A division of Oceania including scattered islands of the central and southern Pacific Ocean roughly between New Zealand, Hawaii, and Easter Island. The larger islands are volcanic, the smaller ones generally coral formations.
Dictionary:
Pol·y·ne·sia (pŏl'ə-nē'zhə, -shə) ![]() |
A division of Oceania including scattered islands of the central and southern Pacific Ocean roughly between New Zealand, Hawaii, and Easter Island. The larger islands are volcanic, the smaller ones generally coral formations.
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| Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Polynesia |
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| Columbia Encyclopedia: Polynesia |
Bibliography
See T. Barrow, Art and Life in Polynesia (1972).
| Geography: Polynesia |
| Occultism & Parapsychology Encyclopedia: Polynesia |
The name Polynesia means "region of many islands," and Polynesia comprises a group of central Pacific islands, including the Hawaiian, Rotuma, Uved, Tokelau, Samoan, Cook, and Easter Islands as well as Tuvalu, Tonga, Niue, and New Zealand. Many traditions were also shared with Melanesians of the central and western Pacific islands. Under the impact of their discovery by the Europeans in the nineteenth century and their subsequently being drawn into affairs of the larger world, including World War II, customs, beliefs, and lifestyles have undergone radical change.
Traditional Magic and Sorcery
Magic in Polynesia used to be the preserve of the priestly and upper classes, although lesser sorcery was practiced by individuals not of these castes. There was a prevailing belief in what was known as mana, or supernatural power in certain individuals. The method of using this power was twofold. One of these was practiced by a society known as the Iniat, where certain rites were carried out that were supposed to bring calamity upon the enemies of the tribe.
The ability to exercise magic was known as agagara, and the magician or wizard was termed tena agagura. If the wizard desired to cast magic upon another man, he usually tried to secure something that the person had touched with his mouth, and to guard against this, the natives were careful to destroy all food that they did not consume. They carefully gathered up even a single drop of blood when they received a cut or scratch, and burned it or threw it into the sea, so that the wizard might not obtain it.
The wizard, having obtained something belonging to the person whom he wished to injure, buried it in a deep hole with leaves of poisonous plants and sharp-pointed pieces of bamboo, accompanying the action by suitable incantations. If he chanced to be a member of the Iniat society, he would place on the top of this package one of the sacred stones. The Iniat believed that as long as the stone was pressing down on the article that had been buried in the hole, the man to whom it belonged would remain sick.
Because of this, as soon as a man fell sick he sent to find out who had bewitched him, and there was usually someone who did not deny it. If the victim did not succeed in having the spell removed he would almost certainly die, but if he succeeded in having it taken away, he began to recover almost immediately. The strange thing was that he showed no enmity toward the person or persons who bewitched him—indeed it was taken as a matter of course, and he quietly waited until the time when he could return the "compliment."
These practices applied mostly to New Britain, now Papua New Guinea, but its system of magic was practically the same as that known in Fiji as vakadraunikau, about which very little is known. In his book Melanesians and Polynesians (1910) the Reverend Dr. George Brown, pioneer missionary and explorer, gives an interesting account of the magic systems of these people, in which he incorporated several informative letters from brother missionaries. For example, the Rev. W. E. Bromilow gives the following account of the magic system at Dobu, in southeastern New Guinea: " Werabana (evil spirits) are those which inhabit dark places, and wander in the night, and gave witches their power to smite all round. Barau is the wizardry of men, who look with angry eyes out of dark places, and throw small stones, first spitting on them, at men, women, and even children, thus causing death. A tree falls, it is a witch who caused it to do so, though the tree may be quite rotten, or a gust of wind may break it off. A man meets with an accident, it is the werabana. He is getting better through the influence of the medicine-man, but has a relapse; this is the barau at work, as we have ascertained from the terrified shouts of our workmen, as some sleeper has called out in a horrid dream. These medicine-men, too, have great power, and no wonder, when one of our girls gets a little dust in her eye, and the doctor takes a big stone out of it; and when a chief has a pain in the chest, and to obaoba takes therefrom a two-inch nail.
