Period of anticommunist hysteria in United States from 1918–1920, culminating in the Palmer Raids; also invoked to describe the resumption of anticommunist activities in the late 1940s and early 1950s.
| Intelligence Encyclopedia: Red Scare |
Period of anticommunist hysteria in United States from 1918–1920, culminating in the Palmer Raids; also invoked to describe the resumption of anticommunist activities in the late 1940s and early 1950s.
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| Law Encyclopedia: Red Scare |
Throughout much of the twentieth century, the United States worried about Communist activities within its borders. This concern led to sweeping federal action against aliens and citizens alike during periods known today as Red scares. Using the derogatory term Red for Communist, the phrase is a form of criticism: it implies overreaction resulting from excessive suspicion, unfounded accusation, and disregard for constitutional law.
The first Red scare followed the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in November 1917, and lasted until 1920. It was marked by antiradical legislation in U.S. immigration law, extensive federal probes of suspected radicals and their organizations, and mass arrests and deportations of aliens. The second Red scare arose prior to World War II, and reached new heights during the cold war years.
The origins of the first Red scare lay in the Russian Revolution and the horrendous experience of World War I. Communism was not yet perceived as the only enemy; anarchism (the advocacy of violent overthrow of government and law) also caused fear. In the United States, no great effort was made to separate these two political philosophies, for they both seemed to represent a single threat: foreign attempts to undermine the nation's government and institutions. Congress responded by putting new antiradical protections in the Immigration Act of 1918 (§§ 1-3, as amended, 8 U.S.C.A. § 137 (c, e-g)). Although antagonism toward different races and beliefs had marked immigration law for decades, this change introduced political limits: it allowed for the deportation of aliens on the grounds of anarchist beliefs or membership in anarchist organizations. Riding a wave of anti-immigrant sentiment, lawmakers frequently grumbled about "foreign troublemakers."
Early in 1919, Congress began pressuring the Justice Department to take action against radicals. It had a receptive audience in Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer. A self-styled enemy of foreign subversion who hoped to become president, Palmer was given to making public statements like "fully 90% of the communist and anarchist agitation is traceable to aliens." Then, on June 2, 1919, a bomb exploded outside Palmer's Washington, D.C., home. Found among the remains of the dead bomber was a pamphlet signed by "the anarchist fighters," warning of more violence to come. The attack set in motion changes that would leave a lasting mark on federal law enforcement: Palmer created the Radical Division of the Justice Department, and assigned a promising young bureaucrat named J. Edgar Hoover to head it. Within a few months, Hoover had compiled thousands of names of suspected radicals and their organizations; later, as director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), he would compile more.
Spurred by public expectations, the Justice Department acted in November 1919 and January 1920 by launching massive raids. More than ten thousand people were arrested — some for membership in Communist or left-wing groups, others on no greater pretext than that they looked or sounded foreign — and then jailed and interrogated with little regard for their right to due process. Hundreds were subsequently deported, some aboard a U.S. Navy troop transport. But the raids backfired: Congress was scandalized by the disregard shown for constitutional rights. Along with the newly formed American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and \
the American Bar Association, lawmakers denounced the attorney general. The raids had two unforeseen consequences for Palmer: first, they ended his presidential aspirations, and second, they dashed his hopes of seeing new federal legislation that would allow for the arrest of subversive citizens, much as the 1918 Immigration Act permitted deportation of subversive aliens. Hoover, who had overseen the execution of the raids and some deportations, escaped reproach.
The backlash against the first Red scare did nothing to prevent a recurrence. Fears of anarchism subsided, but the onset of World War II produced new worries about fascism, Nazism, and Communism. The instigators of the second Red scare turned their gaze inward: not foreigners but U.S. citizens now seemed dangerous. These concerns led to the creation of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1938. Lasting until 1969, this panel of the House of Representatives held many hearings into alleged subversion by private citizens, unions, and Hollywood. The cold war years also saw another dramatic manifestation of Red scare tactics: the Communist witch-hunts of Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, who brought unfounded accusations of Communist infiltration of the State Department and the military. Both HUAC and McCarthy benefited substantially from the cooperation of the FBI, whose durable director, Hoover, fed them information.
