The name Pelasgians (Ancient Greek: Πελασγοί - Pelasgoí, s.
Pelasgós) was used by some ancient Greek writers to refer to groups of people who
preceded the Hellenes. Some of these people still dwelt in several locations in mainland
Greece, Crete, and other regions of the Aegean, as neighbors of the Hellenes, into the 5th century BC. However, other ancient Greek and Roman writers
describe them as Greeks.[1][2][3] Even though ancient Greek references to the Pelasgians are confusing, many Greek
writers agreed that Pelasgians had spoken a "barbaric" or "unsophisticated Greek" language. No secure archaeological connection
of Pelasgians with a Late Neolithic site has been made.
Herodotus wrote
- "What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging
by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours
of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and also by those that remain of the
Pelasgians who settled at Plakia and Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the
Athenians, and of the natives of the various other towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,--if one must
pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as
these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language.
For the people of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do the people of Phakia,
but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep unchanged the form of language
which they brought with them when they migrated to these places." (Book 1, The Histories)
Whether the Pelasgian language was pre-Indo-European or not, the distinction between Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians and the extent to which Pelasgian was a single language or not, are modern disputes that are
colored by contemporary nationalist issues. Among the nations for whom Pelasgian descent has
been claimed are Albanians. There is also a theory suggesting that the Philistines or Peleset of the ancient Levant were connected with
the Pelasgians. Scholars have since come to use the term "Pelasgian" somewhat indiscriminately, to indicate all the
autochthonous inhabitants of the Aegean lands before the advent of the Greeks; a number of other recent theories as to their nature are also discussed below.
Classical Greek uses
In Homer
The ethnonym Pelasgoí (Pelasgians) is of unknown etymology. It first occurs in the poems of Homer: the Pelasgians in the
Iliad appear among the allies of Troy. In the section known
to scholars as the Catalogue of Ships, which otherwise preserves a strict geographical order, they stand between the
Hellespontine cities and the Thracians of south-east Europe, i.e. on the Hellespontine border
of Thrace (2.840-843). Homer calls their town or district "Larissa" and characterises it as fertile, and its inhabitants as celebrated for their spearsmanship. He records
their chiefs as Hippothous and Pylaeus, sons of Lethus son of Teutamus. Iliad, 10.428-429, describes their camping ground
between the town of Troy and the sea.
The Odyssey, 17.175-177, places the Pelasgians in Crete, together with two apparently indigenous and two immigrant peoples (Achaeans and Dorians), but gives no indication to which class the Pelasgians
belong. Lemnos (Iliad, 7.467; 14. 230) has no Pelasgians, but a Minyan dynasty. Two other passages (Iliad, 2.681-684; 16.233-235) apply the epithet "Pelasgic" to a
district called Argos about Mount Othrys in southern Thessaly, and to the temple of Zeus at Dodona, in
Epirus. But neither passage mentions actual Pelasgians; Hellenes and Achaeans
specifically people the Thessalian Argos, and Dodona hosts Perrhaebians and Aenianes (Iliad, 2.750) who are nowhere
described as Pelasgian. It looks therefore as if "Pelasgian" was used in Homeric epic connotatively, to mean either "formerly
occupied by Pelasgians" or simply "of immemorial age."
Post-Homeric
Strabo quotes Hesiod as expanding on the Homeric phrase,
calling Dodona "seat of Pelasgians" (fragment 225); he speaks also of the eponymous ancestor of the Pelasgians, Pelasgus (Ancient Greek: Πελασγός), the father of the culture-hero of Arcadia,
Lycaon. After Hesiod, a number of early authors flesh out his brief statement. An early
genealogist, Asius of Samos, describes Pelasgus as the first
man, literally born of the earth to create a race of men. An early poet, Hecataeus,
makes Pelasgus king of Thessaly (expounding Iliad, 2.681-684); Acusilaus applies this
Homeric passage to the Peloponnesian Argos, the Argolid, and engrafts the Hesiodic
Pelasgus, father of Lycaon, into a Peloponnesian genealogy.