"The people here will have it that all evil spirits are female. Werabana is the great word, but the term is applied to witches as well, who are called the vesses of the werabana, but more often the single word is used. I have the names of spirits inhabiting the glens and forests, but they are all women or enter into women, giving them terrible powers. Whenever any one is sick, it is the werabana who has caused the illness, and any old woman who happened to be at enmity with the sick person is set down as the cause. A child died the other day, and the friends were quite angry because the witches had not heeded the words of the lotu, i.e., the Christian religion Taparoro, and given up smiting the little ones. 'These are times of peace,' said they, 'why should the child die then?' We, of course, took the opportunity and tried to teach them that sickness caused death without the influence of poor old women.
"Sorcerers are barau, men whose powers are more terrible than those of all the witches. I was talking to a to obaoba — medicine-man—the other day, and I asked him why his taking a stone out of a man's chest did not cure him. 'Oh,' said he, 'he must have been smitten by a barau. ' A very logical statement this. Cases the to obaoba cannot cure are under the fell stroke of the barau, from which there is no escape, except by the sorcerer's own incantations.
"The Fijian sorcery of drau-ni-kau appears here in another form called sumana or rubbish. The sorcerer obtains possession of a small portion of his victim's hair, or skin, or food left after a meal, and carefully wraps it up in a parcel, which he sends off to as great a distance as is possible. In the meantime he very cunningly causes a report of the sumana to be made known to the man whom he wishes to kill, and the poor fellow is put into a great fright and dies."
The Rev. S. B. Fellows gives the following account of the beliefs of the people of Kiriwina (Trobiand Islands group): "The sorcerers, who are very numerous, are credited with the power of creating the wind and rain, of making the gardens to be either fruitful or barren, and of causing sickness which leads to death. Their methods of operation are legion. The great chief, who is also the principal sorcerer, claims the sole right to secure a bountiful harvest every year. This function is considered of transcendent importance by the people.
"Our big chief, Bulitara, was asking me one day if I had these occult powers. When I told him that I made no such claim, he said, 'Who makes the wind and the rain and the harvest in your land?' I answered, 'God.' 'Ah,' said he, 'that's it. God does this work for your people, and I do it for our people. God and I are equal.' He delivered this dictum very quietly, and with the air of a man who had given a most satisfactory explanation.
"But the one great dread that darkens the life of every native is the fear of the bogau, the sorcerer who has the power to cause sickness and death, who, in the darkness of the night, steals to the house of his unsuspecting victim, and places near the doorstep a few leaves from a certain tree, containing the mystic power which he, by his evil arts, has imparted to them. The doomed man, on going out of his house next morning, unwittingly steps over the fatal leaves and is at once stricken down by a mortal sickness. Internal disease of every kind is set down to this agency. Bulitara told me the mode of his witchcraft. He boils his decoctions, containing numerous ingredients, in a special cooking-pot on a small fire, in the secret recesses of his own house, at the dead of night; and while the pot is boiling he speaks into it an incantation known only to a few persons. The bunch of leaves dipped in this is at once ready for use. Passing through the villages the other day, I came across a woman, apparently middle-aged, who was evidently suffering from a wasting disease, she was so thin and worn. I asked if she had any pain, and her friends said 'No.' Then they explained that some bogau was sucking her blood. I said, 'How does he do it?' 'Oh,' they said, 'that is known only to herself. He manages to get her blood which makes him strong, while she gets weaker every day, and if he goes on much longer she will die.' "Deformities at birth, and being born dumb or blind, are attributed to the evil influence of disembodied spirits, who inhabit a lower region called Tuma. Once a year the spirits of the ancestors visit their native village in a body after the harvest is gathered. At this time the men perform special dances, the people openly display their valuables, spread out on platforms, and great feasts are made for the spirits. On a certain night, when the moon named Namarama is at the full, all the people— men, women and children—join in raising a great shout, and so drive the spirits back to Tuma.
