army mutinies led to Belgian military intervention. Lumumba reacted by cutting diplomatic ties with Belgium. On July 11, the mineral-rich province of Katanga seceded from Congo, led by Tshombe, who barred Lumumba and Kasavubu from entering the province. Under the advice of U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, Lumumba invited United Nations peacekeeping troops to land in the country. When the UN refused to restore Katanga, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev sent planes, weapons, and advisors to aid Lumumba, which drew the attention and confirmed "the worst fears" of the American government under Eisenhower, according to journalist Bill Berkeley of the New York Times. As Lumumba tried to prevent inner turmoil from tearing his country apart at the seams, his enemies seemed to multiply. In September of 1960 army commander Joseph Mobutu arrested and ousted both Kasavubu and Lumumba and took power of Congo.
For accepting Soviet aid during the height of the Cold War, Belgians and Americans accused Lumumba of being communist, to which he replied, "We are not communist, Catholics or socialist. We are African Nationalist. We retain the right to be friends with whoever we like in accordance with the principal of political neutrality." Still, even out of office, Lumumba remained under the scrutiny of Western spies for his ties to the Soviet Union. In August of 1960, CIA Director Allen Dulles cabled the CIA chief in Congo: "In high quarters here, it is the clear-cut conclusion that if [Lumumba] continues to hold high office, the inevitable result will at best be chaos and at worst pave the way to Communist takeover.... His removal must be an urgent and prime objective." A few days later, a CIA scientist, Sidney Gottlieb, arrived Congo carrying a vial of poison intended to kill Lumumba. Gottlieb never got his chance, and the poison was dumped in the Congo River.
Lumumba managed to escape Mobutu and tried to join his followers, but was recaptured. In December of 1960, Lumumba was arrested by Congolese authorities and Belgian officials engineered his transfer to his enemies in Katanga, the breakaway province still under Belgian control. "Anyone who knew the place knew that was a death sentence," according to journalist Kevin Whitelaw of U.S. News & World Report. "I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakable, and with profound trust in the destiny of my country," Lumumba wrote to his wife from prison. He had already been badly beaten and was bleeding when he arrived in Katanga on January 17, 1961, escorted by Belgian soldiers.
Question of American Involvement Never Answered
After Lumumba and two of his aides were murdered, the bodies were cut up with a hacksaw by Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete and his brother and dissolved in sulfuric acid, to destroy the evidence, according to Whitelaw's article in U.S. News & World Report. In a 1999 television interview, Soete displayed a bullet and two teeth he claimed to have saved from Lumumba's body. Lumumba's assassination cleared the way for the insidious regime of dictator Mobutu who, for three decades, ran Congo into poverty. The region never recovered and remains unstable and is a warground for at least five neighboring countries.
A 1975 U.S. Senate investigation led by the late Frank Church (D-Idaho) found there was "a reasonable inference" that Eisenhower authorized Lumumba's assassination, but the committee stopped short of a conclusive finding. According to journalist George Lardner Jr. in the Washington Post, an August of 1960 meeting of Eisenhower with the National Security Council lends to suspicions regarding U.S. involvement. Though the meeting notes themselves are inconclusive--attesting to the wisdom of Eisenhower's no-direct-quotations for meeting reports. The meeting's notetaker, Robert H. Johnson, told the Post that he distinctly recalled Eisenhower turning to CIA Director Dulles and perfectly audible to everyone at the meeting, saying "something to the effect that Lumumba should be eliminated." Eisenhower said "something--I can no longer recall the words--that came across to me as an order for the assassination of Lumumba."
In his research for The Assassination of Lumumba, Ludo de Witte found a Belgian official who help organize Lumumba's transfer to Katanga who said that he kept CIA station chief Lawrence Devlin fully informed of the plan. "The Americans were informed of the transfer because they actively discussed this thing for weeks," de Witte told U.S. News & World Report. Devlin, now retired, denied the claim.
