Pieter Willem Botha

Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Pieter Willem Botha

(born Jan. 12, 1916, Paul Roux, S.Af. — died Oct. 31, 2006, Wilderness, near George) Prime minister (1978 – 84) and first state president (1984 – 89) of South Africa. Elected to parliament as a National Party candidate in 1948, Botha served in several subsequent posts before replacing John Vorster as prime minister in 1978. His government faced serious difficulties, including the coming to power of black governments in Mozambique, Angola, and Zimbabwe, an insurgency in South West Africa (Namibia), and domestic unrest among black students and labour unions. Botha responded by backing antigovernment troops in the bordering states and suppressing rebellion at home. A target of criticism from within and outside his party, he fell ill and resigned in 1989.

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Pieter Willem Botha (born 1916) was inaugurated as the first executive state president of the Republic of South Africa in 1984 after serving for six years as prime minister. Botha's administration was characterized by civil unrest. His policies have been assessed as essentially opportunistic, swaying from the progressive front to the radical right wing. Botha is best known for his stubbornness, a trait which earned him the nickname of The Old Crocodile.

Pieter Willem Botha, who is widely referred to by the Afrikaans pronunciation of his first two initials - "pee-vee" - was born on January 12, 1916, at "Telegraaf" farm in the Paul Roux district of the Orange Free State. In South African parlance, he is an Afrikaner, that is, a white person who speaks Afrikaans, a derivation of the Dutch language, as mother tongue. However, he is also fluent in English.

Botha's early education was at Paul Roux. Later he attended secondary school in Bethlehem before entering the University of the Orange Free State in Bloemfontein to study law. But he left the university before completing a degree in order to begin a full-time political career, a decision made when he was only 20 years old.

The rural Orange Free State was among the most Afrikaans-speaking regions of South Africa, and for many decades it was a bastion of extreme political conservatism among whites. Thus, it was not surprising that Botha affiliated in 1936 with the right-wing, ethnically-oriented National party, though at the time this was still a minority party in South African white politics. Botha was initially appointed by the party leader D. F. Malan as a political organizer for the Nationalists in neighboring Cape Province. Later he was made responsible for national publicity during the campaign leading up to the May 1948 general election, an election which the Nationalists unexpectedly won.

In the 1948 election Botha won a seat in the House of Assembly, the lower chamber of South Africa's bicameral parliament at the time, for the George constituency in the southern Cape Province. He would hold this seat for the next 36 years, becoming the assembly's longest serving member. Also in 1948 Botha was made chief secretary of the National party in the Cape Province, a post he held for a decade. His long association with the Cape Province is said to have somewhat eroded Botha's inherited conservatism in favor of what is referred to as traditional "Cape liberalism."

In 1958 Botha was appointed deputy interior minister under Prime Minister H. F. Verwoerd. Three years later he was promoted to full minister, gaining the portfolios of community development and biracial affairs. In 1964 he was made minister of public works, and two years later defense minister. Botha held this latter position for the next 14 years and was the responsible cabinet minister at the time of the South African military's ill-fated invasion of Angola at the end of 1975. During his long tenure as defense minister, annual military expenditures increased 20-fold, and South Africa, which had been subject to an international arms embargo since 1963, became virtually self-sufficient in the manufacture of weapons. Botha also created new opportunities in the military for women and nonwhite South Africans.

Early in his years as defense minister, Botha gained a reputation for toughness, known as "kragdadigheit" in Afrikaans, as well as for efficient administration. These qualities pushed him to the fore when Prime Minister B. J. Vorster unexpectedly resigned in 1978. During this time Botha was also prominent as the Cape provincial leader of his party. Nevertheless, his elevation to the premiership on September 28, 1978, was to some degree unexpected and aided by a well-publicized scandal in the Department of Information. This fatally compromised the reputation of its minister, Connie Mulder, another serious contender for the position and then the National party's leader in the important Transvaal province. Thereafter, in a series of speeches, Botha seemed to try to direct the country into reformist paths and away from the racial "apartheid" (separation) which had been an article of faith for the National party since 1948. The new prime minister told his fellow whites that they would have to "adapt or die."

