government official; political scientist; diplomat
Personal Information
Born Ralph Johnson Bunche, August 7, 1904, in Detroit, MI; died December 9, 1971, in New York City; son of Fred (a barber) and Olive Agnes (a pianist; maiden name, Johnson) Bunche; married Ruth Ethel Harris, June 23, 1930; children: Joan Harris, Jane (deceased), Ralph Johnson.
Education: University of California at Los Angeles, B.A. (summa cum laude), 1927; Harvard University, M.A., 1928, Ph.D., 1934; postdoctoral work, Northwestern University, London School of Economics, and University of Capetown, 1936-38.
Career
Howard University, Washington, DC, instructor, 1928-29, assistant professor, 1929-33, associate professor of political science, 1933-38; founder of National Negro Congress, 1936; codirector of Institute of Race Relations, Swarthmore College, 1936; assistant to sociologist Gunnar Myrdal for preparation of race treatise An American Dilemma, 1938-40; Office of the Coordinator of Information (later Office of Strategic Services), Washington, DC, senior social science analyst in charge of research on Africa and the Far East, 1941-44, chief of Africa section, 1943-44; U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC, area specialist on Africa for Division of Political Studies, 1944-47; assistant secretary, U.S. delegation to Dumbarton Oaks conference, United Nations (UN) Conference on International Organization, 1945; adviser, U.S. delegation to UN General Assembly, 1946; director of UN Trusteeship Department, 1948-54; UN undersecretary, 1955, undersecretary for special political affairs, 1958-67, and undersecretary-general, 1967-71; UN mediator on Palestine, 1948-49, Egypt, 1956, the Congo, 1960, and Yemen, 1963.
Life's Work
With quiet dignity and a deep-rooted commitment to world peace, the late Nobel laureate Ralph Bunche ascended the ladder of government service to become the highest ranking black and American in the United Nations (UN), an international organization of more than 150 member nations that serves to monitor political activity and mediate disputes throughout the world. Bunche is credited with having used his disarming diplomatic skills to broker peace among warring factions that many observers believed would never even negotiate with each other.
Although he began his career as a scholar, garnering a string of notable academic firsts, Bunche's principal contribution to history lies in his pacifying heated political tempers in the Middle East, the Congo, Greece, and other hot spots around the world. In his later years, Bunche was criticized by some elements of the conservative right wing in the United States, and, more scathingly, by members of the militant wing of the black civil rights movement, who charged that he was an "Uncle Tom" more interested in serving his white superiors and resolving international conflicts than in addressing the plight of blacks in his own segregated backyard. He graciously answered this criticism by pointing to his history of commitment to civil rights and, on a broader level, by arguing that efforts made toward world peace would help the United States maintain peace at home as well.
Ralph Johnson Bunche's life was, in the eyes of many, the stuff of legend. He was born August 7, 1904, in Detroit, Michigan, the only son of Fred Bunche, an itinerant barber, and the former Olive Agnes Johnson, an amateur pianist. He was not, as has often been said, the grandson of a slave, but Bunche did grow up in a ghetto racked by poverty, a condition that he would rise above by virtue of his sharp mind.
In 1914, in the hope that dryer air and a warmer climate would improve Olive's tuberculosis, the Bunches moved to Albuquerque, New Mexico. The ride to the southwestern United States provided young Ralph's first exposure to a Jim Crow train in which blacks were relegated to the cars carrying luggage.
Disease claimed his parents' lives when he was 12, and Bunche, along with his sister, moved to Los Angeles, California, where they were taken in and reared by their maternal grandmother, Lucy Johnson. She taught the importance of self-respect, integrity, and hard work, and Bunche excelled in his studies, emerging as the class valedictorian at Jefferson High School. He worked for a time as a carpet layer, and his boss offered to send him to the prestigious Massachusetts Institute of Technology to study the chemistry of dyes. But his grandmother, wary of his being beholden to anybody, advised against the offer, and Bunche, with the help of an athletic scholarship, enrolled instead at the University of California at Los Angeles.
Studying for a degree in international relations, Bunche refined the worldview that his grandmother first had instilled in him, a perspective that was manifested in the optimism and goodwill with which he carried out his life. The New Yorker quoted a 1925 academic paper in which Bunche rejected the theory of philosopher Thomas Hobbes that human beings are naturally brutish, self-serving, egotistic animals. "It is true that man has these qualities in him, but I contend that these base characteristics are in part counteracted by good ones. I have a deep-set conviction that man must have an inherent notion of right and wrong, a fundamental moral structure and a simple sense of individual obligation, whether he be in a natural state or in society."
