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Qianlong (1711-1899) was the emperor of China and an ideal Confucian ruler during the height of the last dynasty, the Qing (Ch'ing).
Qianlong (Ch'ien-lung, Hung-li) was born into the Aisin Gioro clan of the Manchu people, a seminomadic race living in Manchuria. During the closing years of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the Aisin Gioro clan, led by the great warrior Nurhaci (1559-1626), consolidated power in Manchuria and northern China. Weakened by corruption and economic decline, the Ming presented an irresistible target to the Manchus, and in 1644 they conquered the Ming capital at Beijing (Peking) and proclaimed the last of the Chinese dynasties, the Qing (Ch'ing; 1644-1911).
The Chinese political system was dominated by an all-powerful emperor who passed on the throne to his descendants. Each period occupied by one such family is termed a "dynasty." The Manchus had long lived in close proximity to the Chinese and understood Chinese culture and political practices. Because the Manchus could present themselves as Confucian rulers, and because the Ming had been so corrupt, the Manchus were accepted by the Chinese people as legitimate rulers.
The early Manchu emperors faced a number of significant problems, consolidation of their rule against Ming loyalists, and creation of political institutions which were acceptable both to the Chinese people and to the Manchu clans upon whose support the throne would depend for some time. The Manchus were fortunate in that the first several emperors were very capable men, strong in the warrior virtues of the Manchus and able to hold the throne, but intelligent enough to see the changes which were necessary to consolidate their rule. The fourth emperor (actually he was the second, but the Manchus proclaimed two of their early leaders emperors posthumously, to honor their achievements in preparing for the founding of the dynasty), the emperor Kangxi ( K'ang-hsi; r. 1662-1722) was particularly capable. Kangxi lived a long life; he reigned for a longer period than any other Chinese emperor, the first of whom sat upon the Chinese throne in 221 b.c. During the reign of Kangxi, most of the outstanding problems of the new dynasty were solved, the Manchus were fully accepted by the Chinese people, and the institutions which would bring China to its highest level of cultural and political achievement were created.
The Kangxi emperor, like all Chinese emperors, had a harem of wives and concubines. The harem was primarily a political institution which strengthened the throne by ensuring the support of the powerful families whose daughters were invited into the harem, all of whom hoped to become the mother of an emperor. These women sometimes numbered in the hundreds, and many of them rarely saw the emperor. But emperors often had a series of primary and secondary wives as well as numerous concubines. The Kangxi emperor had 56 children. He was succeeded by his son, the emperor Yong Zheng (Yung-cheng; r. 1723-35), father of Qianlong.
Qianlong's mother had entered the harem of the future Yong Zheng emperor in 1704 while Kangxi was still on the throne. Entering the harem at the age of 11, she was a member of the powerful Niohuru clan, which had been close to the Aisin Gioro clan since the days of Nurhaci. Such an early entry was not unusual as girls of good families were often raised in the harem. In 1711 at the age of 18, she gave birth to her son Qianlong, who grew up at the court of his grandfather, the Kangxi emperor.
It is difficult to ascertain the truth of many stories and tales which circulated at the court, most of which were intended to glorify the achievements of emperors, sometimes out of all proportion to reality. But it is evident that many of the stories told about the future Qianlong emperor were true, as he was a capable boy - both strong and intelligent. One such story said that while he was only 12 years old he accompanied the royal court on one of the favorite pastimes of the Manchus, a mounted hunt. The hunt was not only a recreation which permitted the Manchus to celebrate their roots as mounted archers, but it was also practice for war, requiring the coordination of thousands of men over vast distances as the game was driven for days to a selected area before the killing began. In this hunt, the 12-year-old Qianlong reportedly sat on his horse calmly while a bear charged him before an archer could kill it. Kangxi himself observed the incident and was genuinely impressed with the bravery of his grandson.
As emperors were very busy and often had many children, they rarely had a close relationship with their children. The young princes and princesses were educated by tutors and grew up in the imperial harem. Their relationship with their mother was usually a close and intimate one as the two shared not only the common bond between mother and child, but also common interests in the intensely political atmosphere of the royal court, riddled with rumors, gossip, and intrigue. Qianlong was particularly close to his mother and showered her with honors in his years as emperor, often going to unusual lengths to spend time with her, such as taking her on imperial trips which were designed primarily for her pleasure. Taken from C.B. Malone's book, History of the Peking Summer Palaces under the Ch'ing Dynasty, Qianlong's regard for her shows in this poem he wrote to commemorate a visit to a Buddhist temple which he had built for her:
My mother's benevolent heart sincerely honors the doctrines of Buddhism. She is charmed with the scene, she claps her hands in devotion, and her face beams with joy, a joy which comes partly from what I have done for her.