Predictably, the right wing of the National party, especially in the Transvaal, strenuously resisted this suggestion, and for some years the ensuing struggle over policy within the governing party seemed to neutralize Botha's reformist intentions. Then in 1982 elements on the right of the National party finally broke off to form the new Conservative party, shifting the political balance in favor of "reformism" among remaining Nationalists. One result of this was the new South African Constitution of 1983, which continued to exclude all South African blacks (72% of the total population) from any participation whatsoever in the central institutions of the state. But it did for the first time admit Asians and mulattos to membership in Parliament (albeit in racially segregated chambers) and the national cabinet.

Concurrent with these changes, Botha's own role was restructured with his elevation through an indirect election of the new tricameral parliament to the post of executive state president (as distinct from the previous ceremonial position of the same name). The earlier position of prime minister had been abolished. Until the middle of 1985, however, there was little to suggest that Botha's constitutional or other reforms had lessened unrest within the country's black population, unrest that had in fact continued in one form or another for nearly a decade from the time of the Soweto uprisings of 1976-1977.

Over the course of time, Botha's liberalism was increasingly perceived as political opportunism. His lack of a firm resolve caused his policies to be received with question. He moved successfully for the repeal of the oppressive passbook system which precluded free mobility within the region by blacks, but the passbooks were replaced by a racially biased ID card requirement for all citizens (black and white). Scores of political prisoners were released, and the squatting practices of blacks were legitimized, but promises to invest all blacks and mulattos with full citizenship rights remained unfulfilled. The country was wracked by heavy rioting and was further plagued by outside sanctions imposed by the international community. This dubious relationship with the country's black population was further scarred by Botha's handling of an ongoing situation with the prisoner Nelson Mandela. In May of 1986 the government backed a series of commando attacks in Zimbabwe, Botswana, Zambia, and South Africa. The attacks initiated new rioting, which left dozens of people dead and tens of thousands homeless and caused an escalation of racial tensions. By June 12 a national state of emergency was declared by the government in Pretoria. Botha's government was condemned abroad for these activities. Existing international sanctions were augmented, including new sanctions from Zimbabwe and Zambia. Nonetheless, Botha and the National party held strong. The sanctions proved only mildly effective as the price of gold, South Africa's chief export, rose sharply. Botha's transient loyalties had migrated further to the right by the time of the Parliamentary elections in March of 1988. He banned many antiapartheid organizations and sanctioned the arrest of Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

By August of 1988, however, Botha had shifted his strategy once again. He relaxed his foreign policies toward Angola, Namibia, and other African states, although his intentions were regarded with suspicion, especially by Mozambique. Anti-squatting laws were re-introduced with a vengeance.

On January 18, 1989, Botha suffered a stroke which left him partially paralyzed. He refused to resign and was subsequently ousted from office by members of his own party. Despite the party's actions, he tenaciously retained the presidency amid persistent rumors of his resignation. On July 5, 1989, an historic meeting took place between Botha and Mandela. Mandela's release was not effected at that time, but the meeting was hailed as a coup and a breakthrough between the white ruling party and the black majority. Botha officially resigned from the presidency on August 14, 1989. On May 6, 1990, he resigned from the National party.

Botha has persistently refused to apologize for his role in the establishment of the apartheid system which was eventually abolished under the administration of Frederik W. deKlerk, Botha's successor. Seven years later, in 1996 and 1997, Botha was implicated in a series of bombings which had taken place in the 1980s against the African National Congress.

Regarding South Africa's international relations, Botha's leadership brought several notable breaches in the country's long standing isolation in world affairs, although he simultaneously warned of an externally based "total onslaught" against the republic. He met with President Kaunda of Zambia in 1982, and in March 1984 he signed the "Nkomati Accord" with President Samora Machel of Mozambique. This agreement sought the pacification of the two countries' long common border. Later in the same year Botha officially visited seven Western European capitals, the first South African head of government to be so received in many decades.