Hellanicus repeats this identification a generation later, and identifies this
Argive or Arcadian Pelasgus with the Thessalian Pelasgus of Hecataeus. Aeschylus regards
Pelasgus as earthborn (Supplices I, sqq.), as in Asius, and ruler of a kingdom stretching from Argos to Dodona and the
Strymon; but in Prometheus 879, the "Pelasgian" land simply means Argos. Sophocles
takes the same view (Inachus, fragment. 256) and for the first time introduces the ethnonym Tyrrhenoi, apparently as synonymous with "Pelasgians". Euripedes calls the inhabitants of Argos
Pelasgian Orestes 857, and 933, if genuine.
In Herodotus
Herodotus, like Homer, has a denotative as well as a connotative use. He describes actual
Pelasgians surviving and speaking mutually intelligible dialects
- at Placie and Scylace on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont;
- near Creston on the Strymon; in this area they have
"Tyrrhenian" neighbors (Persian Wars 1.57).
He alludes to other districts where Pelasgian peoples lived on under changed names; Samothrace and Antandrus in the Troad
probably provide instances of this. In discussing Lemnos and Imbros he describes a Pelasgian population whom the Athenians conquered only
shortly before 500 BC, and in connection with this he tells a story of earlier raids of these
Pelasgians on Attica, and of a temporary settlement there of Hellespontine Pelasgians, all dating from a time "when the Athenians
were first beginning to count as Greeks."
Contrary to modern understanding, Herodotus was convinced that the Hellenes were not invaders, but descendants of
Pelasgians:
- "The Hellenic race has never, since its first origin, changed its speech. This at least seems evident to me. It was a
branch of the Pelasgic, which separated from the main body, and at first was scanty in numbers and of little power; but it
gradually spread and increased to a multitude of nations, chiefly by the voluntary entrance into its ranks of numerous tribes of
barbarians. The Pelasgi, on the other hand, were, as I think, a barbarian race which never greatly multiplied."
That the Athenians were autochthonous was expressed mythically in the stories of Erechtheus and Erichthonius and was emphatically stated by
Isocrates in Panegyric 23-5:
- "For we did not win the country we dwell in by expelling others from it, or by seizing it when uninhabited, nor are we a
mixed race collected together from many nations, but so noble and genuine is our descent, that we have continued for all time in
possession of the land from which we sprang, being children of our native soil, and able to address our city by the same titles
that we give to our nearest relations, for we alone of all the Hellenes have the right to call our city at once nurse and
fatherland and mother."
Elsewhere "Pelasgian" in Herodotus connotes anything typical of, or surviving from, the state of things in Greece before the
coming of the Greeks (in this sense one could regard all of Greece as formerly "Pelasgic"). The clearest instances of Pelasgian
survivals in ritual and customs and antiquities occur in Arcadia, the "Ionian" districts of the
north-west Peloponnese, and Attica, which have suffered least from hellenization. In Athens itself the prehistoric wall of the
Acropolis and a plot of ground close below it received veneration in the 5th century as
"Pelasgian"; so too in Thucydides (2.17).
We may note that all Herodotus' examples of actual Pelasgi lie round, or near, the actual Pelasgi of Homeric Thrace; that the
testimony of Thucydides (4.106) confirms the most distant of these as to the Pelasgian and Tyrrhenian population of the adjacent
seaboard: also that Thucydides adopts the same general Pelasgian theory of early Greece, with the refinement that he regards the
Pelasgian name as originally specific, and as having come gradually into this generic use.
The historian Ephorus preserves a passage from Hesiod that attests to a tradition of an
aboriginal Pelasgian people in Arcadia, and developed a theory of the Pelasgians as a warrior-people spreading from a "Pelasgian
home", and annexing and colonizing all the parts of Greece where earlier writers had found allusions to them, from Dodona to
Crete and the Troad, and even as far as Italy, where again their settlements had been recognized
as early as the time of Hellanicus, in close connection once more with "Tyrrhenians."