One of the major problems facing the imperial institution was succession to the throne. While the emperor could in theory select any of his sons, the assumption was always that it would be the eldest son if he were capable. But for an emperor to name his successor before his own death invited trouble as cliques would invariably form around the future emperor and self-interested men would try to gain his ear. If an emperor lived for a long time, heirs might even grow impatient and plot to kill or imprison the emperor so that they might succeed him. But the alternative, to not name an heir, was hardly preferable as this option created the same cliques around all possible successors who were tempted to plot and intrigue against each other to clear their own way to the throne.
The Kangxi emperor, because he had ruled for more than 60 years, had a number of such problems and made and unmade several heirs. In his old age, these problems became critical, and he entered his decline without naming an heir. Qianlong's father seized the opportunity, organized supporters and shouldered aside other possible heirs, ascending the throne in 1723, though he cloaked his actions in Confucian respectability. Perhaps because of the problems of the Kangxi succession, Yong Zheng named his heir secretly and early: Qianlong. Raised in an unusually secure atmosphere (a series of early deaths of other children made him the obvious heir), Qianlong was systematically trained and educated from a young age to be the future emperor of China. He particularly loved the study of history, one of the foundations of Confucian learning. He was also interested in Western science, which had been brought to China by a series of Jesuit missionaries who hoped to win the soul of the Chinese emperor for Christianity. Including Jesuits among his teachers, Qianlong also had a high regard for Western technology.
The most important part of any emperor's education was the classical studies of Confucianism. Confucius (c. 551-479 b.c.) was an early Chinese philosopher who became the inspiration for later Chinese values and political institutions. Elite status in Chinese society depended in part upon a good foundation in the classical works of Confucianism, and all boys of good family were expected to be fully grounded in a study of them. Qianlong was an adept student and fully appreciated the importance of Confucian stereotypes in creating the public aspects of the imperial institution. He presented himself throughout his life as an ideal Confucian ruler who loved his parents, study, and Confucian wisdom, based his conduct on the values of the Confucian tradition; respected historical precedent; took a strong paternalistic interest in the welfare of the common man; and appreciated the fine arts of calligraphy, poetry, and painting. Harold Kahn, who has written the most comprehensive study of the monarchical institution under Qianlong, Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes, argues that Confucian models were so strong that it is impossible to separate out the character of the Qianlong emperor from them: he made himself the ideal Confucian emperor.
Qianlong's father was a competent emperor who inherited the strong and stable foundation created by the Kangxi emperor. Furthering the process of improving upon the traditional Chinese political institutions, Yong Zheng created a stable and wealthy country. When he died in 1735, Qianlong succeeded him without incident.
Like that of all Chinese emperors, Qianlong's personal life was complex. He married before ascending the throne, to the Empress Xiao-Xian in 1727. She bore him a son who lived for only eight years. He took a second wife, a Manchu woman Ula Nara who bore him additional children. She broke with him in 1765 to become a Buddhist nun for reasons which are unclear. Ultimately fathering 17 sons and ten daughters by several wives and concubines, Qianlong does not seem to have been particularly close to any of his children save as the usages of the monarchy required. This is very much within the Confucian family tradition, where relationships between fathers and children are distant and frequently troubled.
Qianlong had a long and prosperous reign. His success was in part the result of the cumulative contributions of his predecessors. With the strong financial base created by the reforms of Kangxi and Yong Zheng, Qianlong was able to finance a series of military campaigns which saw the Chinese empire expand in all directions to reconquer lands claimed by earlier dynasties, raising the empire to its greatest extent. These campaigns included wars against Burma, Annam (Vietnam), Taiwan, Turkestan, the Zungars, and the Ghurka. His victories in the north against Turkestan and the Zungars were truly significant, bringing vast areas under Chinese control and destroying the power of the northern nomads, a constant threat to Chinese security. Although Qianlong sometimes claimed to be, like his forebears, a military genius, the evidence suggests that his ability lay in selecting and rewarding men with true military talent.