Lumumba's legend has inspired scores of books, articles, art, and film. One major motion biographical picture on the subject, Lumumba, directed by Raoul Peck, stirred up new interest in the slain leader upon its release in 2001. Though the political thriller was produced in cooperation with Lumumba's family, and paints an admirable and respecting portrait, it is notable for its adherence to the tragic facts. "Lumumba is potent stuff," wrote critic Los Angeles Times film critic Kenneth Turan. "Complex, powerful, intensely dramatic." Critic Elvis Mitchell wrote in the New York Times that the film contains "a breathtaking amount of information, rolling through history swiftly and boldly yet conveying an epic investment in characterization as Lumumba's power and comrades inexorably fade, victims of the conflict in the Congo." Peck also made a well-received documentary film on Lumumba, titled Lumumba: Death of a Prophet, released in 1991. Lumumba was an idealist, director Peck told the New York Times, "because he had the option of being an opportunist like so many around him and he chose not to be."
Further Reading
Books
— Brenna Sanchez
Columbia Encyclopedia:
Patrice Emergy Lumumba |
Bibliography
See his Congo: My Country (1962) and Lumumba Speaks (ed. by J. van Lierde, tr. 1972); study by T. R. Kanza (1972).
Wikipedia on Answers.com:
Patrice Lumumba |
| Patrice Lumumba | |
|---|---|
| Patrice Lumumba as the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville), 1960 | |
| 1st Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo | |
| In office 24 June 1960 – 14 September 1960 |
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| Deputy | Antoine Gizenga |
| Preceded by | Colonial government |
| Succeeded by | Joseph Ileo |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Patrice Émery Lumumba 2 July 1925 Onalua, Katakokombe, Belgian Congo |
| Died | 17 January 1961 (aged 35) Elisabethville, State of Katanga |
| Political party | MNC |
| Spouse(s) | Pauline Lumumba |
| Children | François Lumumba Patrice Lumumba, Jr. Julienne Lumumba Roland Lumumba Guy-Patrice Lumumba |
Patrice Émery Lumumba (2 July 1925 – 17 January 1961) was a Congolese independence leader and the first legally elected Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo after he helped win its independence from Belgium in June 1960. Only twelve weeks later, Lumumba's government was deposed in a coup during the Congo Crisis.[1] He was subsequently imprisoned and executed by firing squad, an act that was committed with the assistance of the government of Belgium, for which the Belgian government officially apologized in 2002.[2][3]
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Contents
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Lumumba was born in Onalua in the Katakokombe region of the Kasai province of the Belgian Congo, a member of the Tetela ethnic group. Raised in a Catholic family as one of four sons, he was educated at a Protestant primary school, a Catholic missionary school, and finally the government post office training school, passing the one-year course with distinction. He subsequently worked in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) and Stanleyville (now Kisangani) as a postal clerk and as a travelling beer salesman. In 1951, he married Pauline Opangu. In 1955, Lumumba became regional head of the Cercles of Stanleyville and joined the Liberal Party of Belgium, where he worked on editing and distributing party literature. After traveling on a three-week study tour in Belgium, he was arrested in 1955 on charges of embezzlement of post office funds. His two-year sentence was commuted to twelve months after it was confirmed by Belgian lawyer Jules Chrome that Lumumba had returned the funds, and he was released in July 1956. After his release, he helped found the broad-based Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) in 1958, later becoming the organization's president. Lumumba and his team represented the MNC at the All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana, in December 1958. At this international conference, hosted by influential Pan-African President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Lumumba further solidified his Pan-Africanist beliefs.
In late October 1959, Lumumba as leader of the MNC was again arrested for allegedly inciting an anti-colonial riot in Stanleyville where thirty people were killed, for which he was sentenced to six months in prison. The trial's start date of 18 January 1960, was also the first day of a round-table conference in Brussels to finalize the future of the Congo. Despite Lumumba's imprisonment at the time, the MNC won a convincing majority in the December local elections in the Congo. As a result of pressure from delegates who were enraged at Lumumba's imprisonment, he was released and allowed to attend the Brussels conference. The conference culminated on January 27 with a declaration of Congolese independence setting June 30, 1960, as the independence date with national elections from 11–25 May 1960. Lumumba and the MNC won this election and the right to form a government, with the announcement on 23 June 1960 of 34-year-old Lumumba as Congo's first prime minister and Joseph Kasa-Vubu as its president. In accordance with the constitution, on 24 June the new government passed a vote of confidence and was ratified by the Congolese Chamber and Senate.