In 1927 Bunche graduated at the head of his class and in his commencement address urged his fellow graduates to dedicate their lives to human fellowship and peace. He earned a scholarship to pursue graduate studies at Harvard University in Massachusetts, and, lacking train fare and money for expenses, was given $1000 by a black women's social club convinced of his talent and potential. He received his master's degree in 1928 and traveled to western Africa to complete his dissertation on French colonial rule in Togoland (now Togo and Ghana) and Dahomey (now Benin). In 1934 Bunche became the first black American to receive a doctorate in political science.
Bunche helped establish the political science department at the all-black Howard University, became codirector of the Institute of Race Relations at Swarthmore College, and from 1936 to 1938, engaged in postdoctoral work in anthropology at Northwestern University, the London School of Economics, and the University of Capetown in South Africa. From 1938 to 1940, armed with an expertise in colonialism and field research, Bunche collaborated with the eminent Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal on An American Dilemma, a monumental study of race relations and prejudice in the United States. In one incident, while trying to gather comprehensive information on black-white relations in the deep South, Bunche and Myrdal were chased through Alabama by a mob of whites angered by questions about interracial sex.
During World War II, in which he could not serve because of a sports injury, Bunche launched his career of public service by joining the National Defense Program's Office of the Coordinator of Information (which later became the Office of Strategic Services). As senior analyst of Africa and the Far East, he studied colonial areas of possible strategic importance to the United States. He went on to become chief of the office's Africa section and subsequently worked at the U.S. State Department, where he participated in the initial conferences that laid the groundwork for the United Nations and wrote a section of the UN charter dealing with the administration of former colonies of countries defeated in the war. In 1946 Bunche was the only African American to serve on the U.S. delegation to the first General Assembly of the United Nations, and a little more than a year later he was hired by then-UN secretary-general Trygve Lie to serve as director of the Trusteeship Department. He rose to the position of undersecretary-general--the highest U.S. official at the United Nations--and would become the valued right-hand man of Lie, as well as of future UN heads Dag Hammarskjold and U Thant.
It was at the United Nations that Bunche found the perfect fit of his commitment to world peace, his belief that the good qualities of people can triumph over the bad, and his optimism that conflict, no matter how entrenched and bitter, can be resolved. "I have a number of very strong biases," a 1972 Ebony article quoted Bunche as having once said. "I have a deepseated bias against hate and intolerance. I have a bias against racial and religious bigotry. I have a bias against war, a bias for peace. I have a bias which leads me to believe in the essential goodness of my fellow man, which leads me to believe that no problem in human relations is ever insoluble. And I have a strong bias in favor of the United Nations and its ability to maintain a peaceful world."
Bunche's first major diplomatic challenge validated the hopes he had pinned on the United Nations. In 1948 Lie asked him to accompany United Nations-appointed mediator Count Folke Bernadotte of Sweden to the Middle East in an effort to peacefully resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict over the birth of a Jewish state and the partitioning of Palestine. The UN mission in the Holy Land was perilous, as the conflict touched not only on political states and geographic borders, but on fundamental and divisive religious animosities. The cars in which the UN negotiators rode were often fired on by snipers, and one of the chauffeurs driving Bunche was killed.
When Bernadotte was assassinated by Israeli terrorists in late 1948, the UN Security Council entrusted Bunche with the task of brokering a peace. Recognizing that the factions refused to sit face to face at the negotiating table, Bunche worked night and day organizing and leading small committees that discussed particular points, lest they be distracted by the enormity of the problem as a whole. Marshaling a strong personality and an objectivity that demonstrated his fairness, Bunche earned the trust of both the Israelis and the Arabs and succeeded in negotiating a truce, then an armistice, and, in 1949, the end of the conflict.
Bunche was awarded the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize, the first black to be so honored, and brought new respect to the organization that he had long championed. A UN colleague was quoted as telling the New Yorker, "I've known him and worked with him since 1946, and his devotion to the UN--I must say, greatly to his own cost--has been single-minded. He's usually the first into a dangerous situation and the last out. He regards life with the calm and compassion of a selfless man devoted to a great task."
While most famous for the 1949 agreement, Bunche is said to have considered his proudest accomplishment his 1956 role in directing the 6000-man UN Emergency Forces that helped sustain peace for 11 years in Egypt when the Suez crisis seemed on the brink of a catastrophic war. "For the first time we have found a way to use military men for peace instead of war," Bunche was quoted in Time as having said.
