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Rudy Giuliani

, Mayor of New York City

  • Born: 28 May 1944
  • Birthplace: Brooklyn, New York
  • Best Known As: Mayor of New York City, 1994-2001

Rudolph W. "Rudy" Giuliani was the New York City mayor who became internationally famous for his proudly defiant reaction to attacks on the World Trade Center on 11 September 2001. Giuliani, a 1968 graduate of New York University School of Law, began his political career in 1970 as a prosecutor for the U.S. Attorney. After a period in private practice in Washington, D.C. and a stint with Ronald Reagan's Department of Justice, Giuliani was appointed U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York in 1993. Aggressive and ambitious, he made headlines by prosecuting Wall Street wheeler-dealers such as Ivan Boesky, Michael Milken and Marc Rich. He ran for mayor in 1989 and lost, ran again in 1993 and won. In spite of a successful run as a tough-on-crime mayor who improved city government, Giuliani's troubled personal life and long history of political squabbles dominated the headlines in his second term. Tabloids exploited public feuds between Giuliani, his wife, Donna Hanover, and his girlfriend, Judith Nathan; a series of police brutality cases were public relations disasters; and a potential run at the U.S. Senate against Hillary Clinton was aborted when Giuliani was diagnosed with prostate cancer.

After the 11 September attacks on the World Trade Center, Rudy rose to the occasion, and in the absence of President George W. Bush, whose whereabouts were unknown for several hours, it was Giuliani who was the voice of authority on American television. His response was hailed internationally and earned him the nickname of "America's Mayor." His term as mayor ended soon after, and Giuliani went into business and hit the lecture circuit. He ran for the Republican nomination for president in 2008, but left the race after finishing behind Mitt Romney and John McCain in early primaries.

Giuliani married Judith Nathan in 2003... Marc Rich, a billionaire prosecuted by Giuliani in 1983, fled to Switzerland rather than stand trial. Before leaving office in 2001, Bill Clinton issued a presidential pardon to Rich. Among Rich's lawyers over the years was Lewis "Scooter" Libby, later the chief of staff for Vice President Dick Cheney and the subject of an indictment in the Plame Investigation.

 
 
Biography: Rudolph William Giuliani

Former U.S. Attorney Rudolph Giuliani became the 107th mayor of New York City in 1994 on the Republican ticket. He was the first non-Democrat to become mayor in 24 years.

In January 1994, Rudolph William Giuliani became New York City's first Republican mayor since John Lindsey was elected in 1965. Giuliani's tough-on crime platform perhaps clinched the victory for the former U.S. attorney for the state of New York. In the years since his election, this tough stance seems to have paid off; in 1995, Giuliani announced that the murder rate in New York City had dropped by nearly one-fifth, the biggest annual decline in decades. However, he remains a controversial political figure, and on at least one occasion he has committed a widely-criticized breach of diplomacy - when he ejected Yasser Arafat Leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, from a New York concert.

Started in Courts

Giuliani was born into a second-generation immigrant Italian family in Brooklyn, New York, on May 28, 1944. He was the only child of Harold and Helen Giuliani. As a child, the young Giuliani sometimes worked in his parent's bar and grill. The elder Giuliani was determined that his son attend college and rise above the family business. Rudolph Giuliani was educated in Catholic schools and then attended the all-male, Roman Catholic Manhattan College. There he seriously considered entering the priesthood, but eventually decided on law. He graduated from New York University's law school in 1968, and went on to have an impressive career in government, working first as a law clerk for a federal judge, and then as an assistant United States attorney for the Southern District of New York. Giuliani took on sensational corruption cases, and his reputation as a dogged prosecutor grew.

In 1975 Giuliani went to Washington, DC to work in President Gerald Ford's administration, under Judge Harold Tyler, deputy attorney general in the Justice department. Giuliani originally a liberal Democrat, had recently defected to the Republican party. When President Jimmy Carter took office in 1977, Giuliani followed Tyler to work for his law firm. Giuliani moved back to Washington under President Ronald Reagan, as associate attorney general in the Justice department. There, Giuliani took considerable flak for refusing asylum to Haitian refugees, deeming that the Duvalier regime was merely economically - not politically - oppressive to its people.