Botha was married to Elsie Rossouw on March 13, 1943. They have two sons and three daughters. Botha received two honorary doctor's degrees, including a degree in military science from the University of Stellenbosch in 1976.

The Honourable Pieter Willem Botha

8th State President of South Africa
In office 3 September 1984 – 15 August 1989
Preceded by	Marais Viljoen Non-Executive
Succeeded by	Frederik Willem de Klerk
8th Prime Minister of South Africa
In office 29 September 1978 – 14 September 1984
President	Marais Viljoen Balthazar Johannes Vorster Marais Viljoen
Preceded by	Balthazar Johannes Vorster
Succeeded by	Position Abolished

Born	12 January 1916(1916-01-12) Paul Roux, Orange Free State Province, South Africa
Died	31 October 2006 (aged 90) Wilderness, Western Cape, South Africa
Birth name	Pieter Willem Botha
Nationality	South African
Political party	National Party
Spouse(s)	Elize Botha Barbara Robertson (1998-2006)
Residence	Wilderness, Western Cape, South Africa
Profession	Politician
Religion	Dutch Reformed Church

Apartheid in South Africa
Events and Projects
Sharpeville Massacre Soweto uprising · Treason Trial Rivonia Trial · Church Street bombing CODESA · St James Church massacre Cape Town peace march Purple Rain
Organisations
ANC · IFP · AWB · Black Sash · CCB Conservative Party · ECC · PP · RP PFP · HNP · MK · PAC · SACP · UDF Broederbond · National Party COSATU · SADF · SAP
People
P. W. Botha · Oupa Gqozo · D. F. Malan Nelson Mandela · Desmond Tutu F. W. de Klerk · Walter Sisulu Helen Suzman · Harry Schwarz Andries Treurnicht · H. F. Verwoerd Oliver Tambo · B. J. Vorster Kaiser Matanzima · Jimmy Kruger Steve Biko · Mahatma Gandhi Joe Slovo · Trevor Huddleston
Places
Bantustan · District Six · Robben Island Sophiatown · South-West Africa Soweto · Sun City · Vlakplaas
Other aspects
Afrikaner nationalism Apartheid laws · Freedom Charter Sullivan Principles · Kairos Document Disinvestment campaign South African Police
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Biography

Early life

Botha was born on the farm Telegraaf in the Paul Roux district of the Orange Free State, the son of Afrikaner parents. His father, also named Pieter, fought in a commando against the British in the Second Boer War (1899–1902). During the war his mother was interned in a British concentration camp. He initially attended the Paul Roux School and matriculated from Voortrekker Secondary School Bethlehem, South Africa. In 1934, P.W. Botha entered the Grey University College (now the University of the Free State) in Bloemfontein to study law, but left early at the age of 20 in order to pursue a career in politics. He began working for the National Party as a political organiser in the neighbouring Cape Province.

In the years leading to World War II, Botha joined the Ossewabrandwag, or Oxwagon Sentinel (OB), a right-wing Afrikaner nationalist group which was sympathetic to the German Nazi Party. However in later years, with Allied victory looming in Europe, Botha was critical of this national socialist movement, favouring Christian nationalism instead, and condemned the Ossewabrandwag, charging it with "interference" in national politics ^[2]

In 1943, Botha married Anna Elizabeth Rossouw (Elize), and the couple had two sons and three daughters.

Parliamentary career

Botha was first elected to national parliament from the town of George in the Southern Cape, as a member of the National Party in 1948 at the beginning of the party's tenure in power, which was to last more than 40 years. In 1958 Botha was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Hendrik Verwoerd. He was appointed defence minister by Prime Minister B.J. Vorster in 1966. When Vorster resigned in 1978, Botha was elected as his successor by parliament.