This military power was equalled by the brilliance of Chinese culture. Qianlong patronized poets and painters; his palaces became a series of great buildings stuffed with riches from all over the world, and resplendent in gilt, precious gems, and metals. In 1793, the British ambassador to the Chinese court, Lord McCartney - cited in Wakeman's study The Fall of Imperial China - wrote: (The buildings are). … furnished in the richest manner, with pictures of the Emperor's huntings and progresses; with stupendous vases of jasper and agate; with the finest porcelains and japan, and with every kind of European toys and sing-songs; with spheres, orreries, clocks and musical automatons of such exquisite workmanship, and in such profusion, that our presents must shrink from comparison.
Like the ideal Confucian monarch, Qianlong was a competent if uninspired poet who wrote over his lifetime hundreds, perhaps thousands of poems. He collected famous works of art and curios, and his collection, originally housed in the palace in Beijing, is now the heart of the collection of the world's greatest storehouse of oriental art treasures, The Palace Museum in Taipei, Taiwan.
But if he had the strengths of the ideal Confucian monarch, Qianlong also had his weaknesses. Confucianism was an extremely hierarchical and authoritarian system which permitted those with power to oppress those without it. The emperor of China was all-powerful, and as a result difficult to criticize or reproach. While he posed as a patron of scholarship and art, Qianlong also undertook a systematic purging of the Chinese literary corpus in 1773, setting censors to scrutinize all existing written works for their attitude toward the Manchu line and the rule of the emperors. Works deemed satisfactory were assembled into a great imperial collection which is still a major tool utilized by those studying China. But works deemed unsatisfactory were destroyed and their authors punished, in some cases executed or sold into slavery for some real or imagined slight of the dynasty.
Qianlong's administration, like that of previous emperors, also suffered from problems created by clique struggles and corrupt favorites who so enjoyed the protection of the emperor that they could abuse all accepted standards of ethical conduct. One of these men was Heshen (Ho Shen), a young and physically attractive Manchu guardsman at the palace who caught the emperor's eye in 1775. Qianlong was then 65. Heshen rose rapidly in the emperor's favor, some say, because the two enjoyed a homosexual relationship of the type not at all uncommon in Chinese history and culture. Whatever the nature of their relationship, Heshen took full advantage of it and placed his supporters in key positions at every administrative level in the empire. Heshen engaged in systematic theft and corruption at which he was so successful that at his death in 1799 his personal fortune was greater than the imperial treasury itself.
The Qianlong emperor, conscious as always of the necessity to respect tradition and his ancestors, decided that his own reign should not surpass in its length that of his imperial grandfather, the Kangxi emperor. In 1795, he decided upon an action almost without precedent in Chinese history and stepped down from the throne of his own accord, without threat or pressure, in favor of his son Jiaqing (Chia-ch'ing; r. 1796-1829). This created a very awkward situation however, as he kept the reins of power firmly under his own control, while Jiaqing was restricted to ceremonial observances, lacking real power. As Heshen continued to take advantage of Qianlong's support, the accumulated costs of military campaigns and a greatly enlarged army, coupled with the thefts of Heshen, seriously damaged the fiscal health of the country.
The imperial institutions do much to cloak the personal life of an emperor and it is particularly difficult to distinguish the fine line between bad judgment and senility in an aging emperor. We cannot be certain as to the cause of the problems of the last decade of Qianlong's rule. Some feel that he had grown senile and Heshen cleverly used that decline to increase his own depredations, others simply see the evil tendencies inherent in the Chinese imperial institutions carried to an extreme.
On February 7, 1799, Qianlong died. The direct causes were a severe cold, but he was simply old and infirm. Jiaqing waited a scant five days before arresting and executing Heshen.
Qianlong was a talented and strong emperor, and he had inherited stable institutions, but the closing years of his reign saw the final decline of imperial China. China was soon to face a variety of challenges, from within as rapid population growth began to overwhelm traditional institutions, and from without, as the ambitious Western powers led by Great Britain began to cast covetous eyes on the wealth of the empire. During these gathering crises, the throne, like the Qianlong emperor himself, was isolated by custom and tradition, prevented by its own past successes from perceiving the need for rapid and revolutionary changes necessary to confront those challenges. It might be said that the strengths of the Qianlong emperor were his own: he was intelligent, diligent, and conscientious. His faults, perhaps, were those of the Confucian system. He lived and died the ideal Confucian monarch, the last which imperial China would ever see as it entered upon its final decline.