Nothing in the ancient discussion of the Pelasgians is inconsistent with the Greeks, at least the Athenians, being
autochthonous. Greece has been inhabited at least since the Neolithic, and there is no reason
to believe that the classical Greeks were not also genetic and cultural descendants from the pre-existing inhabitants, even if
the Greek languages originated from an external source.
The copious additional information given by later writers either interprets local legends in the light of Ephorus's theory, or
explains the name "Pelasgoi"; as when Philochorus expands a popular etymology "stork-folk"
into a theory of their seasonal migrations; or Apollodorus says that Homer calls Zeus
'Pelasgian' "because he is not far from every one of us".
The connection between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, which began with Hellanicus, Herodotus and Sophocles, becomes
confusing in the 3rd century, when the Lemnian pirates and their Attic kinsmen become plainly styled as Tyrrhenians, and early
fortress-walls in Italy (like those on the Palatine Hill in Rome) appear as "Arcadian" colonies. The character of the ancient
citadel wall at Athens has given the name "Pelasgic masonry" to all constructions of large,
unhewn blocks fitted together with mortar, from Asia Minor to Spain, the massive character that has also been called "cyclopean".
Modern theories
Modern theories about Pelasgians are sometimes colored by myths of national origin,
notably (in alphabetical order) Albania, Greece and
Turkey. Popularizations tend to be more colorful. The history and character of justifications of
present rights to territory by demonstrating the presence of an ancestral population in deep history— Urrecht— are
discussed at Revanchism. In all the following theories there is a mainstream, supported by
philology, archaeology and toponymy, and there are divergent fringe theories with specific appeals.
Albanians as Pelasgians
The French author Zacharie Mayani developed a thesis (The Etruscans Begin to
Speak) stating that the Etruscan language had links to the Albanian language. This theory places the Albanian language outside the group of Indo-European
languages sharing one branch with Etruscan, as well as with ancient Greek. On this basis, the Albanian poet Nermin Vlora Falaschi
published a (pseudolinguistic) translation of the Lemnos stele (L'Etrusco lingua viva Roma) with the help of
Arvanitic. The theory is supported by other authors such as Guiseppe Catapano, Mathieu Aref
(Albanie: Ou l'incroyable odyssée d'un peuple préhellénique; Grèce: Ou la solution d'une énigme), and Robert
D'Angely (other supporters include Faverial, Kolias, Marchiano, and Cabej). The overall theory, however, has attracted little
general support.[4] One of the most active supporters of
this theory was Austrian linguist Johann Georg von Hahn who attempted to connect
the pre-Indo-European Pelasgian language
with Albanian.[citation needed] Today, the Albanian language is
universally classified as an Indo-European language by linguists.
Pelasgians as pre-Indo-European people
From an undefined, perhaps tribal name, both Classical historians and archeologists have come to use the name "Pelasgian" to
describe the inhabitants in the lands around the Aegean Sea and their descendants before the
arrival of the waves of proto-Greek-speaking invaders during the 2nd millennium BC.
Though Wilamowitz-Moellendorff wrote them off as mythical, the
results of archaeological excavations at Çatalhöyük by James
Mellaart (1955) and F. Schachermeyr (1979) led them to
conclude that the Pelasgians had migrated from Asia Minor to the Aegean basin in the 4th
millennium BC. Further, scholars have attributed a number of non-Indo-European linguistic and cultural features to the Pelasgians:
- Groups of non-Indo-European loan words in the Greek language, borrowed in its
prehistoric development
- Non-Indo-European roots for many Greek place names in the region, containing the consonantal strings "-nth-" (e.g.
Corinth, Probalinthos), or its equivalent "-ns-" (e.g. Tiryns);
"-tt-", e.g. in the peninsula of Attica, Mounts Hymettus
and Brilettus/Brilessus, Lycabettus Hill, the
deme of Gargettus etc, or its equivalent "-ss-", e.g. Larissa, Mount Parnassus, the rivers Kephissus and Ilissus etc.
