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peace·keep·ing (pēs'kē'pĭng) ![]() |
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Peacekeeping is a term mainly used to describe actions sponsored by the UN. Peacekeeping operations are authorized by the Security Council, endowed by the UN Charter with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The Congo intervention was the only occasion where the UN tried to act as an independent power in its own right.
A traditional peacekeeping operation is established when parties to a conflict, typically two states, agree to the interposition of UN troops to uphold a ceasefire. Limited numbers of lightly armed troops are introduced and situated between the combatants, and they provide a symbolic guarantor of the peace. The Security Council maintains authority over the operation, expressed through the Secretary-General of the UN and the military commander, authorized under Chapter 6 of the Charter, although the term ‘peacekeeping’ is conspicuous by its absence. UN troops, voluntarily provided by member states, can use force in self-defence or in defence of their mandate. They are to be impartial throughout the operation and derive their legitimacy from representing the international community as a whole.
Examples of traditional peacekeeping operations include the operations in Cyprus, which have separated the Greek and Turkish communities (UNFICYP, established in 1964) ; in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, disputed by India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP, 1949) ; and in the Golan Heights, between Israel and Syria (UN Disengagement Observer Force, 1974). Often referred to as ‘Blue Berets’ or ‘Blue Helmets’, the military units in peacekeeping operations remain members of their own national armies with their own command and control, but serve under a UN-appointed local commander. For a peacekeeping operation to succeed, it needs to secure not only the co-operation of the conflicting parties, but also of the international community, including regional and non-governmental organizations, donors, and member states.
Since 1948 there have been 49 UN peacekeeping operations, the majority since 1988. Over 750, 000 military personnel and thousands of civilians have served in peacekeeping operations, while approximately 1, 500 peacekeepers have lost their lives while serving in missions. The funding for peacekeeping operations is handled separately from the overall UN budget. The 1997-8 peacekeeping budget was approximately US $1.3 billion, which was a significant reduction from the previous few years.
Since the end of the Cold War, superpower constraints no longer hinder effective execution of policy at the UN and international intervention now encompasses the issues of common concern and collective security as originally intended in the UN Charter. Concurrently there has been a drastic increase in civil conflicts, with 90 per cent of deaths being civilian. This increase in civil conflicts has prompted member states to request involvement in a range of disputes that would have been considered distinctly domestic during the Cold War, although not in all of them for financial and political reasons. Correspondingly, the number of Security Council resolutions on peacekeeping around the world has also increased significantly. In the 41 years between 1947 and 1988 there were a total of 348 resolutions on peacekeeping, an average of 8.5 per year, while in the short six-year time span covering 1989 to 1994, there were 296 resolutions, or 49 per year.
Peacekeeping today therefore comprises a wider range of activities, which has prompted the introduction of new terms in military, political, and academic circles. The evolution began with the Namibian operation (the UN Transition Assistance Group, 1989), which was mandated with more authority than previous missions. UNTAG monitored the withdrawal of South African troops, registered voters, and managed the 1989 elections, which led to Namibia's independence.
Subsequent operations have used even more robust rules of engagement, often in situations where there is no ceasefire nor a peace to keep. Here, the term ‘peace enforcement’ has been used to describe these operations, complying with the notion of ‘collective security’, as described in Chapter 7, Article 42, of the UN Charter: ‘the Security Council … may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of members of the United Nations’. Peace enforcement thus takes place when the Security Council authorizes member states to use ‘all necessary means’ to prohibit or check acts of aggression, and deal with armed conflict or threats to peace, and not always with the consent of the parties on the ground. Examples include one Cold War exception, Korea (1950), and more recently in Kuwait (1991), at the Iraq-Kuwait border (UNIKOM, 1991), Western Sahara (MINURSO, 1991), Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNPROFOR, 1992), Somalia (UNITAF, 1992; UNOSOM II, 1993), Georgia (UNOMIG, 1993), Haiti (UNMIH, 1993), Liberia (UNOMIL, 1993), Rwanda (UNAMIR, 1993), and Tadjikistan (UNMOT, 1994).
Some peace-enforcement missions have been controlled by leading states, as the USA initially did in Haiti and Somalia, or France in Rwanda. Peace enforcement operations are authorized by the Security Council only as a last resort, when all other peaceful means have been exhausted. Command and control issues become more critical, as does co-ordination with a wide array of actors, and can account for success or failure of a mission, as was learned in Somalia during UNOSOM II.