Further Reading
The standard biography of Qianlong in English is in Arthur W. Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese and the Ch'ing Period, 1644-1912 (2 vols., 1943-1944). A good study is Luther Carrington Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (1935). Background material on Chinese foreign relations and trade can be found in Earl H. Pritchard, The Crucial Years of Early Anglo-Chinese Relations, 1750-1800 (1936); John K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast (2 vols., 1953; new ed., 1 vol., 1964); and John K. Fairbank, ed., The Chinese World Order: Traditional China's Foreign Relations (1968). Edwin O. Reischauer and John K. Fairbank, A History of East Asian Civilization, vol. 1: East Asia: The Great Tradition (1960), offers a general discussion of Chinese civilization, while Sven Hedin, Jehol: City of Emperors (trans. 1933), and Carroll Brown Malone, History of Peking Summer Palaces under the Ch'ing Dynasty (1934), treat specific aspects of the culture. See also Sir Edmund T. Backhouse and J. O. P. Bland, eds., Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking (1914).
Additional Sources
Hummel, Arthur W. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943.
Kahn, Harold L. Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes. Harvard University Press, 1971.
Spence, Jonathan D. Emperor of China. Knopf, 1974.
Wakeman, Frederick A., Jr. The Fall of Imperial China. The Free Press, 1975.
Backhouse, E., and J. O. P. Bland. Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking (from the 16th to the 20th century). Houghton Mifflin, 1914.
Shuhan, Zhao, trans. Inside Stories of the Forbidden City. New World Press, 1986.
Spence, Jonathan D. Ts'ao Yin and the K'ang-hsi Emperor. Yale University Press, 1966.
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Ch'ien-lung |
Bibliography
See S. A. Hedin, Jehol: City of the Emperors (1932); L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien Lung (1935); E. H. Pritchard, The Crucial Years of Early Anglo-Chinese Relations, 1750-1800 (1936); H. L. Kahn, Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes (1971).
| Wikipedia: Qianlong Emperor |
| This article may be inaccurate in or unbalanced towards certain viewpoints. Please improve the article by adding information on neglected viewpoints, or discuss the issue on the talk page. (October 2008) |
| Qianlong Emperor | |
|---|---|
| Reign | 23 August 1735 – 1 January 1796 (60 years, 131 days) |
| Predecessor | Yongzheng Emperor |
| Successor | Jiaqing Emperor |
| Regency | 23 August 1735 – 3 January 1799 (63 years, 133 days) |
| Spouse | Empress Xiao Xian Chun The Step Empress, Ulanara Empress Xiao Yi Chun |
| Issue | |
| Yonghuang, Prince Ding Yonglian Princess He Jing Yongzhang, Prince Xun Yongqi, Prince Rong Princess He Jia Yongzhong, Prince Zhe Yongxuan, Prince Yi Yongxin, Prince Cheng Yongji, Beile Princess He Jing Yong Yan, Jiaqing Emperor Yonglin, Prince Qing |
|
| Full name | |
| Chinese: Aixin-Jueluo Hongli 愛新覺羅弘曆 Manchu: Aisin-Gioro Hung Li |
|
| Posthumous name | |
| Emperor Fatian Longyun Zhicheng Xianjue Tiyuan Liji Fuwen Fenwu Qinming Xiaoci Shensheng Chun 法天隆運至誠先覺體元立極敷文奮武欽明孝慈神聖純皇帝 |
|
| Temple name | |
| Qing Gaozong 清高宗 |
|
| Father | Yongzheng Emperor |
| Mother | Empress Xiao Sheng Xian |
| Born | 25 September 1711 |
| Died | 7 February 1799 (aged 87) |
| Burial | Eastern Qing Tombs, Zunhua |
The Qianlong Emperor (Chinese: 乾隆帝; pinyin: Qiánlóngdì; Wade-Giles: Ch'ien-lung Ti; Mongolian: Tengeriin Tetgesen Khaan, Manchu: Abkai Wehiyehe, Tibetan: lha skyong rgyal po, born Hongli (Chinese: 弘曆), 25 September 1711 – 7 February 1799) was the fifth emperor of the Manchu-led Qing Dynasty, and the fourth Qing emperor to rule over China.[1] The fourth son of the Yongzheng Emperor, he reigned officially from 11 October 1736 to 7 February 1795.[2] On 8 February (the first day of that lunar year), he abdicated in favor of his son, the Jiaqing Emperor - a filial act in order not to reign longer than his grandfather, the illustrious Kangxi Emperor.[3] Despite his retirement, however, he retained ultimate power until his death in 1799, making Qianlong the longest reigning Emperor in Chinese history. Although his early years saw the continuity of an era of prosperity in China, he was of unrelentingly conservative altitude. As a result, the Qing Dynasty's comparative decline began later in his reign.