- Certain mythological stories or deities (usually goddesses) that have no parallel to the
mythologies of other Indo-European peoples like the Germans, Celts or Indians.
- A small number of non-Greek inscriptions, the best-known found on Lemnos (the
Lemnos stele). These inscriptions use a version of the western Greek alphabet similar
to that used in the Old Italic alphabet employed for Etruscan inscriptions.
Not all of these features belong to the same people. In western Anatolia, many "-ss-" placenames derive from the adjectival
suffix also seen in cuneiform Luwian and some Palaic; the classic example is Bronze Age Tarhuntassa (loosely, "City of the Storm God Tarhunta"), and later Parnassus may be related to the Hittite word parna- or "house". Because of insufficient evidence
from the 2nd millennium BC, no consensus exists on the relationship of these
"Pelasgian" elements to their neighbors – although much speculation has taken place, sometimes fueled by a desire for association
with some of the earliest known inhabitants of Europe.
But much is not known about the Pelasgians, and may never be known. As Donald A. Mackenzie, wrote in 1917:[5]
- "Before these [Hellenic] invaders entered into possession of the country [of Greece] it had been divided between various
'barbarous tribes', including the Pelasgi and their congeners the Caucones and Leleges. Thirlwall,
among others, expressed the view 'that the name Pelasgians was a general one, like that of Saxons, Franks, or Alemanni, and that
each of the Pelasgian tribes had also one peculiar to itself'. The Hellenes did not exterminate the aborigines, but constituted a
military aristocracy. Aristotle was quoted to show that their original seat was near Dodona, in Epirus, and that they first
appeared in Thessaly about 1384 BC. It was believed that the Hellenic conquerors laid the foundation of Greek
civilization."
Mackenzie continues, quoting George Grote:
- "By what circumstances, or out of what pre-existing elements, the aggregate was brought together and modified, we find no
evidence entitled to credit. There are, indeed, various names affirmed to designate the ante-Hellenic inhabitants of many parts
of Greece — the Pelasgi, the Leleges, the Curetes, the
Kaukones, the Aones, the Temmikes, the Hyantes, the
Telchines, the Boeotian Thracians, the Teleboae, the Ephyri,
the Phlegyae, &c. These are names belonging to legendary, not to historical Greece — extracted out of a variety of
conflicting legends by the logographers and subsequent historians, who strung
together out of them a supposed history of the past, at a time when the conditions of historical evidence were very little
understood. That these names designated real nations may be true but here our knowledge ends."
The poet and mythologist Robert Graves, in his works on Greek mythology, asserts that certain elements of that mythology originate with the native Pelasgian
people — namely the parts related to his concept of the White Goddess, an
archetypical Earth Goddess — drawing additional
support for his conclusion from his interpretations of other ancient literature: Irish,
Welsh, Greek, Biblical, Gnostic, and medieval writings. Mainstream scholarship considers
Graves' thesis at best controversial, although certain literary circles and many
neo-pagan groups have accepted it.
A Turkish scholar, Polat Kaya, has recently offered a translation of one of the
inscriptions on Lemnos, based on his theory that it reflects a language related to
Turkish. However, in the period of the putative date of the inscription the Turkish
people lived several thousand miles away in southeastern Siberia. They began to migrate westward
only about 300 AD, a fact that has hindered acceptance of Kaya's translation. This theory is almost
unanimously ignored by scholars.[6]
Some Georgian scholars (including M.G. Tseretheli, R.V. Gordeziani, M.
Abdushelishvili, and Dr. Zviad Gamsakhurdia) connect the Pelasgian with the
Iberian-Caucasian cultures of the prehistoric Caucasus, known to the Greeks as Colchis. This may sound plausible since there were many autochthonic Caucasian peoples dwelling in
Anatolia such as the Hattians before the arrival of the
Indo-Europeans.