Became U.S. Attorney in New York

In 1983 Giuliani returned to New York for good, this time as U.S. attorney for the Southern District. In that position, Giuliani enjoyed some high-profile successes. He infiltrated some of the most powerful Mafia crime families and indicted a New York parking violations bureau official as part of a bribery ring. In the spring of 1986, uncovered the New York insider trading scandal, handing down indictments against several Wall Street investors. Among those arrested was Ivan Boesky, who turned himself in before Giuliani could indict him. In exchange for a lesser charge, Boesky agreed to pay $100 million and to secretly tape record conversations with other insider traders.

However, Giuliani has often been criticized for his grandstanding style. One of the lost legendary examples during his years as U.S. attorney was the arrest of three men involved in the insider trading scandal - Richard B. Wigton, a Kidder, Peabody executive; Timothy L. Tabor, a former employee of Kidder, Peabody; and Robert M. Freeman of Goldman, Sachs. Two of the men had been handcuffed at work and paraded in front of their colleagues, to the media's delight. The charges against all three were later dropped.

Mayoral Hopes

Giuliani eventually left the U.S. attorney's office, but still remained one of the most prominent and controversial figures in New York politics, going before the polls in 1989 in his first hotly contested mayoral race against David Dinkins. In that election, the main issue was racial strife, which was threatening to tear the city apart. Giuliani's conservative political stance was less appealing to voters than that of Dinkins, a liberal Democrat.

But in one of the most racially charged events to occur in New York City, Mayor Dinkins stumbled badly. In 1992, in the mostly Jewish section of Crown Heights in Brooklyn, a car in a Hasidic motorcade hit a young black child. After, a mob of angry blacks descended on a Jewish scholar visiting from Australia, stabbing him to death. Riots followed, in which 80 Jews and 50 policemen were injured. A jury later acquitted the man charged with the killing, following which Dinkins issued a lukewarm statement "expressing faith in he jury system … roundly denounced as insensitive to Jewish concerns," wrote Todd S. Purdum in the New York Times Magazine. Dinkins's Crown Heights blunder opened the door for Giuliani to the Jewish vote.

Still, Giuliani's tough-guy approach has been difficult for New Yorkers to embrace. In the fall of 1992, Giuliani made an appearance at a rally for the Policemen's Benevolent Association (PBA), a gathering of "raucous, beer-drinking, overwhelming white police officers" outside City Hall, wrote Purdum in the same article. Crowd members bore racially offensive signs critical of Dinkins, among the now legendary, "Dump the washroom attendant!" The demeanor of the crowd, which later moved in droves to block traffic on the Brooklyn Bridge, reflected badly on Giuliani. But what tainted him the most was his address to the PBA, in which he used expletives that Dinkins had originally used to respond to an officer's charge that the mayor did not support the police.

The rally was a major political fiasco for Giuliani. According to writer Purdam, he probably gained no votes from it - the police officers either were already supporters or lived outside of the city. And it damaged the reputation he was trying to build - that of a peacemaker. The speech he made after his loss in the 1989 election also damaged him. He announced that Dinkins had won, and in response, his election aides started booing. Giuliani began screaming, "Shut-up!" repeatedly. Later he said he feared that the crowd was out of hand, and their remarks would seem racially motivated.

Prior to the 1993 elections, many New Yorkers were horrified by a Giuliani plan to put 90-day limits on stays at homeless shelters. He remarked that he thought offering, unlimited access was actually "very cruel." "It sounds generous and compassionate," Giuliani was quoted as saying in a New York magazine article, "but it isn't. There's an understanding of human psychology that's missing. The less you expect of people, the less you get. The more you expect, the more you get." Giuliani also alienated liberal voters by his statement that he would bar controversial Muslim leader Louis Farrakhan from speaking at Yankee stadium, depriving him of his First Amendment rights.

Many political analysts say that Giuliani's attitudes seem to be a throwback to earlier times, that they distort and oversimplify the growing complexity of urban problems. Wrote Catherine S. Manegold in the New York Times after the election, "Throughout this year's campaign, Mr. Giuliani spoke tirelessly about the need to 'clean up' a city that he sees in moral and physical decline. To his supporters, he came across as a tough-edged iconoclast bent on bringing order out of urban chaos, a crusading Batman to New York City's gritty Gotham."