"A peculiar custom prevails of wearing, as charms, various parts of the body of a deceased relative. On her breast, suspended by a piece of string round her neck, a widow wears her late husband's lower jaw, the full set of teeth looking ghastly and grim. The small bones of the arms and legs are taken out soon after death, and formed into spoons, which are used to put lime into the mouth when eating betel-nut. Only this week a chief died in a village three miles from us, and a leg and an arm, for the above purpose, were brought to our village by some relatives as their portion of their dead friend."
Some of the unusual magic traditions of Polynesia were also noticed by the ethnologists working in the area. In New Guinea and Fiji the custom prevailed of cutting off a finger joint in mourning a dead relative, as did the bushmen of South Africa. They firmly believed in mermaids, tailed men, and dwarfs. One group of natives in fact declared to a missionary that they had caught a mermaid, who had married a certain native, and that the pair had several children. "But unfortunately," stated the storyteller, "I could never get to see them." Another tradition connected to the Polynesian belief in magic, noted by the Europeans, was the practice of tattooing. The practice is represented widely in bodies of mythology, as being connected to the people's process of migration.
Like many other races, the Polynesians used to work themselves into a great state of terror whenever an eclipse took place, and during the phenomenon they beat drums, shouted, and invoked their gods.
In Samoa, magic was not practiced to such an extent as in other Melanesian groups, the magician being much more sophisticated. Instead of asking for any trifling object connected with the person he desired to bewitch, he demanded property, such as valuable mats and other things of use to him.
His method of working magic was to get into communication with his god, through his body, which became violently contorted and convulsed. The assembled residents of the village would then hear a voice speaking from behind a screen (possibly through ventriloquism), which indicated the presence of the god invoked.
Sickness was generally believed to be caused by the anger of some god, who could thus be concealed by the priest or wizard and duly placated. The "god" invariably required some present of substantial value, such as a piece of land, a canoe, or other property, and if the priest happened to know of a particularly valuable object belonging to the person who supposed himself bewitched, he stipulated that the property should be given up to the "god." This caste of priests was known as taula-aitu, and they also acted as physicians.
Lost Secrets of Polynesian Magic
In 1917 Max Freedom Long went as a teacher to rural Hawaii and subsequently became fascinated by the idea of discovering the lost secrets of the kahuna magician priests, whose leadership role in the social order had been disrupted in the nineteenth century. Long obtained valuable information on the fire walk ceremony from Dr. William Tufts Brigham, who had taken part in a fire walk 40 years earlier. Brigham had also investigated the ancient kahuna practice of charging wooden sticks with some vital energy, the sticks being used in combat and giving opponents some kind of electric shock that rendered them unconscious.
It was difficult for Long to obtain precise information on kahuna magic, since the laws of Hawaii had, many years earlier, outlawed it through strictures against what was termed sorcery and witchcraft, but Long continued to investigate the subject even after leaving Hawaii in the 1930s. He found his most valuable clues in the Hawaiian language, describing kahuna magic and the use of mana, or vital force.
Eventually Long believed that he had rediscovered the secrets of Polynesian magic, and the concepts of a high, low, and middle self or aka body through which power, mana, was generated and applied for magic purposes. He collated his discoveries with the information on psychic phenomena in the literature of psychical research and published his finding initially in a short work, Recovering the Ancient Magic, in 1936. In 1945 he founded the Huna Fellowship and soon issued several more substantive summaries of his conclusions, The Secret Science Behind Miracles (1948) and The Secret Science at Work (1953). The Huna Fellowship grew into Huna Research Associates for research and experiment in Polynesian magic, now continued by Huna Research, Inc.
Hawaiianists continue their efforts to recover as much of the Hawaiian magical teachings as possible before all traces of them disappear. The sacred sites of the old religion are protected by the state, and still occasionally show signs of private use. Several healing kahunas have survived and pass on the teachings to a select few.