Though generally considered^[who?] a conservative, Botha was also seen^[who?] as far more pragmatic than his predecessor. He was keen to promote constitutional reform, and hoped to implement a form of federal system in South Africa that would allow for greater "self-rule" for black homelands (or Bantustans), while still retaining the supremacy of a white central government.

On becoming prime minister, Botha initially retained the defence portfolio until October 1980, when he appointed chief of the South African Defence Force, General Magnus Malan, as defence minister. Botha pursued an ambitious military policy designed to increase South Africa's military capability. He sought to improve relations with the West – especially the United States – but with mixed results. He argued that the preservation of the apartheid government, though unpopular, was crucial to stemming the tide of African communism, which had made in-roads into neighbouring Angola and Mozambique after these two former Portuguese colonies obtained independence.

In the 1970s he began a secret nuclear weapons program in collaboration with Israel, which culminated in the production of six nuclear bombs. He also remained steadfast in South Africa's administration of the neighbouring territory South-West Africa, particularly while there was a presence of Cuban troops in Angola to the north. Botha was responsible for introducing the notorious police counter-insurgency unit, Koevoet. South African intervention in support of the rebel UNITA movement in the Angolan Civil War continued until the late 1980s, terminating with the Tripartite Accord. To maintain the nation's military strength, a very strict draft was implemented to enforce compulsory military service for white South African men.

State President

In 1983 Botha proposed a new constitution, which was then put to a vote of the white population. Though it did not implement a federal system, it created two new houses of parliament, one for Coloureds (House of Representatives) and one for Indians (House of Delegates), along with that for whites-only (House of Assembly). The new Tricameral Parliament theoretically had equal legislative powers but the laws each new house passed were effective solely in its own community. Control of the country was maintained by the white house.

The plan included no chamber or system of representation for the black majority. Black South Africans were expected to exercise their political rights within the context of the Bantustans. Each Black ethno-linguistic group was allocated a 'homeland' which would initially be a semi-autonomous area. Bantustans were expected to gradually move towards a greater state of independence with sovereign nation status being the final goal. During Botha's tenure Ciskei, Bophutatswana and Venda all achieved nominal nationhood. These new countries set up within the borders of South Africa never gained international recognition.

The new constitution also changed the executive branch, abolishing the post of prime minister. Instead, the role of head of government would be combined with that of head of state to create a strong, executive presidency with expanded powers. The presidency and cabinet had sole jurisdiction over areas deemed to be of "national" responsibility, such as foreign policy and race relations. Though the new constitution was criticised by the black majority for failing to grant them any formal role in government, many international commentators praised it as a "first step" in what was assumed to be a series of reforms. In 1984, Botha was elected as the first state president of South Africa under the newly approved constitution.

Implementing the presidential system was seen as a key step in consolidating Botha's personal power. In previous years he had succeeded in getting a number of strict laws that limited freedom of speech through parliament, and thus suppressed criticism of government decisions.

In many western countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom (where the Anti-Apartheid Movement was based) and the Commonwealth there was much debate over the imposition of economic sanctions in order to weaken Botha and undermine the white regime. By the late 1980s – as foreign investment in South Africa declined – disinvestment began to have a serious effect on the nation's economy.

Apartheid government

In some ways, Botha's application of the apartheid system was less repressive than that of his predecessors: interracial marriage – which had been banned – was legalized, and the constitutional prohibition on multiracial political parties was lifted. He also relaxed the Group Areas Act, which barred non-whites from living in certain areas. In 1983, constitutional reforms granted limited political rights to Coloureds (South Africans of mixed white and non-white ancestry) and Indians. Late in his term, he became the first South African government leader to authorize contacts with imprisoned ANC leader Nelson Mandela. However, on the central issue of ceding power to blacks, he would not budge. In the face of rising discontent and violence, he imposed greater security measures such as states of emergency and state-sponsored covert action against anti-apartheid activists. He also steadfastly refused to negotiate with the African National Congress.