The Bulgarian linguist Vladimir Georgiev claimed that the
Pelasgians were Indo-Europeans, with an Indo-European etymology of pelasgoi from pelagos, "sea" as the
Sea People, the PRŚT of Egyptian inscriptions,[7] and related them to the neighbouring Thracians. He even proposed a
soundshift model from Indo-European to Pelasgian. Another Bulgarian
scholar, Alexander Fol, defends the theory that in fact the name Pelasgians is not just ethnic, but cultural and religious
definition for the pre-Hellenic inhabitants of Greece.
A. J. Van Windekens (1915—1989) offered rules for an unattested hypothetical Indo-European Pelasgian language in Le
Pélasgique (1952) and Études pélasgique (1960); selecting vocabulary for which there was no Greek etymology, Van
Windekens claimed to find Pelasgian etymologies in many place names and other vocabulary of ancient Greece, in names of heroes,
animals, plants, garments, artifacts, social organization.
Pelasgians as Hellenes
According to a number of classical quotes and modern studies, the Pelasgians were Hellenes (Greeks), and the direct ancestors
of later Greek tribes. The arguments supporting this connection are as follows:
- That the term "barbarian" had a dual meaning. Aside from meaning "non-Hellenic," the term "barbarian" has been used by Greek
tribes/city-states to deride other Greek tribes/city-states that were deemed unsophisticated in their use of the Hellenic
language/culture.[8] For example, when Athenian orator Demosthenes attacked
Philip II of Macedon in the Third Philippic, he
deemed the Macedonians as non-Hellenic, unrelated to the Hellenes, and not even worthy of being deemed as "barbarians." This
indicates that the utilization of the term "barbarian" in many ancient Greek accounts was reflective of the socio-political
competition that existed between various Greek city-states, tribes, and civilizations.
- From this dual meaning, Herodotus did not imply that the Pelasgians were non-Hellenes when
he described them and their language as "barbaric." Support for this argument is found within a passage where Herodotus deemed
the Hellenes as a branch of the Pelasgians.[9] Moreover, it
was not an uncommon phenomenon for a Greek tribe to speak Greek crudely to the point where it was difficult for other Greeks to
understand.[10] So, when Herodotus (1.57) concludes that
the Athenians changed language when they joined the Hellenic body, it means that they advanced linguistically,
socially, and culturally from their Pelasgian forebears. Herodotus (6.137) also discusses the expulsion of Pelasgians by the
Athenians from Attica to Lemnos. However, this passage may be derived from an event whereby the Athenians expelled Pelasgian
Boeotian refugees (closely related to them culturally and linguistically) to the Ionian colonies.[11] Herodotus is also known for not distinguishing the difference between
linguistically similar dialects and languages that are completely separate from Greek.[12] As a result of this ambiguity, the language of the Pelasgians was "barbaric" in
the sense that it was an unsophisticated form of Hellenic as opposed to being non-Hellenic.[13]
- That the autochthonous nature of the Athenians (an ancient belief to which
Herodotus, Isocrates, Plutarch and others attest) implies they are descended from the autochthonous Pelasgians. The Athenians deemed
themselves "true Hellenes" due to their well-developed society.
- During the early 20th century, archaeological excavations conducted by the Italian Archaeological Society and by the American
Classical School on the Athenian Acropolis and on other sites within Attica revealed Neolithic
dwellings, tools, pottery, and sheep skeletons. All of these discoveries showed significant resemblances to the Neolithic
discoveries made on the Thessalian acropolises in Sesklo and Dimini. These discoveries helped provide physical confirmation of ancient records that described the Athenians as
the descendants of the Pelasgians (who were primarily the Neolithic inhabitants of Thessaly).[14]
See also
Notes
- ^ Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Book 1, 17 (LacusCurtius) - Afterwards some of the Pelasgians who inhabited Thessaly, as it is now called, being obliged to
leave their country, settled among the Aborigines and jointly with them made war upon the Sicels. It is possible that the
Aborigines received them partly in the hope of gaining their assistance, but I believe it was chiefly on account of their
kinship; for the Pelasgians, too, were a Greek nation originally from the Peloponnesus.