Long's theories of huna and mana make interesting comparison with the researches of Baron Karl von Reichenbach into a vital force that he named " od, " and parallels can also be found in the nineteenth-century concepts of animal magnetism.
In 1952 George Sandwith, a British exponent of radiesthesia (dowsing with pendulums) who was familiar with Long's work, visited the South Sea islands and made his own investigation of magic practices. In Fiji he investigated fire walking (see fire immunity) firsthand and discussed with local priests the concept of mana or vital energy involved. He also studied the atua or ancient phallic stones of Fiji, regarded as shrines of ancestral spirits, and their activation for magic purposes. Sand-with tested the magical charge of these stones by radiesthesia, using a pendulum. He experienced firsthand the way in which mana is used in magic when he was bewitched by a local chief.
In sharp contrast to the European accounts of the Polynesian practices and myths, today, these rich cultural tales are used as a tool to expand children's creativity, especially American children's creativity. The creation tales, specifically, are short and vivid enough to attach in a child's mind and therefore aid in their creativity. Today, the religious make-up of Polynesia is largely Catholic and Protestant, with some traditional beliefs and myths incorporated into the Christian ideology.
Sources:
Black, Sharon. "Using Polynesian Legends and Folktales to Encourage Culture Vision and Creativity." Childhood Education 75 (September 1, 1999): 332-35.
Gall, Timothy, ed. "Polynesia." Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Daily Life. Vol. 3. Farmington Hills, Mich.: The Gale Group, 1998.
Guerreiro, Antonio. "The Pacific: The Coming of the Ancestors." UNESCO Courier (December 1997): 14.
Long, Max Freedom. Recovering the Ancient Magic. London, 1936. Cape Girardeau, Mo.: Huna Press, 1978.
——. The Secret Science Behind Miracles. Kosmon Press, 1948. Reprint. Vista, Calif.: Huna Research Publications, 1954.
——. The Secret Science at Work. Vista, Calif.: Huna Research Publications, 1953.
Sandwith, George, and Helen Sandwith. Research in Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa. Reigate, England: Omega Press, 1954.
Wingo, E. Otha. The Story of the Huna Work. Cape Girardeau, Mo.: Huna Research, Inc., 1981.
| Wikipedia: Polynesia |
Polynesia (from Greek: πολύς "polus" many + νῆσος "nēsos" island) is a subregion of Oceania, comprising a large grouping of over 1,000 islands scattered over the central and southern Pacific Ocean.
Contents |
Polynesia is generally defined as the islands within the Polynesian triangle. The term "Polynesia", meaning many islands, was first used by Charles de Brosses in 1756, and originally applied to all the islands of the Pacific. Jules Dumont d'Urville in an 1831 lecture to the Geographical Society of Paris proposed a restriction on its use.
Geographically, and oversimply, Polynesia may be described as a triangle with its corners at Hawaii, New Zealand and Easter Island. The other main island groups located within the Polynesian triangle are Samoa, Tonga, the Cook Islands, Tuvalu, Tokelau, Niue, Wallis and Futuna and French Polynesia.
A Polynesian island group outside of this great triangle is Rotuma which is the north of the Fijian islands. There are also small outlier Polynesian enclaves in Papua New Guinea, the Solomons, The Caroline Islands, some of the Lau group to Fiji's southeast and in Vanuatu. However, in essence, Polynesia is an anthropological term referring to one of the three parts of Oceania (the others being Micronesia and Melanesia) whose pre-colonial population generally belongs to one ethno-cultural family as a result of centuries of maritime migrations.
The Polynesian people are considered to be by ancestry a subset of the sea-migrating Austronesian people and the tracing of Polynesian languages places their prehistoric origins in the Malay archipelago.
There are three theories regarding the spread of humans across the Pacific to Polynesia. These are outlined well by Kayser et al., (2000)[1] and are as follows:
Between about 3000 and 1000 BC speakers of Austronesian languages spread through island Southeast Asia. These people, according to linguistic and archaeological evidence originated from Taiwan,[2][3][4] as tribes whose natives were thought to have arrived from mainland South China about 8,000 years ago into the edges of western Micronesia and on into Melanesia.