Typical of his rule was his 1985 "Crossing the Rubicon" speech, a policy address in which Botha was widely expected to announce new reforms. Instead, he refused to give in to pressure for concessions to the black population including the release of Nelson Mandela. His defiance of international opinion in this speech led to further isolation of the country, calls for economic sanctions, and a rapid decline in the value of the rand. The following year, when the United States introduced the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, Botha declared a nation-wide state of emergency, which resulted is approximately 700 deaths and 8000 murders.^{[citation needed]}

Thousands were detained without trial during his presidency, while others were tortured and killed. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission found him responsible for gross violations of human rights^[3]. It also found that he had directly authorized 'unlawful activity which included killing.'^[4] However, he refused to apologize for apartheid. In an interview to mark his 90th birthday he suggested that he had no regrets about the way he ran the country.^[5] He denied, however, that he had ever considered Black South Africans to be in any way inferior to whites, but conceded that "some" whites did hold that view. He also claimed that the apartheid policies were inherited from the British colonial administration in the Eastern Cape and Natal Province, implying that he considered them something he and his government had followed by default.

Botha's downfall

President Botha's downfall can be directly attributed to decisions taken at the Ronald Reagan/Mikhail Gorbachev summit of the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union in Moscow (29 May - 1 June 1988) that paved the way to resolving the problem of Namibia which, according to foreign minister Pik Botha, was destabilising the region and "seriously complicating" the major issue which South Africa itself would shortly have to face.^[6] Soviet military aid would cease and Cuban troops be withdrawn from Angola as soon as South Africa complied with UN Security Council Resolution 435 by relinquishing control of Namibia and allowing UN-supervised elections there. The Tripartite Agreement, which gave effect to the Reagan/Gorbachev summit decisions, was signed at UN headquarters in New York on 22 December 1988 by representatives of Angola, Cuba and South Africa.^[7]

On 18 January 1989, Botha (then aged 73) suffered a mild stroke which prevented him from attending a meeting with Namibian political leaders on 20 January 1989. Botha's place was taken by acting president, J. Christiaan Heunis.^[8] On 2 February 1989, Botha resigned as leader of the National Party (NP) anticipating his nominee - finance minister Barend du Plessis - would succeed him. Instead, the NP's parliamentary caucus selected as leader education minister F W de Klerk, who moved quickly to consolidate his position within the party. In March 1989, the NP elected de Klerk as state president but Botha refused to resign, saying in a television address that the constitution entitled him to remain in office until March 1990 and that he was even considering running for another five-year term. Following a series of acrimonious meetings in Cape Town, and five days after UNSCR 435 was implemented in Namibia on 1 April 1989, Botha and de Klerk reached a compromise: Botha would retire after the parliamentary elections in September, allowing de Klerk to take over as president.

However, Botha resigned from the presidency abruptly on 14 August 1989 complaining that he had not been consulted by de Klerk over his scheduled visit to see president Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia:

"The ANC is enjoying the protection of president Kaunda and is planning insurgency activities against South Africa from Lusaka," Botha declared on nationwide television. He said he had asked the cabinet what reason he should give the public for abruptly leaving office. "They replied I could use my health as an excuse. To this, I replied that I am not prepared to leave on a lie. It is evident to me that after all these years of my best efforts for the National Party and for the government of this country, as well as the security of our country, I am being ignored by ministers serving in my cabinet."^[9]

De Klerk was sworn in as acting president on 15 August 1989 and the following month was nominated by the electoral college to succeed Botha in a five-year term as state president.^[10] Within months of the collapse of the Berlin Wall, de Klerk had announced the legalisation of anti-apartheid groups – including the African National Congress – and the release of Nelson Mandela. De Klerk's rule saw the dismantling of the apartheid system and negotiations that eventually led to South Africa's first racially inclusive democratic elections on 27 April 1994.