HUAC represented the last gasp of the Red scares. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the cold war still had important geopolitical implications. However, federal interest in hunting down radicals had waned: a backlash against McCarthyism was one reason, as was the divisive experience of the Vietnam War. Although the cold war continued until the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, its effects were felt primarily in foreign policy and military expansion. Today, the legacy of the Red scares to U.S. law can be measured in several ways: a greater interest in civil liberties; a decline of Congress's role as a forum for interrogating private citizens; federal reform that has curtailed the power of the FBI; and a 1990 reform of immigration law that removed anarchism and Communism as grounds for deportation (Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990, U.S.C.A. § 1101 et seq.).
See: Smith Act.
| History Dictionary: Red Scare |
The rounding up and deportation of several hundred immigrants of radical political views by the federal government in 1919 and 1920. This “scare” was caused by fears of subversion by communists in the United States after the Russian Revolution.
| WordNet: red scare |
The noun has one meaning:
Meaning #1:
a period of general fear of communists
| Wikipedia: Red Scare |
In US history, the term Red Scare denotes two distinct periods of strong anti-communism: the First Red Scare, from 1917 to 1920, and the Second Red Scare, from 1947 to 1957. The Scares were characterized by the fear that communism would upset the capitalist social order in the United States; the First Red Scare was about worker revolution and political radicalism. The Second Red Scare was focused on (national and foreign) communists infiltrating the Federal Government.
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The First Red Scare began after the Bolshevik Russian Revolution of 1917 and during the First World War (1914–18). Anarchist and left-wing political violence and social agitation aggravated extant national social and political tensions. Historian L.B. Murray reports that the “Red Scare” was “a nation-wide anti-radical hysteria provoked by a mounting fear and anxiety that a Bolshevik revolution in America was imminent — a revolution that would destroy [private] property, Church, home, marriage, civility, and the American way of Life.” [1] Newspapers exacerbated those political fears into xenophobia — because varieties of radical anarchism were perceived as answers to popular poverty; the advocates often were recent European immigrants exercising freedom of speech protected under US law, (cf. hyphenated-Americans). Moreover, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) effected several labor strikes in 1916 and 1917 that the press portrayed as radical threats to American society inspired by left-wing, foreign agents provocateur; thus, the press misrepresented legitimate labour strikes as “Crimes against society”, “Conspiracies against the government”, and “Plots to establish Communism”. [2]
In April 1919, police authorities discovered a plot for mailing thirty six bombs to prominent members of the US political and economic Establishment: J. P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, US Attorney General Alexander Mitchell Palmer, and immigration officials. On 2 June 1919, in eight cities, eight bombs simultaneously exploded at the same hour. One target was the Washington, D.C., house of US Attorney General Palmer, where the explosion killed the bomber, whom evidence indicated was an Italian-American radical from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Afterwards, Palmer ordered the US Justice Department to launch the Palmer Raids (1919–21) — executed by J. Edgar Hoover, who instructed that said political prisoners be forcefully interrogated without legal counsel, and that they remain imprisoned via prohibitively-high bail. [3]
Yet, in 1918, before the bombings, President Wilson had pressured the Congress to legislate the anti-immigrant, anti-anarchist Sedition Act of 1918 to protect wartime morale by deporting putatively undesirable political people. Law professor David D. Cole reports that President Wilson’s “. . . federal government consistently targeted alien radicals, deporting them . . . for their speech or associations, making little effort to distinguish true threats from ideological dissidents.” [3]
Initially, the press praised the raids; the Washington Post said, “There is no time to waste on hairsplitting over [the] infringement of liberty”, and The New York Times said the injuries inflicted upon the arrested were “souvenirs of the new attitude of aggressiveness which had been assumed by the Federal agents against Reds and suspected-Reds.” [4] In the event, the Palmer Raids were criticised as being unconstitutionally illegal by twelve publicly-prominent lawyers, including (future Supreme Court Justice) Felix Frankfurter, who published A Report on the Illegal Practices of The United States Department of Justice, documenting systematic violations of the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the US Constitution via Palmer-authorised “illegal acts” and “wanton violence”. Defensively, Palmer then warned that a government-deposing left-wing revolution would begin on 1 May 1920 — May Day, the International Workers’ Day. When it failed to happen, he was ridiculed and lost much credibility. Strengthening the legal criticism of Palmer was that fewer than 600 deportations were substantiated with evidence, out of the thousands of resident aliens illegally arrested and deported. In July 1920, Palmer’s promising Democratic Party bid for the US presidency failed. [5]
Consequent to the newspaper-induced xenophobia and police suppression characteristic of the First Red Scare, liberal and left-wing organizations, such as the Industrial Workers of the World, the Communist Party of the United States, and the like,[who?] lost many members. [6] In 1919–20, several states legislated “criminal syndicalism” laws out-lawing advocacy of violence in effecting and securing social change; the restrictions included free speech limitations. [7]
Passage of these laws, in turn, provoked over-aggressive police investigation of the accused persons, their jailing, and deportation for being suspected of being either communist or left-wing Regardless of ideologic gradation, the Red Scare didn't distinguish among communist, socialist, or Social Democrat — because all were "foreign" (European) "ideologies", thus, "un-American".[8]
The Second Red Scare occurred after the Second World War (1939–45), coinciding with increased popular fear of communist espionage consequent to a Soviet Eastern Europe, the Berlin Blockade (1948–49), the Chinese Civil War, and the Korean War. The fear was provoked with red-baiting and blacklisting.