In the archaeological record there are well-defined traces of this expansion which allow the path it took to be followed and dated with a degree of certainty. It is thought that roughly 3,000 years BC[5] the Lapita culture appeared in the Bismarck Archipelago, northwest Melanesia. This culture is argued to have either been developed there or, more likely, to have spread from China/Taiwan. Within a mere three or four centuries between about 1300 and 900 BC, the Lapita culture spread 6,000 km further to the east from the Bismarck Archipelago, until it reached as far as Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa which were populated around 2,000 years ago.[6] In this region, the distinctive Polynesian culture developed.
The spread of pottery and domesticates in Polynesia is connected with the Lapita culture that started expanding from New Guinea to as far east as Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga. During this time the aspects of the Polynesian culture developed. Around 300 BC this new Polynesian people spread eastward from Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga to the Cook Islands, Tahiti, the Tuamotus, and the Marquesas Islands. This was supported by Patrick Kirch and Marshall Weisler when they performed X-ray fluorescence sourcing of basalt artifacts found on both islands.[7]
Between AD 300 and 500, the Polynesians discovered and settled Rapa Nui (Easter Island). This is supported by archaeological evidence as well as the introduction of flora and fauna consistent with the Polynesian culture and characteristic of the tropics to this subtropical island. Around AD 500, Hawai'i was settled by the Polynesians and around AD 1000 Aotearoa (New Zealand) was settled as well. The migration of the Polynesians is impressive considering that the islands settled by them are spread out over great distances — the Pacific Ocean covers nearly a half of the Earth's surface area. Most contemporary cultures, by comparison, never voyaged beyond sight of land.
In the mid-twentieth century, Thor Heyerdahl proposed another theory of Polynesian origins (one which did not win general acceptance), arguing that the Polynesians had migrated from South America on balsa-log boats.[8][9]
Heyerdahl claimed that in Incan legend there was a sun-god named Con-Tici Viracocha who was the supreme head of the mythical fair-skinned people in Peru. The original name for Virakocha was Kon-Tiki or Illa-Tiki, which means Sun-Tiki or Fire-Tiki. Kon-Tiki was high priest and sun-king of these legendary "white men" who left enormous ruins on the shores of Lake Titicaca. The legend continues with the mysterious bearded white men being attacked by a chief named Cari who came from the Coquimbo Valley. They had a battle on an island in Lake Titicaca, and the fair race was massacred. However, Kon-Tiki and his closest companions managed to escape and later arrived on the Pacific coast. The legend ends with Kon-Tiki and his companions disappearing westward out to sea.
When the Spaniards came to Peru, Heyerdahl asserted, the Incas told them that the colossal monuments that stood deserted about the landscape were erected by a race of white gods who had lived there before the Incas themselves became rulers. The Incas described these "white gods" as wise, peaceful instructors who had originally come from the north in the "morning of time" and taught the Incas' primitive forefathers architecture as well as manners and customs. They were unlike other Native Americans in that they had "white skins and long beards" and were taller than the Incas. The Incas said that the "white gods" had then left as suddenly as they had come and fled westward across the Pacific. After they had left, the Incas themselves took over power in the country.
Heyerdahl said that when the Europeans first came to the Pacific islands, they were astonished that they found some of the natives to have relatively light skins and beards. There were whole families that had pale skin, hair varying in color from reddish to blonde, and almost Semitic, hook-nosed faces. In contrast, most of the Polynesians had golden-brown skin, raven-black hair, and rather flat noses. Heyerdahl claimed that when Jakob Roggeveen first discovered Easter Island in 1722, he supposedly noticed that many of the natives were white-skinned. Heyerdahl claimed that these people could count their ancestors who were "white-skinned" right back to the time of Tiki and Hotu Matua, when they first came sailing across the sea "from a mountainous land in the east which was scorched by the sun." The ethnographic evidence for these claims is outlined in Heyerdahl's book Aku Aku: The Secret of Easter Island.