In a statement on the death of former president P W Botha in 2006, de Klerk said:

"Personally, my relationship with P W Botha was often strained. I did not like his overbearing leadership style and was opposed to the intrusion of the State Security Council system into virtually every facet of government. After I became leader of the National Party in February 1989 I did my best to ensure that P W Botha would be able to end his term as president with full dignity and decorum. Unfortunately, this was not to be."^[11]

Retirement

Botha and his wife Elize retired to their home, Die Anker, in the town of Wilderness, close to the city of George and located on the Indian Ocean coast of the Western Cape. His wife Elize died in 1997, and he later married Barbara Robertson, a legal secretary 25 years his junior, on 22 June 1998.

Botha remained largely out of sight of the media and it was widely believed that he remained opposed to many of F W de Klerk's reforms.

Botha refused to testify at the new government's Truth and Reconciliation Commission for exposing apartheid-era crimes, which was chaired by his cultural and political nemesis, Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The TRC found that he had ordered the bombing of the South African Council of Churches headquarters in Johannesburg. In August 1998 he was fined and given a suspended jail sentence for his refusal to testify in relation to human rights violations and the violence sanctioned by the State Security Council (SSC) which he, as president until 1989, had directed.^[12] In June 1999 Botha successfully appealed to the High Court against his conviction and sentence. The Court found that the notice served on Botha to appear before the Commission was technically invalid.^[13]

Death

Botha died of a heart attack at his home in Wilderness on 31 October 2006, aged 90.^[14]

His death was met with magnanimity by many of his former opponents. Former President Nelson Mandela was reported as saying "while to many Mr Botha will remain a symbol of apartheid, we also remember him for the steps he took to pave the way towards the eventual peacefully negotiated settlement in our country."^[15] President Thabo Mbeki announced that flags would be flown at half mast, to mark the death of a former head of state. The offer of a state funeral was declined by Botha's family, and a private funeral was held on 8 November in the town of George where Botha was buried. Mbeki, who had lost a brother, a son and a cousin during apartheid, attended the funeral^[16]^[17] and was even seen to shed a tear or two. The following day, pictures of this were printed on the front pages of most of the regional newspapers.^{[citation needed]}

References

^ Mary Braid (1998-01-08). "Afrikaners champion Botha's cause of silence". The Independent. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/afrikaners-champion-bothas-cause-of-silence-1137403.html. Retrieved 2009-05-15.
^ P. W. Botha, Defender of Apartheid, Is Dead at 90, New York Times, 1 November 2006
^ [1]Dan van der Vat. Guardian Obituary. 2 November 2006.
^ [2]Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa. (2003) Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report, Vol. 6, Section 3, pp. 252-3, para. 326 (e), 327, and 328.
^ The Groot Krokodil speaks, MWeb, 2 November 2006
^ Chronology of Namibian independence
^ New York Accords signed by Angola, Cuba and South Africa
^ The New York Times 22 January 1989 "Botha suffers mild stroke"
^ Botha Quits, Criticizes Successor
^ South Africa Limited Reforms
^ Statement by F W de Klerk on the death of former president P W Botha (Issued by the F W de Klerk Foundation, Cape Town, 1 November 2006)
^ TRC findings: P W Botha, BBC News, 29 October 1998
^ "The Citizen", 2 June 1999
^ Former South Africa leader dies, BBC News, 1 November 2006
^ PW Botha: Reaction in quotes, BBC News, 1 November 2006
^ Flags fly half-mast for PW, News24, 2 November 2006
^ PW laid to rest, Independent Online (IOL), 8 November 2006

Political offices
Preceded by Jacobus Johannes Fouché	Minister of Defence (South Africa) 1966 – 1980	Succeeded by Magnus Malan
Preceded by Balthazar Johannes Vorster	Prime Minister of South Africa 1978 – 1984	Position abolished
Preceded by Marais Viljoen	State President of South Africa 1984 – 1989	Succeeded by Frederik Willem de Klerk

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