The events of the late 1940s — the NKVD’s atomic bomb spy-ring of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, the Iron Curtain (1945–91) around Eastern Europe, and the USSR’s nuclear weapon — surprised the US public, influencing popular opinion about US national security, that, in turn, connected to fear of the Soviet Union atomic-bombing the US, and fear of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA). At the House Un-American Activities Committee, former CPUSA members and NKVD spies, Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers testified that Soviet spies and communist sympathizers had penetrated the US government before, during, and after the Second World War. In 1949, anti–communist fear was aggravated by the Chinese Communists winning the Chinese Civil War against the Western-sponsored Kuomintang, their founding of the People's Republic of China, and later Chinese intervention in the Korean War (1950–53) against US client state South Korea.
By the 1930s, communism had become an attractive economic ideology among many people in the US, especially among the educated, the intelligentsia, and labor leaders. At its zenith in 1939, the CPUSA had some 50,000 members. [9] In 1940, soon after the Second World War began in Europe, the US Congress legislated the Alien Registration Act (aka the Smith Act, 18 USC §2385) making it a crime to knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the duty, necessity, desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association — and required Federal registration of all foreign nationals. Although principally deployed against communists, the Smith Act was also used against right-wing political threats such as the German-American Bund, and the perceived racial disloyalty of the Japanese-American population, (cf. hyphenated-Americans).
In 1941, after Nazi Germany’s invaded the USSR, the CPUSA’s official posture became pro-war; it opposed labor strikes detrimental to the war effort, and supported militarily aggressive US policies.[citation needed] With the slogan Communism is Twentieth-Century Americanism, the chairman, Earl Browder, advertised the CPUSA’s integration to the political mainstream.[citation needed] In contrast, the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party opposed US participation in the war and supported labor strikes, even in war-effort industry. For this reason James P. Cannon and other SWP leaders were convicted per the Smith Act.
In March 1947, President Harry S Truman signed Executive Order 9835, creating the “Federal Employees Loyalty Program” establishing political-loyalty review boards who determined the “Americanism” of Federal Government employees, and recommended termination of those suspected of being Un-American. The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) and the committees of Senator Joseph McCarthy (R., Wisc.) conducted said character investigations of “American communists” (actual and alleged), and their roles in (real and imaginary) espionage, propaganda, and subversion favoring the USSR — achieving little, besides launching the successful political careers of McCarthy and Richard Nixon.
The Second Red Scare profoundly altered the temper of US society. Its anti-intellectualism contributed to the popularity of anti-communist espionage (My Son John, 1950) and science fiction movies (The Thing From Another World, 1951) with stories and themes of the infiltration, subversion, invasion, and destruction of US society by un–American thought and inhuman beings. Even a baseball team, the Cincinnati Reds, temporarily renamed themselves the “Cincinnati Redlegs” to avoid the money-losing and career-ruining connotations inherent to being ball-playing “Reds” (communists).
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| American Civil Liberties Union (Politics) |
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| What was the red scare in the cold war? |
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