Heyerdahl proposed that Tiki's neolithic people colonized the then-uninhabited Polynesian islands as far north as Hawaii, as far south as New Zealand, as far east as Easter Island, and as far west as Samoa and Tonga around A.D. 500. They supposedly sailed from Peru to the Polynesian islands on pae-paes--large rafts built from balsa logs, complete with sails and each with a small cottage. They built enormous stone statues carved in the image of human beings on Pitcairn, the Marquesas, and Easter Island that resembled those in Peru. They also built huge pyramids on Tahiti and Samoa with steps like those in Peru. But all over Polynesia, Heyerdahl found indications that Tiki's peaceable race had not been able to hold the islands alone for long.
He found evidence that suggested that seagoing war canoes as large as Viking ships and lashed together two and two had brought Stone Age Northwest American Indians to Polynesia around A.D. 1100, and they mingled with Tiki's people. The oral history of the people of Easter Island, at least as it was documented by Heyerdahl, is completely consistent with this theory, as is the archaeological record he examined (Heyerdahl 1958). In particular, Heyerdahl obtained a radiocarbon date of A.D. 400 for a charcoal fire located in the pit that was held by the people of Easter Island to have been used as an "oven" by the "Long Ears," which Heyerdahl's Rapa Nui sources, reciting oral tradition, identified as a white race which had ruled the island in the past (Heyerdahl 1958).
There are the following cultural similarities between the American Indians of coastal Canada and Polynesians (From Thor Heyerdahl, American Indians in the Pacific):
Irving Goldman, author of "Ancient Polynesian Society", has this to say on the comparison between Kwakiutl and the Polynesians. "For reasons that remain to be discovered, the Indian tribes of this area [NW Coast] share formal principles of rank, lineage, and kinship with Pacific islanders. The Kwakiutl, seem very close to what I have designated as the "traditional" Polynesian society. They share with Polynesians a status system of graded hereditary ranking of individuals and of lineages; a social class system of chiefs ("nobles"), commoners, and slaves; concepts of primogeniture and seniority of descent lines; a concept of abstract supernatural powers as special attributes of chiefs; and a lineage system that leans toward patriliny, but acknowledges the maternal lines as well. Finally, Kwakiutl and eastern Polynesians, especially, associate ambiguity of lineage membership with "Hawaiian" type kinship, a fully classificatory system that does not distinguish between maternal and paternal sides, or between siblings and cousins."
The traditional name for the Haida homeland of Queen Charlotte Island is Haida'gwai'i, very similar linguistically to Hawai'i (homeland). Names such as Tonga's (southern) Strait and Hakai'i Channel appear to also be relic names suggesting an Austronesian past to this area.
The kumara, which is native to the Americas, was widespread in Polynesia when Europeans first reached the Pacific. Kumara has been radiocarbon-dated in the Cook Islands to 1000 CE, and current thinking is that it was brought to central Polynesia circa 700 CE and spread across Polynesia from there, possibly by Polynesians who had traveled to South America and back.[10] It is possible, however, that South Americans brought it to the Pacific or that this plant or its seed-bearing parts simply floated across the Pacific without human contact ever occurring.
Polynesia divides into two distinct cultural groups, East Polynesia and West Polynesia. The culture of West Polynesia is conditioned to high populations. It has strong institutions of marriage and well-developed judicial, monetary and trading traditions. It comprises the groups of Tonga, Niue, Samoa and the northwestern Polynesian outliers.
Eastern Polynesian cultures are highly adapted to smaller islands and atolls, principally the Cook Islands, Tahiti, the Tuamotus, the Marquesas, Hawaii, Rapa Nui and smaller central-pacific groups. The large islands of New Zealand were first settled by Eastern Polynesians who adapted their culture to a non-tropical environment.