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There are myths and legends that say Hongli was actually a Han and not of Manchu descent, while there were some that say Hongli was only half Manchu and half Han Chinese descent. Nevertheless, looking at historical records, Hongli was adored both by his grandfather, the Kangxi Emperor and his father, the Yongzheng Emperor. Some historians argue that the main reason why Kangxi Emperor appointed Yongzheng as his successor was because Qianlong was his favourite grandson. He felt that Hongli's mannerisms were very close to his own. As a teenager he was very capable in martial arts, and possessed a high literary ability.
After his father's succession in 1722, Hongli became the Prince Bao (宝亲王/寶親王). Like many of his uncles, Hongli entered into a battle of succession with his older half-brother Hongshi, who had the support of a large faction of court officials, as well as Yinsi, the Prince Lian. For many years the Yongzheng Emperor did not appoint anyone to the position of Crown Prince, but many in court speculated his favoring of Hongli. Hongli went on inspection trips to the south, and was known to be an able negotiator and enforcer. He was also chosen as chief regent on occasions, when his father was away from the capital.
Even before Hongli's succession was read out to the assembled court, it was widely known who the new emperor would be. The young Hongli had been a favorite of his grandfather, Kangxi, and his father alike; Yongzheng had entrusted a number of important ritual tasks to him while Hongli was still a prince, and included him in important court discussions of military strategy. Hoping to avoid repetition of the succession crisis that had tainted his own accession to the throne, he had the name of his successor placed in a sealed box secured behind the tablet over the throne in the Palace of Heavenly Purity (Qianqing Gong 乾清宫). The name in the box was to be revealed to other members of the imperial family in the presence of all senior ministers only upon the death of the Emperor. Yongzheng died suddenly in 1735, the will was taken out and read out before the entire Qing Court, and Hongli became the 4th Manchu Emperor of China. He took the Calender Name of Qianlong (乾隆), 乾 means heaven, 隆 means prosperity, which mean "Heavenly Prosperity".
The Qianlong Emperor was a successful military leader, presiding over a large expansion of the territory controlled by the Qing dynasty. This was made possible not only by Qing strength, but also by the disunity and declining strength of the Inner Asian peoples. Under Qianlong, Chinese Turkestan was incorporated into the Qing dynasty's rule and renamed Xinjiang, while to the West, Ili was conquered and garrisoned. The incorporation of Xinjiang into the Qing empire resulted from the final defeat and destruction of the Dzungars (or Zunghars), a coalition of Western Mongol tribes that had caused trouble to the Qing on its northwestern borders since the 1680s. Between 1755 and 1758, about 80% of the Dzungar population, or between 480,000 and 800,000 people, were killed in what "amounted to the complete destruction of not only the Zunghar state but of the Zunghars as a people."[4] Although, according to a nineteenth-century Chinese estimate, as much as 40% of the Dzungar population may have been killed by smallpox,[5] historian Peter Perdue has shown that the decimation of the Dzungars was the result of an explicit policy of extermination launched by the Qianlong emperor.[6] (See also Genocide in history#Qing-dynasty China.)
Throughout this period there were continued Mongol interventions in Tibet and a reciprocal spread of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia. Qianlong again sent armies into Tibet and firmly established the Dalai Lama as ruler, with a Qing resident and garrison to preserve Chinese[who?] sovereignty[citation needed]. Further afield, military campaigns against Nepalese, and Gurkhas forced these peoples to submit and send tribute.
The Qing Myanmar campaign (1765-1770) was the most disastrous frontier war that the Qing dynasty had ever waged. In the beginning, The Emperor had envisaged winning this war in one easy stroke, as he deemed Myanmar no more than a remote barbarian tribe without any power. After the Green Standard troops in Yunnan failed to bring the Myanmar to their knees, Qianlong sent his elite Manchu troops in. A regional conflict was thus escalated into a major frontier war that involved military maneuvers nationwide. At the front, the Manchu Bannermen had to deal with the unfamiliar tropical jungles and swamps, and above all, the lethal endemic diseases. Not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. After a gruelling four-year campaign, a truce was reached by the field commanders of the two sides at the end of 1769 with the Qing invading expedition failing to conquer Myanmar and withdrawing in disarray. To rehabilitate itself, the Qing dynasty kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades.