Independence Day was celebrated on June 30 in a ceremony attended by many dignitaries including King Baudouin and the foreign press. Lumumba delivered his famous independence speech after being officially excluded from the event programme, despite being the new prime minister.[4] The speech of Belgian King Baudouin praised developments under colonialism, his reference to the "genius" of his great-granduncle Leopold II of Belgium glossing over atrocities committed during the Congo Free State.[5] The King continued, "Don't compromise the future with hasty reforms, and don't replace the structures that Belgium hands over to you until you are sure you can do better... Don't be afraid to come to us. We will remain by your side, give you advice."[6] Lumumba responded by reminding the audience that the independence of the Congo was not granted magnanimously by Belgium:[6]
For this independence of the Congo, even as it is celebrated today with Belgium, a friendly country with whom we deal as equal to equal, no Congolese worthy of the name will ever be able to forget that it was by fighting that it has been won, a day-to-day fight, an ardent and idealistic fight, a fight in which we were spared neither privation nor suffering, and for which we gave our strength and our blood. We are proud of this struggle, of tears, of fire, and of blood, to the depths of our being, for it was a noble and just struggle, and indispensable to put an end to the humiliating slavery which was imposed upon us by force.[6]
In contrast to the relatively harmless speech of President Kasa-Vubu, Lumumba's reference to the suffering of the Congolese under Belgian colonialism stirred the crowd while simultaneously humiliating and alienating the King and his entourage. Some media claimed at the time that he ended his speech by ad-libbing, Nous ne sommes plus vos macaques! (We are no longer your monkeys!) --referring to a common slur used against Africans by Belgians, however, these words are neither in his written text nor in radio tapes of his speech.[2][7] Lumumba was later harshly criticised for what many in the Western world—but virtually none in Africa—described as the inappropriate nature of his speech.[8]
A few days after Congo gained its independence, Lumumba made the fateful decision to raise the pay of all government employees except for the army. Many units of the army also had strong objections toward the uniformly Belgian officers; General Janssens, the army head, told them their lot would not change after independence, and they rebelled in protest. The rebellions quickly spread throughout the country, leading to a general breakdown in law and order. Although the trouble was highly localized, the country seemed to be overrun by gangs of soldiers and looters, causing a media sensation, particularly over Europeans fleeing the country.[9]
The province of Katanga declared independence under regional premier Moïse Tshombe on 11 July 1960 with support from the Belgian government and mining companies such as Union Minière.[10] Despite the arrival of UN troops, unrest continued. Since the United Nations refused to help suppress the rebellion in Katanga, Lumumba sought Soviet aid in the form of arms, food, medical supplies, trucks, and planes to help move troops to Katanga. Lumumba's decisive actions alarmed his colleagues and President Kasa-Vubu, who preferred a more moderate political approach.[11]
| “ | Dead, living, free, or in prison on the orders of the colonialists, it is not I who counts. It is the Congo, it is our people for whom independence has been transformed into a cage where we are regarded from the outside… History will one day have its say, but it will not be the history that Brussels, Paris, Washington, or the United Nations will teach, but that which they will teach in the countries emancipated from colonialism and its puppets... a history of glory and dignity. | ” |
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— Patrice Lumumba, October 1960 [12]
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In September, the President dismissed Lumumba from government. Lumumba immediately protested the legality of the President's actions. In retaliation, Lumumba declared Kasa-Vubu deposed and won a vote of confidence in the Senate, while the newly appointed prime minister failed to gain parliament's confidence. The country was torn by two political groups claiming legal power over the country. On 14 September, a coup d’état organised by Colonel Joseph Mobutu incapacitated both Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu.[9] Lumumba was placed under house arrest at the prime minister's residence, although UN troops were positioned around the house to protect him. Nevertheless, Lumumba decided to rouse his supporters in Haut-Congo. Smuggled out of his residence at night, he escaped to Stanleyville, where he attempted to set up his own government and army.[13] Pursued by troops loyal to Mobutu he was finally captured in Port Francqui on 1 December 1960 and flown to Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) in ropes not handcuffs. He desperately appealed to local UN troops to save him, but he was no longer their responsibility[citation needed]. Mobutu said Lumumba would be tried for inciting the army to rebellion and other crimes. United Nations Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld made an appeal to Kasa-Vubu asking that Lumumba be treated according to due process of law. The USSR denounced Hammarskjöld and the Western powers as responsible for Lumumba's arrest and demanded his release.