Yet other pundits call Giuliani a candidate for the future, and one who transcends political lines. "With his emphasis on individual responsibility, Giuliani is much closer in political philosophy to the New Democrat Bill Clinton claims to be than to David Dinkins is," said Fred Siegel, a professor of humanities, quoted in a New York magazine article.

To save Giuliani from his gaffes, he hired campaign mastermind David Garth, who was on the winning side in five of the last seven New York mayoral contests. Garth also went to bat for Vice-President Al Gore during the 1988 presidential primary, and handed a victory to Arlen Specter in a 1992 Republican senatorial race in which he was trailing. Garth helped solidify Giuliani's image as a "fusion candidate" just as Garth had done for John Lindsey's election in 1965, assembling minority candidates and representatives of minority districts to run on the same ticket.

With Garth maneuvering what a New York Times Magazine article dubbed "the race race," Giuliani was also able to capitalize on his anti-crime reputation. Dinkins maintained that crime decreased during hid term and according to John Taylor in a New York magazine piece, they had. Murders fell from 2,262 in 1990 to 2,055 in 1992, Taylor wrote. But to New Yorkers, the prevailing perception was that crime was on the rise. "One reason is the increasing brutality and capriciousness committed," wrote Taylor. "Entire families are executed in drug wars. Teenagers kill each other over sneakers. Robbers casually shoot victims even if they have surrendered wallets. The proliferation of carjackings means people are no longer safe even in their automobiles." One of Giuliani's campaign promises, along with creating jobs through tax cuts, and reducing administration in schools in order to increase money spent on teachers and students, was to crack down on such crimes, and he had the resume to back it up.

Still, many New Yorkers expressed dissatisfaction with both candidates. Time magazine ran a short article entitled "The Politics of Disgust," in which Janice C. Simpson claimed that "The only movement [in the polls] is the rising disapproval rating for both [candidates]. Neither candidate is getting across a message that he can be an urban Mr. Fixit. Dinkins comes off as a courtly but unimaginative bureaucrat with a taste for fussy clothes and fancy ceremonies. Giuliani has a reputation as a humorless autocrat with an abrasive management style that involves shooting first and asking questions later." An editorial in the New York Times began its editorial for David Dinkins with an expression of voter sentiment just before the election: "Something must be badly wrong with a system that can't produce candidates better than David Dinkins and Rudolph Giuliani. The real issues are being oversimplified. It doesn't really matter who wins."

Time writer Janice Simpson predicted that in a race "with no candidate who stands out as a clear vote for competence," that voting would break down along racial lines. That happened in the 1989 election, and also in the 1993 election. According to Felicia R. Lee in the New York Times, Simpson was correct. More than 90 percent of blacks voted for Dinkins, and so did most Hispanic voters. But very three out of four white votes went to Giuliani.

Lee wrote that New York City's black population was deeply disappointed by the election results, which indeed turned out to be a race based on race. "None interviewed said that Mr. Dinkins was a great mayor, but they said he tried to delve into the social factors behind problems like crime during a time of dwindling resources. Most said that despite his flaws, Mr. Dinkins would have won re-election had he been white. "Beyond that," Lee continued, "their concern was that Mayor-elect Rudolph W. Giuliani has surrounded himself with mostly white males with little understanding of issues of concerns to blacks, poor people, or other special interests."

Mayor Giuliani

According to Alison Mitchell writing in the New York Times, Giuliani addressed those concerns in his victory speech. Standing at the lectern with David Dinkins, the mayor-elect said it was time for the city to join as one, "whether you voted for me, for David Dinkins or you decided not to vote or you voted for any of the other candidates, we are all New Yorkers."

Tough on Crime

In the years since he was elected, Giuliani has maintained his emphasis on crime-fighting, using a range of methods - Comstat, a computerized analysis of crime statistics and police accountability, low tolerance for misdemeanor crimes especially gun and drug possession, targeting high-crime areas, holding local commanders responsible for results in their precincts, and implementing corporate management techniques in the police force.