Unlike in Melanesia, leaders were chosen in Polynesia based on their hereditary bloodline. Samoa however, had another system of government that combines elements of heredity and real-world skills to choose leaders. This system is called matai. [11]
Religion, farming, fishing, weather prediction, out-rigger canoe (similar to modern catamarans) construction and navigation were highly developed skills because the population of an entire island depended on them. Trading of both luxuries and mundane items was important to all groups. Many low-lying islands could suffer severe famine if their gardens were poisoned by the salt from the storm-surge of a hurricane. In these cases fishing, the primary source of protein, would not ease loss of food energy. Navigators, in particular, were highly respected and each island maintained a house of navigation with a canoe-building area.
Settlements by the Polynesians were of two categories: the hamlet and the village. Size of the island inhabited determined whether or a not a hamlet would be built. The larger volcanic islands usually had hamlets because of the many zones that could be divided across the island. Food and resources were more plentiful and so these settlements of four to five houses (usually with gardens) were established so that there would be no overlap between the zones. Villages, on the other hand, were built on the coasts of smaller islands and consisted of thirty or more houses—in the case of atolls, on only one of the group so that food cultivation was on the others. Usually these villages were fortified with walls and palisades made of stone and wood.[12]
However, New Zealand demonstrates the opposite; large volcanic islands with fortified villages.
As well as being great navigators these people were artists and artisans of great skill. Simple objects, such as fish-hooks would be manufactured to exacting standards for different catches and decorated even when the decoration was not part of the function. In some island groups weaving was a strong part of the culture and gifting woven articles an ingrained practice. Stone and wooden weapons were considered to be more powerful the better they were made and decorated. Dwellings were imbued with character by the skill of their building. Body decoration and jewellery is of international standard to this day.
The religious attributes of Polynesians were common over the whole Pacific region. While there are some differences in their spoken languages they largely have the same explanation for the creation of the earth and sky, for the gods that rule aspects of life and for the religious practices of everyday life. People travelled thousands of miles to celebrations that they all owned communally.
Due to relatively large numbers of competitive sects of Christian missionaries in the islands, many Polynesian groups have been converted to Christianity. Polynesian languages are all members of the family of Oceanic languages, a sub-branch of the Austronesian language family.
With the exception of New Zealand, the majority of independent Polynesian islands derive much of their income from foreign aid and remittances from those who live in other countries. Some encourage their young people to go where they can earn good money to remit to their stay-at-home relatives. Many Polynesian locations, such as Easter Island, supplement this with tourism income.[13] Some have more unusual sources of income, such as Tuvalu which marketed its '.tv' internet top-level domain name[14] or the Cooks that relied on stamp sales.
Polynesia comprised islands diffused throughout a triangular area with sides of four thousand miles. The area from the Hawaiian Islands in the north, to Easter Island in the east and to New Zealand in the south was all settled by Polynesians.
Navigators traveled to small inhabited islands using only their own senses and knowledge passed by oral tradition from navigator to apprentice. In order to locate directions at various times of day and year, navigators in Eastern Polynesia memorized important facts: the motion of specific stars, and where they would rise and set on the horizon of the ocean; weather; times of travel; wildlife species (which congregate at particular positions); directions of swells on the ocean, and how the crew would feel their motion; colors of the sea and sky, especially how clouds would cluster at the locations of some islands; and angles for approaching harbors.
These wayfinding techniques along with outrigger canoe construction methods, were kept as guild secrets. Generally each island maintained a guild of navigators who had very high status; in times of famine or difficulty these navigators could trade for aid or evacuate people to neighboring islands. To this day, original traditional methods of Polynesian Navigation are still taught in the Polynesian outlier of Taumako Island in the Solomon Islands.
From a single chicken bone recovered from the archaeological site of El Arenal-1, on the Arauco Peninsula, Chile, recent research of a radiocarbon date and an ancient DNA sequence indicates that Polynesian navigators may have reached the Americas at least 100 years before Europeans (who arrived after 1500 AD), introducing chickens to South America.[15][16]
Knowledge of the traditional Polynesian methods of navigation was largely lost after contact with and colonization by Europeans. This left the problem of accounting for the presence of the Polynesians in such isolated and scattered parts of the Pacific. By the late 19th century to the early 20th century a more generous view of Polynesian navigation had come into favor, perhaps creating a very romantic picture of their canoes, seamanship and navigational expertise.