Bunche's most difficult assignment, by his own admission, was keeping the peace in the Congo (now Zaire) in 1960, when Belgium granted independence to the African country and pulled out, leaving a vacuum of political leadership and skilled personnel. Bunche was called in to lead a 20,000-man UN force to prevent the collision of a leaderless military and a province threatening to secede. After two months of negotiations, Bunche successfully shaped a political environment in which the fledgling country of Zaire was afforded a promising, peaceful opportunity to survive.
Because of his commitment to peace and his successes in the art of diplomacy, Bunche was offered the position of assistant secretary of state in the administration of Harry Truman, then the highest U.S. post ever offered an African American. However, Bunche declined the offer, saying, according to Time, "It is well known that there is Jim Crow in Washington. It is equally well known that no Negro finds Jim Crow congenial. I am a Negro."
Ironically, Bunche was accused by some factions of trying to escape his race. As many whites proclaimed Bunche the quintessential successful black man, some militant civil rights activists charged that, in trotting around the globe to foster world peace, he had turned his back on the bitter struggle blacks were waging for equality in a segregated United States. But Bunche, who understood the personal and cultural impact of bigotry, answered that he had not only studied prejudice against blacks; more importantly, he had lived it. He walked his first picket for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1937, demonstrated with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington in 1963, and took part in the civil rights marches on Selma and Montgomery, Alabama, two years later.
Furthermore, Bunche argued during the Vietnam War that if the United States were serious about combating and eliminating racism, the government would take the funds and energy it was investing in Southeast Asia and channel them into a domestic war against the black ghettos. As a citizen of the world, he also saw for the troubled United States an educational example in the way former European colonies in Africa were beginning to stand on their own two feet. "They sit in the international councils on an equal basis with their former mother countries and rulers," he noted in Newsweek. "I have come to believe that what is good for the world is good for my country."
A more predictable source of criticism was the far right. For instance, the National Review, a conservative mouthpiece, editorialized in 1962 that Bunche was an unapologetic Marxist [advocate of the social and economic doctrine of nineteenth-century German intellectual Karl Marx, centering on the establishment of a classless society and common ownership of production] and had told "bald lies" concerning the United Nations' involvement in the Congo. "It had been our intention to leave Dr. Bunche alone, having dismissed him as, essentially, a UN mercenary, a man with an undistinguished mind and rather bad personal manners," the magazine said. "It becomes necessary under the circumstances ... to go on just a little bit further, and say that Mr. Bunche's judgment is very poor indeed, and that this should be kept in mind in evaluating his assessments of the tangled affairs of our disintegrating world."
Bunche, whom President Lyndon Johnson had beseeched not to resign from the UN in 1966, remained undersecretary-general until just before his death in 1971. He always maintained that his diplomatic successes were a testimony to the vision behind the United Nations and argued that persisting, seemingly insoluble crises, such as that in the Middle East, would be more productively addressed by negotiation rather than by war.
Echoing the thoughts of many world leaders, former British UN ambassador Lord Caradon was quoted as saying in Newsweek, "Of all the people I have worked with in my life, there is no one I respect more. He has always been my great hero. He represents everything I admire in international affairs and public life. Of all his great qualities--and he had so many--the one that I would choose is that of determined optimism. Never did he give up. Never did he despair. He is certainly one the great Americans."
Awards
Spingarn Medal, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1949; Nobel Peace Prize, 1950; Theodore Roosevelt Association Medal of Honor, 1954; Franklin D. Roosevelt Four Freedoms Award and Presidential Medal of Freedom, both 1963; inducted into African American Hall of Fame, 1991.
Works
Writings
- A World View of Race, Association of Negro Folk Education, 1936.
- Peace and the United Nations, Leeds University, 1952.
- The Political Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR (interviews), University of Chicago Press, 1973.
- An African American in South Africa: The Travel Notes of Ralph J. Bunche, 28 September 1937-1 January 1938, edited by Robert R. Edgar, Swallow, 1992.
Further Reading
Books
- Cornell, Jean G., Ralph Bunche: Champion of Peace, Garrard, 1976.
- Jakoubek, Robert, Ralph Bunche, Chelsea House, 1989.
- Kugelmass, J. Alvin, Ralph J. Bunche: Fighter for Peace, Messner, 1962.
- Mann, Peggy, Ralph Bunche: UN Peacemaker, Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1975.
Periodicals- Christian Century, December 29, 1971.
- Ebony, February 1972; September 1992.
- Holiday, April 1970.
- Nation, December 17, 1971.
- National Review, May 22, 1962.
- Newsweek, October 11, 1971; December 20, 1971.
- New Yorker, January 1, 1972.
- New York Times, December 10, 1971.
- Time, December 20, 1971.
— Isaac Rosen