In an article printed in American City and County Janet Ward said that it wasn't easy to shock New Yorkers - especially with good news. However, at a New Year's Eve (1996) press conference in Time Square, Mayor Giuliani and Police Commissioner Safir did just that. "When the ball comes down in Times Square tonight," said Giuliani "it will be coming down in one of the safest cities in America." Ward went on to say that it had been a long time since "one of the safest cities" and "New York" were used in the same sentence, but the facts support the claim. The city had realized double-digit decline in crimes for the past three years. New York had 48,016 or 15.7 percent fewer crimes in 1996. Overall, Giuliani said, "the city has seen 163,428 fewer felonies since 1993, a drop of almost 40 percent. Additionally, 1996 saw the city's lowest number of crime complaints in 27 years. The big crime, murder, dropped 16 percent in 1996 and has fallen nearly half since 1993."

Giuliani called the decline "a very significant success," and proof that New York is becoming safer. "People outside of New York City are very often almost shocked by the notion that it is not the most dangerous city in America," Giuliani was quoted as saying in The Daily Telegraph. "That's a reputation that the city, despite all of the statistical information to the contrary, can't quite shake." However, the drop in crime has not been attributed to any one factor. Some have suggested that it may be due to a demographic shift - a decline the population of teenage males, the group that is statistically most likely to commit crime. Another is that the crack epidemic, which hit the city in the mid-1980s, began to ease up in the early 1990s. But the New York City police commissioner says that police effectiveness has more to do with it than the media and other observers are willing to give them credit for.

Giuliani has also continued to harass the Mafia. In September of 1995, he appointed a monitor to inspect the books of the five-day Feast of Saint Gennaro, the annual carnival of New York's Little Italy. Few New Yorkers were surprised when the Grand Jury investigating the case announced that the Mafia skimmed the profits of the street vendors at the festival. However, only the most cynical were not surprised when it was revealed that the dollar bills which the devout pinned to the statue of Saint Gennero - intended for the Catholic church and its charities - also ended up in the pockets of the Mob.

Giuliani has sometimes committed mistakes in international diplomacy. In October 1995, Giuliani ejected Yasser Arafat, leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, from a concert at New York's Lincoln Center, which was part of the UN's 50th anniversary celebrations. Despite intense criticism from the White House, the State Department, the UN, and even some Jewish groups, Giuliani defended his decision, claiming that Arafat had "never been held to account for the murders [for which] he was implicated." Just a few days earlier, when Cuba's President, Fidel Castro, was in New York, Giuliani had refused to invite him to a gala dinner. "It's my party and I'll invite who I want," he was quoted as saying in The Daily Telegraph.

 
Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Rudolph William Giuliani

(born May 28, 1944, Brooklyn, New York, N.Y., U.S.) U.S. politician, who was mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2002. Beginning in 1970, he worked for the U.S. government, holding positions in the office of the U.S. attorney and in the Department of Justice. He practiced law privately (1977 – 81) but returned to the Justice Department as associate attorney general (1981 – 83). In 1983 he was appointed U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York. In 1994 he became New York City's first Republican mayor in two decades. Credited with cutting crime, improving the quality of life, and benefiting business, he won a second term in 1997, though critics charged that he defended police misconduct and gutted essential programs. After the September 11 attacks in 2001, Giuliani was praised for his strong leadership of the city through the crisis.

For more information on Rudolph William Giuliani, visit Britannica.com.

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Giuliani, Rudolph William
('lē-ä') , 1944–, American government official, b. Brooklyn, N.Y. He attended Manhattan College and studied law at New York Univ. In the Justice Dept. as associate deputy attorney general (1975–77), associate attorney general (1981–83), and U.S. attorney for New York's Southern District (1983–89), Giuliani was known for his successful high-profile prosecutions of Mafia bigwigs and Wall Street miscreants. A Republican, he narrowly won the New York City mayoralty in 1993, defeating the incumbent, David Dinkins, who had bested him by a slim margin in 1989. Running largely on a successful reduction in city crime, he won reelection in 1997. In 2000 he was the all-but-announced Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate, running against Hillary Rodham Clinton, but ill health and the breakup of his marriage led him to withdraw. Following the 2001 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center, Giuliani won international regard for his vigor and sensitivity in leading the city as it coped with the disaster. He retired in 2001, and Michael R. Bloomberg succeeded him as mayor. Giuliani reflected on decision-making, management skills, and the 9/11 crisis in his book Leadership (2002).

Bibliography

See biographies by W. Barrett (2000) and A. Kirtzman (2000); F. Siegel, The Prince of the City (2005); W. Barrett and D. Collins, Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 (2006).