- ^ Ovid, Metamorphoses, Book 12.1 (Perseus) - Here, when a sacrifice had been prepared to Jove, according to the custom of their land, and
when the ancient altar glowed with fire, the Greeks observed an azure colored snake crawling up in a plane tree near the place
where they had just begun their sacrifice..."Rejoice Pelasgian men, for we shall conquer; Troy will fall; although the toil of
war must long continue--so the nine birds equal nine long years of war." And while he prophesied, the serpent, coiled about the
tree, was transformed to a stone, curled crooked as a snake.
- ^ Strabo,Geography, Book V, 2.4 (LacusCurtius) -
As for the Pelasgi, almost all agree, in the first place, that some ancient tribe of that name spread throughout the whole of
Greece, and particularly among the Aeolians of Thessaly...Again, Aeschylus, in his Suppliants, or else his Danaan Women, says
that the race of the Pelasgi originated in that Argos which is round about Mycenae. And the Peloponnesus too, according to
Ephorus, was called "Pelasgia."
- ^ Pelasgians and others
- ^ Mackenzie, Myths of Crete and Pre-Hellenic Europe, (1917), p
75.
- ^ The only references found on a
scholar.google.com search are self-published, and one article dismissing Kaya's further theory that Sumerian is a form of Turkish. Dr. Kaveh Farrokh ""Pan-Turanianism
takes aim at Azerbaijan: A Geopolitical Agenda" Rozaneh, Nov, December 2005. A JSTOR
search on "Polat" and "Kaya" shows no references to the names used together at all. Searches conducted on
December 19, 2006.
- ^ V. Georgiev, La toponymie ancienne de la péninsule balkanique et la
thèse mediterannée Sixth International Onomastic Congrees, Florence-Pisa, April 1961 (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences), 1961,
noted in M. Delcor, "Jahweh et Dagon (ou le Jahwisme face à la religion des Philistins, d'après 1 Sam. V)" Vetus
Testamentum 14.2 (April 1964, pp. 136-154) p. 142 note.
- ^ Foreigners and Barbarians (adapted from Daily Life of the Ancient Greeks), The American
Forum for Global Education, 2000. The status of being a foreigner, as the Greeks understood the term does not permit any easy
definition. Primarily it signified such peoples as the Persians and Egyptians, whose languages were unintelligible to the Greeks,
but it could also be used of Greeks who spoke in a different dialect and with a different accent...Prejudice toward Greeks on the
part of Greeks was not limited to those who lived on the fringes of the Greek world. The Boeotians, inhabitants of central
Greece, whose credentials were impeccable, were routinely mocked for their stupidity and gluttony. Ethnicity is a fluid concept
even at the best of times. When it suited their purposes, the Greeks also divided themselves into Ionians and Dorians. The
distinction was emphasized at the time of the Peloponnesian War, when the Ionian Athenians fought against the Dorian Spartans.
The Spartan general Brasidas even taxed the Athenians with cowardice on account of their Ionian lineage. In other periods of
history the Ionian-Dorian divide carried much less weight.
- ^ Herodotus on the Pelasgians and the Early Hellenes (George Rawlison, New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1885)
- The Hellenic race has never, since its first origin, changed its speech. This at least seems evident to me. It was a branch
of the Pelasgic, which separated from the main body, and at first was scanty in numbers and of little power; but it gradually
spread and increased to a multitude of nations, chiefly by the voluntary entrance into its ranks of numerous tribes of
barbarians. The Pelasgi, on the other hand, were, as I think, a barbarian race which never greatly multiplied.