Today's complex missions incorporate political, military, and humanitarian activities—depending on the needs and mandate of the operation—which have built upon traditional UN peacekeeping. UN troops now have increased responsibility to undertake tasks as diverse as preventing the outbreak of hostilities, as in Macedonia (UNPREDEP 1995) ; disarming, demobilizing, and reintegrating troops to secure the conflict area, creating buffer zones, and monitoring troop withdrawals as in Somalia, Mozambique (ONUMOZ 1992), and Cambodia (UNTAC 1992) ; providing security for repatriation of refugees and for elections, and helping to rebuild infrastructure as in Cambodia, El Salvador (ONUSAL 1991), Haiti, Mozambique, and Namibia; protecting and delivering humanitarian relief as in Bosnia, Rwanda, and Somalia; guaranteeing free access or denying such access to belligerents, as in Somalia and Bosnia; and clearing landmines as in Cambodia, Mozambique, and Somalia. Civilian police trainers, electoral observers, human-rights monitors, and others have also joined military UN peacekeepers in some operations, and they too participate in peace-building and peacemaking activities.
In 1996, the UN Transitional Authority in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja, and Western Sirmium (UNTAES), was mandated to reintegrate ‘the territory and people of Eastern Slavonia into the sovereign institutions of Croatia’. UNTAES successfully accomplished its mandate before shutting down in January 1998. In some respects, UNTAES resembled the Trusteeship period when the UN administered colonies during the transition to independence. Since the end of the Cold War the UN has been reluctant to assume such responsibility. Responsibilities like UNTAES are rarely part of UN peace-enforcement operations and are accepted only in exceptional circumstances.
Another term that is used to describe the current array of military options in complex political environments that require several simultaneous responses, is ‘peace-support operation’. This term subsumes traditional Chapter 6 peacekeeping operations and Chapter 7 peace-enforcement operations, since many missions now incorporate both. A final term utilized to describe operations that are situated between defensive peacekeeping and intensive peace enforcement is ‘peace maintenance’. This term incorporates political negotiations, humanitarian assistance, the use of force, and the rebuilding of civil society.
Bibliography
— Karin von Hippel
| US Military History Companion: Peacekeeping |
One consequence of the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union was a burst of joint efforts aimed at resolving armed conflicts. Between 1990 and 1994, fifteen international peacekeeping operations were initiated through the United Nations. At their peak in 1994, there were over twenty such active operations.
Modern peacekeeping efforts began with the League of Nations, which employed military forces twice in Germany, in Upper Silesia (1921) and in the Saar (1935). One of the first UN efforts was the United Nations Special Committee on the Balkans (UNSCOB). Emphasizing fact finding and mediation, it also employed “peace observation,” with military observers who reported on the conflict to the General Assembly. The first mission employing more than a few military personnel was the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), operating in the Middle East since 1948.
Early UN operations received such descriptive labels as peace observation and truce supervision. The term peacekeeping was coined by Canadian prime minister Lester Pearson for the United Nations Emergency Force deployed in the Middle East after the 1956 Arab‐Israeli War. It was developed to distinguish this larger operation (which deployed 3,600 personnel in military units) from individual observer missions such as UNTSO.
In the early 1960s, the controversial United Nations Operation in the Congo (ONUC), an unprecedentedly large operation, strained the “peacekeeping” concept and the strength of the United Nations. In part as a result, peacekeeping operations underwent a period of retrenchment until the late 1980s. One exception was the 1981 start of the U.S.‐manned Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) in the Sinai, the product of the Camp David Accords. Despite its non‐UN origins, it serves as an example of a “chapter six” of the UN Charter, featuring military forces—with the consent of belligerents—monitoring the implementation of an established truce.
In the late 1980s, the member states, through the United Nations, started a new series of peacekeeping operations. Many of these missions (particularly in Namibia and Cambodia) were very complex, and covered activities ranging from civilian police through election administration and refugee resettlement.
In the 1990s, operations were undertaken in which the central tenets of “classic” peacekeeping (consent by all parties and the restricted use of force by peacekeepers) no longer seemed appropriate. These operations, including the UN and U.S. military involvement in Somalia and the former Yugoslavia, were mounted in the face of ongoing conflicts. The terms peace enforcement, “muscular” peacekeeping, and “chapter seven” operations reflect U.S. political and military concerns, and imply more aggressive ideas about the use of force. The American domestic debate over such a U.S. role has generated a new dynamic: as operations (rightly or wrongly) were judged failures in domestic debate, new labels were invented to distance new missions from past failures. Operation Joint Endeavor, begun in 1995 in the former Yugoslavia, was called a “peace implementation” mission, not because its tasks are unique but because the mission had to be differentiated from past efforts. The frequently changing labels applied to these operations reflect the lack of consensus within the United States about how to—and indeed whether to—conduct such operations.