 
Wikipedia: Rudy Giuliani
Rudolph W. Giuliani
Rudy Giuliani

In office
January 1, 1994 – December 31, 2001
Preceded by David N. Dinkins
Succeeded by Michael R. Bloomberg

Born May 28 1944 (1944--) (age 63)
Brooklyn, New York
Political party Republican
Spouse Regina Peruggi (m. 1968, div. 1982)
Donna Hanover (m. 1984, div. 2002)
Judith Nathan (m. 2003)
Alma mater Manhattan College
New York University Law School
Profession Lawyer
Religion Roman Catholic

Rudolph William Louis "Rudy" Giuliani (;[1] born May 28, 1944) is an American lawyer, businessman, and politician from the state of New York who was Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001.

A Democrat and Independent in the 1970s, and a Republican from the 1980s to the present, Giuliani served in the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York, eventually becoming U.S. Attorney. He prosecuted a number of high-profile cases, including ones against organized crime and Wall Street financiers.

Giuliani served two terms as Mayor of New York City. He was credited with initiating improvements in the city's quality of life and with a reduction in crime. He ran for the United States Senate in 2000 but withdrew due to being diagnosed with prostate cancer and to revelations about his personal life. Giuliani gained international attention during and after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center.[2] In 2001, Time magazine named him "Person of the Year"[3] and he received an honorary knighthood from Queen Elizabeth II in 2002.[4]

After leaving office as mayor, Giuliani founded Giuliani Partners, a security consulting business; acquired Giuliani Capital Advisors (later sold), an investment banking firm; and joined the Bracewell & Giuliani law firm, which changed its name when he became a partner. Giuliani ran for the Republican Party nomination in the 2008 United States presidential election. After leading in national polls for much of 2007, his candidacy faltered late in that year and he did poorly in the early caucuses and primaries in 2008. He withdrew from the race on January 30, 2008 and endorsed John McCain.

Early life and education

Rudolph Giuliani was born in the New York City borough of Brooklyn, the only child of working-class parents Harold Angelo Giuliani, and Helen C. D'Avanzo, both children of Italian immigrants.[5] The family was Roman Catholic and its extended members included police officers, firefighters, and criminals.[6] Harold Giuliani had trouble holding a job and had been convicted of felony assault and robbery and served time in Sing Sing;[7] after his release he served as a Mafia enforcer for his brother-in-law Leo D'Avanzo, who ran an organized crime operation involved in loan sharking and gambling at a restaurant in Brooklyn.[8]

In 1951, when Rudy Giuliani was seven, his family moved from Brooklyn to Garden City South on Long Island. There he attended a local Catholic school, St. Anne's.[6] Later, he commuted back to Brooklyn to attend Bishop Loughlin Memorial High School, graduating in 1961 with an 85 percent average.[9]

Giuliani went on to Manhattan College in Riverdale, Bronx, where he majored in political science with a minor in philosophy.[10] There he considered becoming a priest.[10] Giuliani has stated that this was due in part to having studied theology for four years in college,[11] though nine credits (three semesters) of religious studies courses is the minimum graduation requirement at Manhattan College,[12] which is affiliated with the Roman Catholic church.

He was elected president of his class in his sophomore year, but was not re-elected in his junior year.[10] He joined the Phi Rho Pi fraternity, and was active in shaping its direction.[10] He graduated in 1965.

Giuliani eventually decided to forego the priesthood,[10] instead attending New York University School of Law in Manhattan, where he made law review[10] and graduated cum laude with a Juris Doctor in 1968.[13]

Giuliani started his political life as a Democrat. He has said that he admired the Kennedy family,[5] and volunteered for Robert F. Kennedy's presidential campaign in 1968. He also worked as a Democratic party committeeman on Long Island in the mid-1960s,[14][15] and voted for George McGovern for president in 1972.[16]

Legal career

Upon graduation, Giuliani clerked for Judge Lloyd MacMahon, United States District Judge for the Southern District of New York.[17]

Giuliani did not serve in the military during the Vietnam War. He received a student deferment while at Manhattan College and another while at NYU Law. Upon graduation from NYU Law in 1968, he was classified as 1-A, available for military service. He applied for a deferment but was rejected. In 1969, MacMahon wrote a letter to Giuliani's draft board, asking that he be reclassified as 2-A, civilian occupation deferment, because Giuliani, who was a law clerk for MacMahon, was an essential employee. The deferment was granted. In 1970, Giuliani received a high draft lottery number; he was not called up for service although by then he had been reclassified 1-A.[18][19]