The circumstances in Vietnam were not as successful. In 1787 the last Le king Le Chieu Thong fled Vietnam and formally requested that he be restored to his throne in Thanglong (Hanoi today). The Qianlong Emperor agreed and sent a large army into Vietnam to remove the Tay Son (peasant rebels who had captured all of Vietnam). The capital, Thanglong, was conquered in 1788 but a few months later, the Chinese army was defeated and the invasion turned into a debacle due to the surprise attack during Tet by Nguyen Hue, the second and most capable of the three Tay Son brothers. The Chinese[who?] gave formal protection to the Le emperor and his family, and would not intervene in Vietnam for another 90 years.
Overall the Qianlong Emperor's military expansion captured millions of square miles and brought into the empire non-Han-Chinese peoples—such as Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyzs, Evenks and Mongols--who were potentially hostile. It was also a very expensive enterprise; the funds in the Imperial Treasury were almost all put into military expeditions.[7] This may have been the cause of the later decline of the dynasty—when faced with a Western threat, the army was unable to develop and upgrade its weapons[citation needed] .
Though the wars were successful, they were not overwhelmingly so. The army declined noticeably and had a difficult time facing some enemies: the Jin Chuan area took 2–3 years to conquer—at first the Qing army were mauled, though Yue Zhongqi later took control of the situation. The battle with the Dzungars was closely fought, and caused heavy losses on both sides.
At the end of the frontier wars, the army had started to weaken significantly. In addition to a more lenient military system, warlords became satisfied with their lifestyles. Since most of the warring had taken place, warlords no longer saw any reason to train their armies, resulting in a rapid military decline by the end of Qianlong's reign. This is the main reason for the military's failure against the White Lotus Sect, at the very end of Qianlong's years.
| This article may be inaccurate in or unbalanced towards certain viewpoints. Please improve the article by adding information on neglected viewpoints, or discuss the issue on the talk page. (June 2009) |
The Qianlong Emperor was also a major patron of the arts. The most significant of his commissions was a catalogue of all important works on Chinese culture, the Siku Quanshu (四庫全書). Produced in 36,000 volumes, containing about 3450 complete works and employing as many as 15,000 copyists, the entire work took some twenty years. It preserved numerous books, but was also intended as a way to ferret out and suppress political opponents. Some 2,300 works were listed for total suppression and another 350 for partial suppression. The aim was to destroy the writings that were anti-Qing or rebellious, that insulted previous barbarian dynasties, or that dealt with frontier or defense problems.[8]
The Qianlong Emperor was a passionate poet and essayist. In his collected writings, which were published in a tenfold series between 1749 and 1800, over 40,000 poems and 1,300 prose texts are listed, making him one of the most prolific writers of all time. There is a long tradition of poems of this sort in praise of particular objects (yongwu shi), and the Qianlong Emperor used it in order to link his name both physically and intellectually with ancient artistic tradition. He also regularly added poetic inscriptions to the paintings of the imperial collection, following the example of the emperors of the Song dynasty and the literati painters of the Ming. They were a mark of distinction for the work, and a visible sign of his rightful role as Emperor. Most particular to the Qianlong Emperor is another type of inscription, revealing a unique practice of dealing with works of art that he seems to have developed for himself. On certain fixed occasions over a long period he contemplated a number of paintings or works of calligraphy which possessed special meaning for him, inscribing each regularly with mostly private notes on the circumstances of enjoying them, using them almost as a diary. They became part of his life and he took them with him on his travels in order to compare paintings with the actual landscape, or to hang them in special rooms in palaces where he lodged, to inscribe them on every visit there.[9]
Pottery, ceramics and particularly applied arts, such as enameling, metal work and lacquer work flourished during his reign; a substantial part of his collection is in the Percival David Foundation in London. The Victoria and Albert Museum and The British Museum also have good collections of Qianlong reign Art.
The full editing of Siku Quanshu was completed in about ten years, during these ten years, 3100 titles (or works), about 150,000 copies of books were either burnt or banned. Of those volumes that had been categorized into Siku Quanshu, many were subjected to deletion and modification. Books published during the Ming dynasty suffered the greatest damage.[10]
The Manchu rulers used literary inquisition to silence opposition. The accusation of individuals began with the authority's own interpretation of the true meaning of the corresponding words, the necessary 'evidence' needed to achieve a successful persecution would come from further interpretation of the words. The authority would judge any single character or any single sentence's neutrality; if the authority had decided these words, or sentence were derogative or cynic towards the rulers, then persecution would begin.[11] In Qianlong's time, there were 53 cases of literary inquisition , resulting in the victims being beheaded, or corpses being mutilated, or victims being slowly sliced into pieces until death, which may take a few days.(see Qing)
Architecturally, Qianlong took personal interest in the expansion of the Old Summer Palace and commissioned the Italian Jesuit Giuseppe Castiglione for the construction of the Xiyanglou (西洋楼), or the Western-style mansion, to satisfy his taste for exotic buildings and objects. He also commissioned the French Jesuit Michel Benoist, to design a series of timed waterworks and fountains complete with underground machinery and pipes, for the amusement of the Imperial family. The French Jesuit Jean Denis Attiret also became "Painter to the Emperor" Qianlong.