In the mid to late 1960s, scholars began testing sailing and paddling experiments related to Polynesian navigation: David Lewis sailed his catamaran from Tahiti to New Zealand using stellar navigation without instruments and Ben Finney built a 40-foot replica of a Hawaiian double canoe "Nalehia" and tested it in Hawaii. Meanwhile, Micronesian ethnographic research in the Caroline Islands revealed that traditional stellar navigational methods were still in everyday use. Recent re-creations of Polynesian voyaging have used methods based largely on Micronesian methods and the teachings of a Micronesian navigator, Mau Piailug.
It is probable that the Polynesian navigators employed a whole range of techniques including use of the stars, the movement of ocean currents and wave patterns, the air and sea interference patterns caused by islands and atolls, the flight of birds, the winds and the weather. Scientists think that long-distance Polynesian voyaging followed the seasonal paths of birds. There are some references in their oral traditions to the flight of birds and some say that there were range marks onshore pointing to distant islands in line with these flyways. One theory is that they would have taken a frigatebird with them. These birds refuse to land on the water as their feathers will become waterlogged making it impossible to fly. When the voyagers thought they were close to land they may have released the bird, which would either fly towards land or else return to the canoe. It is likely that the Polynesians also used wave and swell formations to navigate. It is thought that the Polynesian navigators may have measured the time it took to sail between islands in "canoe-days’’ or a similar type of expression.
Also, people of the Marshall Islands used special devices called stick charts, showing the places and directions of swells and wave-breaks, with tiny seashells affixed to them to mark the positions of islands along the way. Materials for these maps were readily available on beaches, and their making was simple; however, their effective use needed years and years of study.[17]
The following are the islands and island groups, either nations or subnational territories, that are of native Polynesian culture. Some islands of Polynesian origin are outside the general triangle that geographically defines the region.
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This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors (see full disclaimer)
| Translations: Polynesia |
Dansk (Danish)
n. - Polynesien
Français (French)
n. - Polynésie
Deutsch (German)
n. - Polynesien
Português (Portuguese)
n. - Polinésia
Español (Spanish)
n. - Polinesia
中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
波利尼西亚
中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 玻里尼西亞
한국어 (Korean)
폴리네시아 (대양주의 삼대 구역의 하나; 하와이, 뉴질랜드, 사모아 제도 등이 포함됨)
idioms:
עברית (Hebrew)
n. - פולינזיה
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| .pf (abbreviation) | |
| Polynesian (Polynesia or its peoples) | |
| Windward Islands |
| Where is Malay-Polynesia? Read answer... | |
| What is the population of Polynesia? Read answer... | |
| Is New Zealand located in Polynesia? Read answer... |
| Where did the ancestors of polynesia come from? | |
| What are some landforms in polynesia? | |
| What tool did the polynesia use? |
Copyrights:
![]() | Dictionary. The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition Copyright © 2007, 2000 by Houghton Mifflin Company. Updated in 2007. Published by Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. Read more | |
![]() | Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. © 2006 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. All rights reserved. Read more | |
![]() | Columbia Encyclopedia. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition Copyright © 2003, Columbia University Press. Licensed from Columbia University Press. All rights reserved. www.cc.columbia.edu/cu/cup/ Read more | |
![]() | Geography. The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition Edited by E.D. Hirsch, Jr., Joseph F. Kett, and James Trefil. Copyright © 2002 by Houghton Mifflin Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin. All rights reserved. Read more | |
![]() | Occultism & Parapsychology Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia of Occultism and Parapsychology. Copyright © 2001 by The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved. Read more | |
![]() | Wikipedia. This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Polynesia". Read more | |
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