- ^ Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, pp. 9-10. Whether the Pelasgi were anciently a
foreign or Grecian tribe, has been a subject of constant and celebrated discussion. Herodotus, speaking of some settlements held
to be Pelaigic, and existing in his time, terms their language "barbarous;" but Mueller, nor with argument insufficient,
considers that the expression of the historian would apply only to a peculiar dialect; and the hypothesis is sustained by another
passage in Herodotus, in which he applies to certain Ionian dialects the same term as that with which he stigmatizes the language
of the Pelasgic settlements. In corroboration of Mueller's opinion, we may also observe, that the "barbarous-tongued" is an
epithet applied by Homer to the Carians, and is rightly construed by the ancient critics as denoting a dialect mingled and
unpolished, certainly not foreign. Nor when the Agamemnon of Sophocles upbraids Teucer with "his barbarous tongue," would any
scholar suppose that Teucer is upbraided with not speaking Greek; he is upbraided with speaking Greek inelegantly and rudely. It
is clear that they who continued with the least adulteration a language in its earliest form, would seem to utter a strange and
unfamiliar jargon to ears accustomed to its more modern construction.
- ^ Buck, p. 79. The presence of the Pelasgians in Boeotia should
represent in some traditions the original inhabitants, many, if not most, of whom were expelled to Athens. The confused story in
Herodotus (6.137) about the expulsion of some (non-Athenian) Pelasgians from Athens may be a dim memory of the forwarding of
refugees, closely akin to the Athenians in speech and custom, to the Ionian colonies.
- ^ Herodotus' Conception of Foreign Languages (Thomas Harrison, University College, London) -
The entire frame within which the Greeks viewed foreign languages was, in a number of ways, very different. First, although on
a number of occasions Herodotus refers to, or implies, the existence of a common Greek language, including the quotation with
which I began (8.144.2), Herodotus has no unambiguous way of referring to dialect as distinct from language. On one occasion he
appears at first sight to come close to a formula for describing dialect. The cities of Ionia do not use the same language
(glossan) as one another, but have four characteres glosses, or forms of language (1.142.3). He goes on immediately, however, in
turning to the cities of Lydia (Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomenae and Phocaea) to say that these cities 'do not agree
at all' in their language with the other Ionians but 'sound the same as one another' (homologeousi kata glossan ouden, sphisi de
homophoneousi, 1.142.4). Elsewhere Herodotus talks of the 'Attic language' (glossan, 6.138.2). This haziness in the distinction
of language and dialect is not unique to Herodotus. The expression 'the Attic language', for example, is used in the poetry of
Solon; Thucydides can speak of the 'Dorian language' and Aeschylus of the Phocian. The term dialektos can be used of foreign
languages and of the range of accents within a city[63] as much as of differences between cities or regions. The distinction
between dialect and language is, of course, inevitably a hazy one, given that it is often dictated rather more by political than
linguistic criteria.
- ^ Herodotus' Conception of Foreign Languages (Thomas Harrison, University College, London) -
In other instances, however, Herodotus concedes a greater degree of non-Greek influence on Greek. Herodotus' account, for
example, of the adoption by the Pelasgians of the names of the gods (2.52.1) suggests a much closer relationship between the
Pelasgian and Greek languages. Before they heard the names of the gods, the Pelasgians (assuming, interestingly, the existence of
a number of gods) called them simply theoi, on the grounds that they had 'established (thentes) all affairs in their order'. This
etymology, advanced apparently in all seriousness, seems to suggest that the Pelasgians spoke a language at least 'akin to'
Greek.
- ^ Procopiou, pp. 21-22. Our knowledge of the neolithic age is much
greater. Some forty years ago excavations on the Athenian Acropolis and on other sites in Attica brought to light many
indications of neolithic life - dwellings, vases, tools, skeletons of sheep - which confirmed the traditions recorded by
Herodotus that the Athenians were descended from the Pelasgians, the neolithic inhabitants of Thessaly. Indeed the neolithic
vases of Attica date from the earliest neolithic age (5520-4900) like the ceramics from the Thessalian acropolis of Sesclos, as
well as from the later neolithic age (4900-3200) like those from the other Thessalian acropolis of Dimini...The search for traces
of the neolithic age on the Acropolis began in 1922 with the excavations of the Italian Archaeological School near the
Aesclepium. Another settlment was discovered in the vicinity of the Odeion of Pericles where many sherds of pottery and a stone
axe, both of Sesclos type, were unearthed. Excavations carried out by the American Classical School near the Clepshydra uncovered
twenty-one wells and countless pieces of handmade pottery, sherds of Dimini type, implements of later Stone Age and bones of
domestic animals and fish. The discoveries reinforced the theory that permanent settlement by farmers with their flocks, their
stone and bone tools and ceramic utensils had taken place on the rock of the Acropolis as early as the sixth millenium.