[See also Bosnian Crisis: Civil‐Military Relations; Middle East, U.S. Military Involvement in the.]
Bibliography
| US Military Dictionary: peacekeeping |
n. the active maintenance of a truce between nations or communities, especially by an international military force: the 2, 300-strong U.N. peacekeeping force.
peacekeeper n.
See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.
| Political Dictionary: peacekeeping |
Intervention by a third party to separate and pacify participants in a conflict. The United Nations has performed peacekeeping operations since 1948, when it sent military observers to Kashmir, to oversee the ceasefire between India and Pakistan, and the Middle East, in the aftermath of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Fifty years later the UN peacekeepers still had a presence in these regions. The number of UN peacekeeping operations has increased rapidly since the end of the Cold War, with involvement in Somalia, Rwanda, the Balkans, and Kuwait, amongst others. Peacekeeping has tended to involve the introduction of military forces who have the job of observing the implementation of ceasefire agreements and providing a buffer between combatants. There has been debate as to the extent to which peacekeeping forces could or should be involved in the active enforcement of ceasefires, the possibility and practicality of neutral intervention, and the balance between upholding the status quo and acting to change the strategic situation in order to enhance the prospects of conflict resolution.
— Alistair McMillan
| Military Dictionary: peacekeeping |
(DOD) Military operations undertaken with the consent of all major parties to a dispute, designed to monitor and facilitate implementation of an agreement (ceasefire, truce, or other such agreement) and support diplomatic efforts to reach a long-term political settlement. See also peace building; peace enforcement; peacemaking; peace operations.
| Wikipedia: Peacekeeping |
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Peacekeeping, as defined by the United Nations, is "a way to help countries torn by conflict create conditions for sustainable peace."[1] It is distinguished from both peacebuilding and peacemaking.
Peacekeepers monitor and observe peace processes in post-conflict areas and assist ex-combatants in implementing the peace agreements they may have signed. Such assistance comes in many forms, including confidence-building measures, power-sharing arrangements, electoral support, strengthening the rule of law, and economic and social development. Accordingly UN peacekeepers (often referred to as Blue Beret because of their light blue berets or helmets) can include soldiers, civilian police officers, and other civilian personnel.
The United Nations Charter gives the United Nations Security Council the power and responsibility to take collective action to maintain international peace and security. For this reason, the international community usually looks to the Security Council to authorize peacekeeping operations.
Most of these operations are established and implemented by the United Nations itself, with troops serving under UN operational control. In these cases, peacekeepers remain members of their respective armed forces, and do not constitute an independent "UN army," as the UN does not have such a force. In cases where direct UN involvement is not considered appropriate or feasible, the Council authorizes regional organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Economic Community of West African States, or coalitions of willing countries to undertake peacekeeping or peace-enforcement tasks.
The United Nations is not the only organization to have authorized peacekeeping missions. Non-UN peacekeeping forces include the NATO mission in Kosovo and the Multinational Force and Observers on the Sinai Peninsula.
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Peacekeeping is anything that contributes to the furthering of a peace process, once established. This includes, but is not limited to, the monitoring of withdrawal by combatants from a former conflict area, the supervision of elections, and the provision of reconstruction aid. Peacekeepers are often soldiers, but they do not have to be. Similarly, while soldier-peacekeepers are sometimes armed, they do not have to engage in combat.
Peacekeepers were not at first expected to ever fight. As a general rule, they were deployed when the ceasefire was in place and the parties to the conflict had given their consent. They were deployed to observe from the ground and report impartially on adherence to the ceasefire, troop withdrawal or other elements of the peace agreement. This gave time and breathing space for diplomatic efforts to address the underlying causes of conflict.
Thus, a distinction must be drawn between peacekeeping and other operations aimed at peace. A common misconception is that activities such as NATO's intervention in the Kosovo War are peacekeeping operations, when they were, in reality, peace enforcement. That is, since NATO was seeking to impose peace, rather than maintain peace, they were not peacekeepers, rather peacemakers.