During his reign the Emin Minaret was built in Turpan to commemorate his father.
In his later years, Qianlong was spoiled with power and glory, becoming disillusioned and complacent in his reign, placing his trust in corrupt officials like Yu Ming Zhong (于敏中), and later Heshen (和珅).
As Heshen was the highest ranked minister and most favoured by Qianlong at the time, the day-to-day governance of the country was left in his hands, while Qianlong himself indulged in the arts, luxuries and literature. When Heshen was executed it was found that his personal fortune exceeded that of the country's depleted treasury, amount to 900,000,000 taels of silver, the total of 12 years of Treasury surplus of Manchu Qing court.[12]
Qianlong began his reign with about 33,950,000 taels of silver in Treasury surplus.[citation needed] At the peak of Qianlong's reign, around 1775, even with further tax cuts, the treasury surplus still reached 73,900,000 taels, a record unmatched by his predecessors, Kangxi or Yongzheng both of whom had implemented remarkable tax cut policies.[citation needed]
However, due to numerous factors such as long term embezzlement and corruption by officials, frequent expeditions South, huge palace constructions, many war and rebellion campaigns as well as his own extravagant lifestyle, all of these cost the treasury a total of 150,200,000 silver taels.[citation needed] This, coupled with his senior age and the lack of political reforms, ushered the beginning of the gradual decline and eventual demise of the Qing dynasty and empire, casting a shadow over his glorious and brilliant political life.[13].
During the mid-eighteenth century, Qianlong began to face pressures from the West to increase foreign trade. The proposed cultural exchange between the British Empire at the time and the Qing Empire collapsed due to many factors. Firstly, there was a lack of any precedent interaction with overseas foreign kingdoms apart from neighbouring tributory states to guide Qianlong towards a more informed response. Furthermore, competing worldviews that were incompatible between China and Britain, the former holding entrenched beliefs that China was the "central kingdom", and the latter's push for rapid liberalization of trade relations, worsened ties.
George Macartney, was sent by King George III as ambassador extraordinary to seek a range of trade concessions. He was granted an audience with the Qianlong Emperor, and attended the Emperor's 80th birthday. There is continued discussion about the nature of the audience, and what level of ceremonials were performed. Demands from the Qing Court that the British Trade ambassadors kneel and perform the kowtow were strongly resisted by Macartney, and debate continues as to whether or not this occurred, opinions being offered by Qing courtiers and British delegates alike.
A description of the Emperor is provided in the account of one of the visiting Englishmen, Aeneas Anderson:
The Emperor is about five feet ten inches in height, and of a slender but elegant form; his complexion is comparatively fair, though his eyes are dark; his nose is rather aquiline, and the whole of his countenance presents a perfect regularity of feature, which, by no means, announce the great age he is said to have attained; his person is attracting, and his deportment accompanies by an affability, which, without lessening the dignity of the prince, evinces the amiable character of the man. His dress consisted of a loose robe of yellow silk, a cap of black velvet with a red ball on the top, and adorned with a peacock's feather, which is the peculiar distinction of mandarins of the first class. He wore silk boots embroidered with gold, and a sash of blue girded his waist.[15]
It is uncertain whether Anderson actually saw the Emperor, or repeated another's sighting, as he was not involved in the ceremonies. After the reign of Qianlong, China failed to keep in pace with Western technology, allowing the Western nations to become superior to China both through economy and military. This is especially evident when Chinese forces, though far more superior in numbers and enjoyed home advantage, were no match to the much smaller Western forces, who were much better equipped with the latest weapons during the Opium wars.