In 1970, Giuliani joined the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York.[20]

In 1973, he was named Chief of the Narcotics Unit and was eventually appointed United States Attorney. In 1975, Giuliani switched his party registration from Democratic to Independent[15] as he was recruited to Washington, D.C. during the Ford administration, where he was named Associate Deputy Attorney General and chief of staff to Deputy Attorney General Harold "Ace" Tyler.[15] His first high-profile prosecution was of U.S. Representative Bertram L. Podell (NY-13), who was convicted of corruption. [citation needed]

From 1977 to 1981, during the Carter Administration, Giuliani practiced law at the Patterson, Belknap, Webb and Tyler law firm, as chief of staff to his previous DC boss, Ace Tyler. Tyler later became critical of Giuliani's turn as a prosecutor, calling his tactics "overkill".[15]

On December 8, 1980, one month after the election of Ronald Reagan brought Republicans back to power in Washington, he switched his party affiliation from Independent to Republican.[15] Giuliani later said the switches were because he found Democratic policies "naïve", and that "by the time I moved to Washington, the Republicans had come to make more sense to me."[5] Others suggested that the switches were made in order to get positions in the Justice Department.[15] Giuliani's mother maintained in 1988 that, "He only became a Republican after he began to get all these jobs from them. He's definitely not a conservative Republican. He thinks he is, but he isn't. He still feels very sorry for the poor."[15]

In 1981, Giuliani was named Associate Attorney General in the Reagan administration,[21] the third-highest position in the Department of Justice. As Associate Attorney General, Giuliani supervised the U.S. Attorney Offices' federal law enforcement agencies, the Department of Corrections, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the United States Marshals Service.

In a well-publicized 1982 case, Giuliani testified in defense of the federal government's "detention posture" regarding the internment of over 2,000 Haitian asylum seekers who had entered the country illegally. The U.S. government disputed the assertion that most of the detainees had fled their country due to political persecution, alleging instead that they were "economic migrants." In defense of the government's position, Giuliani stated at one point that political repression under President Jean-Claude Duvalier (the infamous "Baby Doc") no longer existed.[22] After meeting personally with Duvalier, Giuliani testified that "political repression, at least in general, does not exist" in Haiti under Duvalier's regime.[10]

In 1983, Giuliani was appointed U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York. It was in this position that he first gained national prominence by prosecuting numerous high-profile cases, resulting in the convictions of Wall Street figures Ivan Boesky and Michael Milken for insider trading. He also focused on prosecuting drug dealers, organized crime, and corruption in government.[23] He amassed a record of 4,152 convictions and 25 reversals. As a federal prosecutor, Giuliani was credited with bringing the "perp walk," parading of suspects in front of the previously alerted media, into common use as a prosecutorial tool.[24] After Giuliani "patented the perp walk", the tool was used by increasing numbers of prosecutors nationwide.[25]

Critics of Giuliani claim he arranged public arrests of people, then dropped charges for lack of evidence on high-profile cases rather than going to trial. In a few cases, his public arrests of alleged white-collar criminals at their workplaces, with charges later dropped or lessened, irreparably damaged their reputations.[26] He claimed that veteran stock trader Richard Wigton, of Kidder, Peabody & Co. was guilty of insider trading; in February 1987 he had officers handcuff Wigton and march him through the company's trading floor, with Wigton in tears. Giuliani had his agents arrest Tim Tabor, a young arbitrageur and former colleague of Wigton, so late that he had to stay overnight in jail before posting bond.[27][28][29] However, in three months, charges were dropped against both Wigton and Tabor; Giuliani said, "We're not going to go to trial. We're just the tip of the iceberg," but no further charges were forthcoming and the investigation did not end until Giuliani's successor was in place.[28] Giuliani's high-profile raid of the Princeton/Newport firm ended with the defendants having their cases overturned on appeal on the grounds that what they had been convicted of were not crimes.[30]

Mafia Commission trial

In the Mafia Commission Trial (February 25, 1985November 19, 1986), Giuliani indicted eleven organized crime figures, including the heads of New York's so-called "Five Families", under the RICO Act on charges including extortion, labor racketeering, and murder for hire. Time magazine called this "Case of Cases" possibly "the most significant assault on the infrastructure of organized crime since the high command of the Chicago Mafia was swept away in 1943", and quoted Giuliani's stated intention: "Our approach...is to wipe out the five families."[31] Eight defendants were found guilty on all counts and subsequently sentenced on January 13, 1987 to hundreds of years of prison time.