The UN Security Council was called into session on 7 December 1960 to consider Soviet demands that the UN seek Lumumba's immediate release, the immediate restoration of Lumumba as head of the Congo government, the disarming of the forces of Mobutu, and the immediate evacuation of Belgians from the Congo. Hammarskjöld, answering Soviet attacks against his Congo operations, said that if the UN forces were withdrawn from the Congo "I fear everything will crumble."
The threat to the UN cause was intensified by the announcement of the withdrawal of their contingents by Yugoslavia, the United Arab Republic, Ceylon, Indonesia, Morocco, and Guinea. The Soviet pro-Lumumba resolution was defeated on 14 December 1960 by a vote of 8-2. On the same day, a Western resolution that would have given Hammarskjöld increased powers to deal with the Congo situation was vetoed by the Soviet Union.
Lumumba was sent first on 3 December, to Thysville military barracks Camp Hardy, 150 km (about 100 miles) from Leopoldville. However, when security and disciplinary breaches threatened his safety, it was decided that he should be transferred to the Katanga Province.
Lumumba was forcibly restrained on the flight to Elizabethville (now Lubumbashi) on 17 January 1961.[14] On arrival, he was conducted under arrest to Brouwez House and held there bound and gagged while President Tshombe and his cabinet decided what to do with him.
Later that night, Lumumba was driven to an isolated spot where three firing squads had been assembled. According to David Akerman, Ludo de Witte and Kris Hollington,[15] the firing squads were commanded by a Belgian, Captain Julien Gat; another Belgian, Police Commissioner Verscheure, had overall command of the execution site.[16] The Belgian Commission has found that the execution was carried out by Katanga's authorities, but de Witte found written orders from the Belgian government requesting Lumumba's execution and documents on various arrangements, such as death squads. It reported that President Tshombe and two other ministers were present with four Belgian officers under the command of Katangan authorities. Lumumba and two other comrades from the government, Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito, were lined up against a tree and shot one at a time. The execution probably took place on 17 January 1961 between 21:40 and 21:43 according to the Belgian report. According to Adam Hochschild, author of a book on the Congo rubber terror, Lumumba's body was cut up and dissolved in acid by two Belgians, so as not to leave a martyr's grave.[17]
No statement was released until three weeks later despite rumours that Lumumba was dead.