Once a peace treaty has been negotiated, the parties involved might ask the United Nations for a peacekeeping force to oversee various elements of the agreed upon plan. This is often done because a group controlled by the United Nations is less likely to follow the interests of any one party, since it itself is controlled by many groups, namely the 15-member Security Council and the intentionally-diverse United Nations Secretariat.
If the Security Council approves the creation of a mission, then the Department of Peacekeeping Operations begins planning for the necessary elements. At this point, the senior leadership team is selected (see below). The department will then seek contributions from member nations. Since the UN has no standing force or supplies, it must form ad hoc coalitions for every task undertaken. Doing so results in both the possibility of failure to form a suitable force, and a general slowdown in procurement once the operation is in the field. Romeo Dallaire, force commander in Rwanda during the genocide there, described the problems this poses by comparison to more traditional military deployments:
"He told me the UN was a 'pull' system, not a 'push' system like I had been used to with NATO, because the UN had absolutely no pool of resources to draw on. You had to make a request for everything you needed, and then you had to wait while that request was analyzed...For instance, soldiers everywhere have to eat and drink. In a push system, food and water for the number of soldiers deployed is automatically supplied. In a pull system, you have to ask for those rations, and no common sense seems to ever apply." (Shake Hands With the Devil, Dallaire, pp. 99-100)
While the peacekeeping force is being assembled, a variety of diplomatic activities are being undertaken by UN staff. The exact size and strength of the force must be agreed to by the government of the nation whose territory the conflict is on. The Rules of Engagement must be developed and approved by both the parties involved and the Security Council. These give the specific mandate and scope of the mission (e.g. when may the peacekeepers, if armed, use force, and where may they go within the host nation). Often, it will be mandated that peacekeepers have host government minders with them whenever they leave their base. This complexity has caused problems in the field.
When all agreements are in place, the required personnel are assembled, and final approval has been given by the Security Council, the peacekeepers are deployed to the region in question.
Peacekeeping costs, especially since the end of the Cold War, have risen dramatically. In 1993, annual UN peacekeeping costs had peaked at some $3.6 billion, reflecting the expense of operations in the former Yugoslavia and Somalia. By 1998, costs had dropped to just under $1 billion. With the resurgence of larger-scale operations, costs for UN peacekeeping rose to $3 billion in 2001. In 2004, the approved budget was $2.8 billion, although the total amount was higher than that. For the fiscal year which ended on June 30, 2006, UN peacekeeping costs were about US$5.03 billion.
All member states are legally obliged to pay their share of peacekeeping costs under a complex formula that they themselves have established. Despite this legal obligation, member states owed approximately $1.20 billion in current and back peacekeeping dues as of June 2004.
A United Nations peacekeeping mission has three power centers. The first is the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, the official leader of the mission. This person is responsible for all political and diplomatic activity, overseeing relations with both the parties to the peace treaty and the UN member-states in general. They are often a senior member of the Secretariat. The second is the Force Commander, who is responsible for the military forces deployed. They are a senior officer of their nation's armed services, and are often from the nation committing the highest number of troops to the project. Finally, the Chief Administrative Officer oversees supplies and logistics, and coordinates the procurement of any supplies needed.
United Nations peacekeeping was initially developed during the Cold War as a means of resolving conflicts between states by deploying unarmed or lightly armed military personnel from a number of countries, under UN command, to areas where warring parties were in need of a neutral party to observe the peace process. Peacekeepers could be called in when the major international powers (the five permanent members of the Security Council) tasked the UN with bringing closure to conflicts threatening regional stability and international peace and security. These included a number of so-called "proxy wars" waged by client states of the superpowers. As of February 2009, there have been 63 UN peacekeeping operations since 1948, with sixteen operations ongoing. Suggestions for new missions arise every year.
The first peacekeeping mission was launched in 1948. This mission, the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), was sent to the newly created State of Israel, where a conflict between the Israelis and the Arab states over the creation of Israel had just reached a ceasefire. The UNTSO remains in operation to this day, although the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict has certainly not abated. Almost a year later, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) was authorized to monitor relations between the two nations, which were split off from each other following the United Kingdom's decolonization of the Indian subcontinent.
As The Korean War entered a cease-fire in 1953, UN forces remained along the south side of demilitarized zone until 1967, when American and South Korean forces took over.