Boesky, Milken trials

Ivan Boesky was a Wall Street arbitrageur who had amassed a fortune of about US $200 million by betting on corporate takeovers. He was investigated by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission for making investments based on tips received from corporate insiders. These stock acquisitions were sometimes brazen, with massive purchases occurring only a few days before a corporation announced a takeover.

Although insider trading of this kind was illegal, laws prohibiting it were rarely enforced until Boesky was prosecuted. Boesky cooperated with the SEC and informed on several of his insiders, including junk bond trader Michael Milken:

"Boesky admitted to numerous offenses and then turned state's evidence, primarily against Milken. He received a 3 1/2 year prison sentence and $100 million fine after admitting to the charges and reached a plea bargain with Rudy Giuliani...[who would] draw criticism because Ivan was allowed to unload his holdings before his indictment was officially announced, realizing profits from it before being convicted. Others considered the sentence and fine as being too light. But Giuliani and company was [sic] after a much bigger fish, namely Milken."[32]

In 1989, Giuliani charged Milken under the RICO Act with 98 counts of racketeering and fraud. In a highly-publicized case, Milken was indicted by a federal grand jury, and after a plea bargain, pled guilty to six lesser securities and reporting violations. He paid a total of $900 million in fines and settlements relating primarily to civil lawsuits and was banned for life from the securities industry.

Mayoral campaigns, 1989, 1993, 1997

Giuliani was U.S. Attorney until January 1989, resigning as the Reagan administration ended. He garnered criticism until he left office for his handling of cases, and was accused of prosecuting cases to further his political ambitions.[10] He joined the law firm White & Case in New York City as a partner. He remained with White & Case until May 1990, when he joined the law firm Anderson Kill Olick & Oshinsky, also in New York City.[33]

1989 campaign and defeat

Giuliani first ran for New York City Mayor in 1989, attempting to unseat three-term incumbent Ed Koch. He won the September 1989 Republican Party primary election against business magnate Ronald Lauder, in a campaign marked by claims that Giuliani was not a true Republican and by an acrimonious debate.[34] In the Democratic primary, Koch was upset by Manhattan Borough President David Dinkins.

In the general election, Giuliani ran as the fusion candidate of both the Republican and Liberal Parties. The Conservative Party, which had often co-lined the Republican party candidate, withheld support from Giuliani and ran Lauder instead.[35] Conservative Party leaders were unhappy with Giuliani on ideological grounds. They cited the Liberal Party's endorsement statement that Giuliani "agreed with the Liberal Party's views on affirmative action, gay rights, gun control, school prayer and tuition tax credits."[36]

During two televised debates, Giuliani framed himself as an agent of change, saying that "I'm the reformer,"[37] that "If we keep going merrily along, this city's going down," and that electing Dinkins would represent "more of the same, more of the rotten politics that have been dragging us down."[34] Giuliani also accused Dinkins of not having paid his taxes for many years and of several other ethical missteps, in particular a stock transfer to his son.[37] Dinkins said the tax matter had been fully paid off, denied other wrongdoing, and said that "what we need is a mayor, not a prosecutor," and that Giuliani refused to say "the R-word - he doesn't like to admit he's a Republican."[37] Dinkins won the endorsements of three of the four daily New York newspapers, while Giuliani won approval from the New York Post.[38]

In the end, Giuliani lost to Dinkins by 47,080 votes out of 1,899,845 votes cast, in the closest election in city history.[13]

1993 campaign and election

In 1993, Giuliani again ran for mayor. Once again, Giuliani also ran on the Liberal Party line but not the Conservative Party line, which ran activist George Marlin.[39] The principal issues of the election of 1993 were crime and taxes. Giuliani also declared that expansion of the city's budget was going unchecked, and that incumbent David Dinkins was incompetent.