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To many historians, the Qianlong reign marked the beginning of the downfall of the Qing dynasty, and due to this, many historians prefer to acknowledge the rise of the Qing dynasty more as achievements of Qianlong's father and grandfather. It must be noted that Kangxi, Qianlong's grandfather, had great interest in Western technology,[citation needed] especially in Mathematics and Astrology, and was a much better host to Western visitors.[Neutrality disputed — See talk page]
In George Macartney's memoirs, there were many passages describing the overall poor and suffering life of inhabitants of Qing dynasty. Macartney expressed opinions which were widely disseminated:
| “ | The Empire of China is an old,crazy, first-rate Man of War, which a fortunate succession of and vigilant officers have contrived to keep afloat for these hundred and fifty years past, and to overawe their neighbours merely by her bulk and appearance. But whenever an insufficient man happens to have the command on deck, adieu to the discipline and safety of the ship. She may, perhaps, not sink outright; she may drift some time as a wreck, and will then be dashed to pieces on the shore; but she can never be rebuilt on the old bottom.[16] | ” |
A Dutch embassy arrived to the Qianlong court in 1795, and would turn out to be the last occasion in which any European appeared before the Chinese Court within the context of traditional Chinese imperial foreign relations.[17]
Representing Dutch and Dutch East India Company interests, Isaac Titsingh traveled to Pekin in 1794-95 for celebrations of the sixtieth anniversary of the Qianlong Emperor's reign.[18] The Titsingh delegation also included the Dutch-American Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest[19], whose detailed description of this embassy to the Chinese court was soon after published in the U.S. and Europe. Titsingh's French translator, Chrétien-Louis-Joseph de Guignes published his own account of the Titsingh mission in 1808. Voyage a Pékin, Manille et l'Ile de France provided an alternate perspective and a useful counterpoint to other reports which were then circulating. Titsingh himself died before he could publish his version of events.
In contrast to Macartney, Isaac Titsingh, the Dutch and VOC emissary in 1795 did not refuse to kowtow. In the year following Mccartney's rebuff, Titsingh and his colleagues were much feted by the Chinese because of what was construed as seemly compliance with conventional court etiquette.[20]
In October 1795, Qianlong officially announced that in the spring of the following year he would voluntarily abdicate his throne and pass the crown to his son. It was said that Qianlong had made a promise during the year of his ascension not to rule longer than his grandfather, the Kangxi Emperor, who had reigned for 61 years.
Qianlong anticipated moving out of the Hall of Mental Cultivation in the Forbidden City. These Imperial apartments had been conventionally dedicated for the exclusive use of the reigning sovereign, and the emperor ordered the beginning of construction on what was ostensibly intended as his retirement residence in another part of the Forbidden City. Despite the lavish attention devoted to these new chambers, Qianlong never moved into what was called Juanqinzhai or Studio of Exhaustion From Diligent Service.[3]
He resigned the throne at the age of 85, in the 60th year of his reign, to his son, the Jiaqing emperor at 1795. For the next four years, he held the title "Senior Emperor(太上皇)." He died in 1799.[13][21].
Despite his voluntary abdication, from 1796 to 1799 Qianlong continued to hold on to power and the Jiaqing Emperor ruled only in name.
Qianlong was the son of Chen Yuanlong of Haining. Emperor Kangxi chose the heir to his throne based not just on his son's capability to govern the Empire, but also whether his grandson was of no lesser calibre, to ensure the Manchus' everlasting reign over the country. Yongzheng's own son was a weakling and he surreptitiously arranged for his daughter to be swapped for Chen Yuanlong's son, who became the apple of Kangxi's eye. Thus, Yongzheng got to succeed the throne, and his "son", Hongli, subsequently became Emperor Qianlong. Later, Qianlong went to the southern part of the country four times, he stayed in Chen's house in Haining, leaving behind his calligraphy and also frequently issued imperial decrees making and maintaining Haining as a tax-free state.
However there are major problems with this story being: 1) His eldest surviving son Hongshi was only 7 when Hongli was born far too early to make the drastic choice of replacing a child of royal birth with an outsider (and risking disgrace if not death) 2) Yongzheng had three other princes that survived to adulthood who had the potential of ascending the throne. Indeed given the fact that Hongshi was forced to commit suicide, the story would have been far more logical if he was the adopted child of Yongzheng.
Stories about Qianlong's 6 visits to the Jiangnan area disguised as a commoner had been a popular topic for many generations. In total, he has visited Jiang Nan for eight times, as opposed to the Kangxi emperor's 6 inspections.
Sons
Daughters
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Qianlong Emperor
Born: 25 September 1711 Died: 7 February 1799 |
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| Regnal titles | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by The Yongzheng Emperor |
Emperor of China 1735-1796 |
Succeeded by The Jiaqing Emperor |
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