His death was formally announced on Katangese radio when it was alleged that he escaped and was killed by enraged villagers. On January 18, panicked by reports that the burial of the three bodies had been observed, members of the execution team went to dig up the bodies and move them to a place near the border with Rhodesia for reburial. Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete later admitted in several accounts that he and his brother led the first and a second exhumation. Police Commissioner Frans Verscheure also took part. On the afternoon and evening of January 21, Commissioner Soete and his brother dug up Lumumba's corpse for the second time, cut it up with a hacksaw, and dissolved it in concentrated sulfuric acid (de Witte 2002:140-143).[18] Only some teeth and a fragment of skull and bullets survived the process, kept as souvenirs. In an interview on Belgian television in a program on the assassination of Lumumba in 1999, Soete displayed a bullet and two teeth that he boasted he had saved from Lumumba's body.[18] De Witte also mentions that Verscheure kept souvenirs from the exhumation: bullets from the skull of Lumumba.[19]
After the announcement of Lumumba's death, street protests were organized in several European countries; in Belgrade, capital of Yugoslavia, protesters sacked the Belgian embassy and confronted the police, and in London a crowd marched from Trafalgar Square to the Belgian embassy, where a letter of protest was delivered and where protesters clashed with police.[20]
"Lumumba’s pan-Africanism and his vision of a united Congo gained him many enemies. Both Belgium and the United States actively sought to have him killed. The CIA ordered his assassination but could not complete the job. Instead, the United States and Belgium covertly funneled cash and aid to rival politicians who seized power and arrested Lumumba."[21] U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower had said "something [to CIA chief Allen Dulles] to the effect that Lumumba should be eliminated".[22] This was revealed by a declassified interview with then-US National Security Council minutekeeper Robert Johnson released in August 2000 from Senate intelligence committee's inquiry on covert action. The committee later found that while the CIA had conspired to kill Lumumba, it was not directly involved in the actual murder.[22]
In 1975, the Church Committee went on record with the finding that Allen Dulles had ordered Lumumba's assassination as "an urgent and prime objective".[23] Furthermore, declassified CIA cables quoted or mentioned in the Church report and in Kalb (1972) mention two specific CIA plots to murder Lumumba: the poison plot and a shooting plot. Although some sources claim that CIA plots ended when Lumumba was captured, that is not stated or shown in the CIA records. Rather, those records show two still-partly-censored CIA cables from Elizabethville on days significant in the murder: January 17, the day Lumumba died, and January 18, the day of the first exhumation. The former, after a long censored section, talks about where they need to go from there. The latter expresses thanks for Lumumba being sent to them and then says that, had Elizabethville base known he was coming, they would have "baked a snake".[24] Significantly, a CIA officer told another CIA officer later that he had had Lumumba's body in the trunk of his car to try to find a way to dispose of it.[25] This cable goes on to state that the writer's sources (not yet declassified) said that after being taken from the airport Lumumba was imprisoned by "all white guards".[26]
The Belgian Commission investigating Lumumba's assassination concluded that (1) Belgium wanted Lumumba arrested, (2) Belgium was not particularly concerned with Lumumba's physical well being, and (3) although informed of the danger to Lumumba's life, Belgium did not take any action to avert his death, but the report also specifically denied that Belgium ordered Lumumba's assassination.[27]
Under its own 'Good Samaritan' laws, Belgium was legally culpable for failing to prevent the assassination from taking place and was also in breach of its obligation (under U.N. Resolution 290 of 1949) to refrain from acts or threats "aimed at impairing the freedom, independence or integrity of another state."[28]
The report of 2001 by the Belgian Commission mentions that there had been previous U.S. and Belgian plots to kill Lumumba. Among them was a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored attempt to poison him, which may have come on orders from U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower.[29] CIA chemist Sidney Gottlieb was a key person in this by devising a poison resembling toothpaste.[30][31][32][33] However, the plan is said to have been scrapped because the local CIA Station Chief, Larry Devlin, refused permission.[31][32][34] However, as Kalb points out in her book, Congo Cables, the record shows that many communications by Devlin at the time urged elimination of Lumumba (p. 53, 101, 129-133, 149-152, 158-159, 184-185, 195). Also, the CIA station chief helped to direct the search to capture Lumumba for his transfer to his enemies in Katanga, was involved in arranging his transfer to Katanga (p. 158, Hoyt, Michael P. 2009, "Captive in the Congo: A Consul's Return to the Heart of Darkness"), and the CIA base chief in Elizabethville was in direct touch with the killers the night Lumumba was killed. Furthermore, a CIA agent had the body in the trunk of his car in order to try to get rid of it (p. 105, Stockwell, John 1978 In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story. Stockwell, who knew Devlin well, felt Devlin knew more than anyone else about the murder (71-72, 136-137).