Returning its attention to the conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the United Nations responded to Suez Crisis of 1956, a war between the alliance of the United Kingdom, France, and Israel, and Egypt, which was supported by other Arab nations. When a ceasefire was declared in 1957, Canadian diplomat (and future Prime Minister) Lester Bowles Pearson suggested that the United Nations station a peacekeeping force in the Suez in order to ensure that the ceasefire was honored by both sides. Pearson had initially suggested that the force consist of mainly Canadian soldiers, but the Egyptians were suspicious of having a Commonwealth nation defend them against the United Kingdom and her allies. In the end, a wide variety of national forces were drawn upon to ensure national diversity. Pearson would win the Nobel Peace Prize for this work, and he is today considered a father of modern peacekeeping.
In 1988 the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the United Nations peacekeeping forces. The press release stated that the forces "represent the manifest will of the community of nations" and have "made a decisive contribution" to the resolution of conflict around the world.
The end of the Cold War precipitated a dramatic shift in UN and multilateral peacekeeping. In a new spirit of cooperation, the Security Council established larger and more complex UN peacekeeping missions, often to help implement comprehensive peace agreements between protagonists in intra-State conflicts and civil wars. Furthermore, peacekeeping came to involve more and more non-military elements that ensured the proper functioning of civic functions, such as elections. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations was created in 1992 to support this increased demand for such missions.
By and large, the new operations were successful. In El Salvador and Mozambique, for example, peacekeeping provided ways to achieve self-sustaining peace. Some efforts failed, perhaps as the result of an overly optimistic assessment of what UN peacekeeping could accomplish. While complex missions in Cambodia and Mozambique were ongoing, the Security Council dispatched peacekeepers to conflict zones like Somalia, where neither ceasefires nor the consent of all the parties in conflict had been secured. These operations did not have the manpower, nor were they supported by the required political will, to implement their mandates. The failures—most notably the 1995 massacre in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the 1994 Rwandan genocide—led to a period of retrenchment and self-examination in UN peacekeeping.
In November 1961 the UN Security Council moved to prevent hostilities by Katangese troops in Congo. This caused Moise Tshombe, the Katanga secessionist leader to step up attacks on UN troops. On 5 December 1961, an Indian UN company supported by 3-inch mortar attacked a Katangese road-block between the Katangese HQ and the Elisabethville airfield. A Gurkha platoon attempted to link up with the company and reinforce the road-block, but ran into opposition near the old airfield. The platoon attack on the rebel position, manned by about 90 Katangese troops, was lead by Indian Captain Gurbachan Singh Salaria. Despite having only 16 soldiers and being outgunned, Captain Salaria and his Gurkha soldiers' ferocity overwhelmed the enemy, who fled. In this engagement, Captain Salaria was shot in his neck, but continued to fight till he succumbed to his injuries. Due to his selfless act of courage, the UN Headquarters in Elisabethville was saved from encirclement and Captain Salaria was awarded India's highest military award, the Param Vir Chakra.[3][4]
Not all peacekeeping forces have been directly controlled by the United Nations. In 1981, an agreement between Israel and Egypt formed the Multinational Force and Observers which continues to monitor the Sinai Peninsula.
Six years later, the Indian Peace Keeping Force entered Sri Lanka to help maintain peace. The situation became a quagmire, and India was asked to withdraw in 1990 by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister having formed a pact with the Tamil Tiger rebels.
In November 1998, India also helped restore government of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in Maldives under Operation Cactus.
On 20 December 1995, under a UN mandate, a NATO-led force (IFOR) entered Bosnia in order to implement The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a similar manner, a NATO operation (KFOR) continues in the Serbian province of Kosovo.
The NATO-led mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina has since been replaced by a European Union peacekeeping mission, EUFOR.
The African Union has also had some limited involvement in peacekeeping within Africa since 2003.
In South Ossetia, Russia and Georgia each deployed their own sets of peacekeepers to the region under the Sochi agreement. The 2008 South Ossetia War resulted in the expulsion of all Georgian forces from the region, including peacekeepers, as well as the deaths of 18 Russian peacekeepers.
The UN Charter stipulates that to assist in maintaining peace and security around the world, all member states of the UN should make available to the Security Council necessary armed forces and facilities. Since 1948, close to 130 nations have contributed military and civilian police personnel to peace operations. While detailed records of all personnel who have served in peacekeeping missions since 1948 are not available, it is estimated that up to one million soldiers, police officers and civilians have served under the UN flag in the last 56 years. As of March 2008, 113 countries were contributing a total 88,862 military observers, police, and troops.[5]
Despite the large number of contributors, the greatest burden continues to be borne by a core group of developing countries, who often profit financially from their participation in such missions. The 10 main troop-contributing countries to UN peacekeeping operations as of March 2007 were Pakistan (10,173), Bangladesh (9,675), India (9,471), Nepal (3,626), Jordan (3,564), Uruguay (2,583), Italy (2,539), Ghana (2,907), Nigeria (2,465), and France (1,975).[6]
The head of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Under-Secretary-General Jean-Marie Guéhenno, has reminded Member States that “the provision of well-equipped, well-trained and disciplined military and police personnel to UN peacekeeping operations is a collective responsibility of Member States. Countries from the South should not and must not be expected to shoulder this burden alone”.