References
These references include both mainstream scholarship and fringe theories.
- Akaki Urushadze. The Country of the Enchantress Media. Tbilisi, 1984, p. 25 (in Russian and English).
- Alexander Fol. Trakijskijat orfizam. Sofia, 1986.
- Angelo Procopiou and Edwin Smith. Athens: City of the Gods from Prehistory to 338 B.C. New York: Stein and Day,
1964.
- Aristeidē P. Kollia. Arvanites kai hē katagōgē tōn Hellēnōn : historikē, laographikē, politistikē, glōssologikē
episkopisē. Athens: [A.P. Kollias], 1985.
- Dhimiter Pilika.Pellasget origjina jone mohuar. Tirane, 2005.
- Donald A. Mackenzie. Myths of Crete and Pre-Hellenic Europe, 1917 (Reviewed).
- E. J. Furnee. Vorgriechisch-Kartvelisches: Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen
pelasgischen Theorie. Leuven-Louvian, 1979.
- F. Schachermeyr. Die Ägäische Frühzeit. Forschungsbericht über die Ausgrabungen im letzten Jahrzehnt und über ihre
Ergebnisse für unser Geschichtsbild. Bd. I. Die Vormykenischen Perioden des Griechischen Festlandes und der Kykladen. Vienna,
1979.
- Giuseppe Catapano. Thot Parlava Albanese. Roma: Bardi, 1988.
- J. A. R. Munro. '"Pelasgians and Ionians." The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1934 (JSTOR).
- J. L. Myres. "A History of the Pelasgian Theory." The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1907.
- J. Melaart. The Neolithic of the Near East. London, 1975.
- Jean Faucounau. Les Origines Grecques à l'Age de Bronze. Paris, 2005.
- Jean Faucounau. Les Proto-Ioniens : histoire d'un peuple oublié. Paris, 2001.
- M. G. Abdushelishvili. The genesis of the aboriginal population of the Caucasus in the light of anthropological data.
Tokyo, 1968.
- Marchiano Stanislao. I Pelasgi e la loro lingua (1888).
- Mathieu Aref. Albanie (Histoire et Langue): Ou l'incroyable odyssée d'un peuple préhellénique (2003).
- Mathieu Aref. Grèce: (Mycéniens = Pélasges) ou la solution d'une énigme (2004).
- Milan Budimir. Pelasto - Slavica (1956).
- Milan Budimir. The Greeks and Pelasti (1950).
- Nermin Vlora Falaschi. L'Etrusco lingua viva. Roma: Bardi, 1989.
- Nicolae Densusianu. Dacia Preistorica. Bucharest, 1913.
- Rismag Gordeziani. Pre-Grecian and Georgian. Tbilisi, 1985 (in Georgian, German summary).
- Robert d'Angély. Des Thraces & des Illyriens à Homère. Nicariu, Corsica: Cismonte è Pumonti, c. 1990.
- Robert d'Angély. Grammaire albanaise comparée. Paris: Solange d'Angély, 1998.
- Robert d’Angély. L’Enigme.
- Robert J. Buck. A History of Boeotia. University of Alberta, 1979. ISBN 088864051X
- Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton. Athens: Its Rise and Fall. Kessinger Publishing, 2004. ISBN 1419108085
- Vladimir Georgiev. Trakite i tehnijat ezik. Sofia, 1977.
- Zacharie Mayani. The Etruscans Begin to Speak. London: Souvenir Press, 1961.
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