In February 2002, the Belgian government apologised to the Congolese people, and admitted to a "moral responsibility" and "an irrefutable portion of responsibility in the events that led to the death of Lumumba".
In July 2006, documents released by the United States government revealed that the CIA had plotted to assassinate Lumumba. In September 1960, Sidney Gottlieb brought a vial of poison to the Congo with plans to place it on Lumumba's toothbrush. The plot was later abandoned. The extent to which the CIA was involved in his eventual death is currently unknown .[31]
This same disclosure showed that at that time the U.S. government believed that Lumumba was a communist.[35] Eisenhower's reported call, at a meeting of his national security advisers, for Lumumba's elimination must have been brought on by this perception. Both Belgium and the US were clearly influenced in their unfavourable stance towards Lumumba by the Cold War. He seemed to gravitate around the Soviet Union, although this was not because he was a communist but the only place he could find support in his country's effort to rid itself of colonial rule.[36] The US was the first country from which Lumumba requested help.[37] Lumumba, for his part, not only denied being a Communist, but said he found colonialism and Communism to be equally deplorable, and professed his personal preference for neutrality between the East and West.[38]
"Today, it is impossible to touch down at the (far from modernized) airport of Lubumbashi in the south of the Democratic Republic of Congo without a shiver of recollection of the haunting photograph taken of Lumumba there shortly before his assassination, and after beatings, torture and a long, long flight in custody across the vast country which had so loved him."
| “ | We must move forward, striking out tirelessly against imperialism. From all over the world we have to learn lessons which events afford. Lumumba’s murder should be a lesson for all of us. | ” |
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— Che Guevara, 1964 [39]
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The results of his time in office are both mixed and polarising in their subsequent interpretation. To his critics, Lumumba bequeathed very few positive results from his term of office. Their critiques include his inability to promote development and failure to stave off or quell a civil war that erupted within days of his appointment as prime minister. Instead, he behaved impetuously and followed expedients rather than policies that led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, including himself.[40]
To his supporters, Lumumba was an altruistic man of strong character who pursued his policies regardless of opposing viewpoints. He favoured a unitary Congo and opposed division of the country along ethnic or regional lines.[41][42] Like many other African leaders, he supported pan-Africanism and liberation for colonial territories.[43] He proclaimed his regime one of "positive neutralism,"[44] defined as a return to African values and rejection of any imported ideology, including that of the Soviet Union: "We are not Communists, Catholics, Socialists. We are African nationalists."[45]
Nevertheless, the image of Patrice Lumumba continues to serve as an inspiration in contemporary Congolese politics. In the 2006 elections, several parties claimed to be motivated by his ideas, including the People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), the political party initiated by the incumbent President Joseph Kabila.[46] Antoine Gizenga, who served as Lumumba's Deputy Prime Minister in the post-independence period, was a 2006 Presidential candidate under the Unified Lumumbist Party (Parti Lumumbiste Unifié (PALU))[47] and was named prime minister at the end of the year. Other political parties that directly utilise his name include the Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba (MNC-L) and the Mouvement Lumumbiste (MLP).
Patrice Lumumba's family is actively involved in contemporary Congolese politics. Patrice Lumumba was married to Pauline Lumumba and had five children; François was the eldest followed by Patrice Junior, Julienne, Roland and Guy-Patrice Lumumba. François was 10 years old when Patrice died. Before his imprisonment, Patrice arranged for his wife and children to move into exile in Egypt, where François spent his childhood, then went to Hungary for education (he holds a doctorate in political economics). He returned to Congo in 1992 to oppose Mobutu since which time he has been the leader of the Mouvement National Congolais Lumumba (MNC-L), his father's original political party.[48]
Lumumba's youngest son, Guy-Patrice, born six months after his father's death, was an independent presidential candidate in the 2006 elections,[49] but received less than 10% of the vote.
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| Political offices | ||
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| Preceded by Position created on independence from Belgium |
Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo 24 June 1960 – 5 September 1960 |
Succeeded by Joseph Ileo |
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