As of March 2008, in addition to military and police personnel, 5,187 international civilian personnel, 2,031 UN Volunteers and 12,036 local civilian personnel worked in UN peacekeeping missions.[7]
Through April 2008, 2,468 people from over 100 countries have been killed while serving on peacekeeping missions.[8] Many of those came from India (127), Canada (114) and Ghana (113). Thirty percent of the fatalities in the first 55 years of UN peacekeeping occurred in the years 1993-1995.
Developing nations tend to participate in peacekeeping more than developed countries. This may be due in part because forces from smaller countries avoid evoking thoughts of imperialism. For example, in December 2005, Eritrea expelled all American, Russian, European, and Canadian personnel from the peacekeeping mission on their border with Ethiopia. Additionally, an economic motive appeals to the developing countries. The rate of reimbursement by the UN for troop contributing countries per peacekeeper per month include: $1,028 for pay and allowances; $303 supplementary pay for specialists; $68 for personal clothing, gear and equipment; and $5 for personal weaponry.[9] This can be a significant source of revenue for a developing country. By providing important training and equipment for the soldiers as well as salaries, UN peacekeeping missions allow them to maintain larger armies than they otherwise could. About 4.5% of the troops and civilian police deployed in UN peacekeeping missions come from the European Union and less than one percent from the United States (USA).
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There is some concern about the harm caused to troops, as peacekeeping can be very stressful. The peacekeepers are exposed to danger caused by the warring parties and often in an unfamiliar climate. This gives rise to different mental health problems, suicide, and substance abuse as shown by the percentage of former peacekeepers with those problems. Having a parent in a mission abroad for an extended period is also stressful to the peacekeepers' family.[10] In addition, peacekeepers, even when acting on UN mandate, may become a target for attacks by some of the parties in a conflict.
Another viewpoint raises the problem that the peacekeeping may soften the troops and erode their combat ability, as the mission profile of a peacekeeping contingent is totally different from the profile of a unit fighting an all-out war.[11][12]
Some[who?]have criticized peacekeeping for leaving conflicts unresolved. Peacekeeping can have the effect of maintaining an unstable status quo that will inevitably collapse in the long run. However, it is not the job of peacekeepers as presently defined to create a permanent solution. The goal is to stabilize a situation so as to give the politicians and diplomats the opportunity to establish a permanent peace. Relatively new to the UN's peace department are the Peace-building and Peacemaking factions. These have been developed to work in co-ordination with peacekeeping operations; while peacekeepers create a stable environment the peace-builders and peacemakers focus on longer-term, diplomatic aspects, helping to create the conditions for sustainable peace.
Reporters witnessed a rapid increase in prostitution in Cambodia, Mozambique, Bosnia, and Kosovo after UN and, in the case of the latter two, NATO peacekeeping forces moved in. In the 1996 U.N. study The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, former first lady of Mozambique Graça Machel documented: "In 6 out of 12 country studies on sexual exploitation of children in situations of armed conflict prepared for the present report, the arrival of peacekeeping troops has been associated with a rapid rise in child prostitution." [13]
In response to criticism, particularly of the cases of sexual abuse by peacekeepers, the UN has taken steps toward reforming its operations. The Brahimi Report was the first of many steps to recap former peacekeeping missions, isolate flaws, and take steps to patch these mistakes to ensure the efficiency of future peacekeeping missions. The UN has vowed to continue to put these practices into effect when performing peacekeeping operations in the future. The technocratic aspects of the reform process have been continued and revitalised by the DPKO in its 'Peace Operations 2010' reform agenda. The 2008 capstone doctrine entitled "United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Principles and Guidelines"[2] incorporates and builds on the Brahimi analysis.
One suggestion to account for delays such as the one in Rwanda, is a rapid reaction force: a standing group, administered by the UN and deployed by the Security Council, that receives its troops and support from current Security Council members and is ready for quick deployment in the event of future genocides.
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