In addition, the city was suffering from a spike in unemployment associated with the nationwide recession, with local unemployment rates going from 6.7 percent in 1989 to 11.1 percent in 1992.[40] There was also a public perception that crime was increasing, although in fact the crime rate in most categories had decreased during the Dinkins administration; for example, the per capita murder rate had peaked and then begun to decline under Dinkins, and rapes decreased in each year of his term.[41]

Giuliani promised to focus the police department on shutting down petty crimes and nuisances as a way of restoring the quality of life: "It's the street tax paid to drunk and drug-ridden panhandlers. It's the squeegee men shaking down the motorist waiting at a light. It's the trash storms, the swirling mass of garbage left by peddlers and panhandlers, and open-air drug bazaars on unclean streets."[42]

Dinkins and Giuliani never debated during the campaign, because they were never able to agree on how to approach a debate.[34][39] Dinkins was endorsed by The New York Times and Newsday,[43] while Giuliani was endorsed by the New York Post and, in a key switch from 1989, the New York Daily News.[44]

In the end Giuliani won by a margin of 53,367 votes, with 49.25 percent of the electorate to the incumbent's 46.42 percent. He became the first Republican elected Mayor of New York City since John Lindsay in 1965.[45]

1997 campaign and re-election

Giuliani's opponent in 1997 was Democratic Manhattan Borough President Ruth Messinger, who had beaten Al Sharpton in the September 9, 1997 Democratic primary.[46] In the general election, Giuliani once again had the Liberal Party and not the Conservative Party listing. Giuliani ran an aggressive campaign, parlaying his image as a tough leader who had cleaned up the city. Giuliani's popularity was at its highest point to date, with a late October 1997 Quinnipiac University poll showing him as having a 68 percent approval rating; 70 percent of New Yorkers were satisfied with life in the city and 64 percent said things were better in the city compared to four years previously.[47]

Throughout the campaign he was well ahead in the polls and had a strong fund-raising advantage over Messinger. On her part, Messinger lost the support of several usually Democratic constituencies, including gay organizations and large labor unions.[48] All four daily New York newspapers—The New York Times, New York Daily News, New York Post, and Newsday—endorsed Giuliani over Messinger.[49]

In the end, Giuliani won 59 percent of the vote to Messinger's 41 percent, and became the first Republican to win a second term as mayor since Fiorello H. LaGuardia in 1941.[46] Voter turnout was the lowest in 12 years, with 38 percent of registered voters casting ballots.[50] The margin of victory included gains[51] in his share of the African American vote (20 percent compared to 5 percent in 1993) and the Hispanic vote (43 percent from 37 percent) while maintaining his base of white and Jewish voters from 1993.[51]

Mayoralty

Giuliani served as mayor of New York City from 1994 through 2001.

Law enforcement

In his first term as mayor, Giuliani, in conjunction with New York City Police Department Commissioner Bill Bratton, adopted an aggressive enforcement-deterrent strategy based on James Q. Wilson's "Broken Windows" approach. This involved crackdowns on relatively minor offenses such as graffiti, turnstile jumping, and aggressive "squeegeemen", on the theory that this would send a message that order would be maintained. Giuliani and Bratton also instituted CompStat, a comparative statistical approach to mapping crime geographically and in terms of emerging criminal patterns, as well as charting officer performance by quantifying criminal apprehensions. Critics of the system assert that it creates an environment in which police officials are encouraged to underreport or otherwise manipulate crime data.[52] The CompStat initiative won the 1996 Innovations in Government Award from the Kennedy School of Government.[53]

National, New York City, and other major city crime rates (1990–2002).
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National, New York City, and other major city crime rates (1990–2002).

During Giuliani's administration, crime rates dropped in New York City,[52] which Giuliani's presidential campaign website has credited to his leadership.[54] The extent to which his policies deserve the credit is disputed, however. A small nationwide drop in crime preceded Giuliani's election, and critics say that he may have been the beneficiary of a trend already in progress. Additional contributing factors to the overall decline in crime during the 1990s were federal funding of an additional 7,000 police officers and an overall improvement in the national economy. Changing demographics were a key factor contributing to crime rate reductions, which were similar across the country during this time.[55] Because the crime index is based on that of the FBI, which is self-reported by police departments, some have alleged that crimes were shifted into categories that the FBI doesn't collect.[56]

Giuliani's supporters cite studies concluding that New York's drop in crime rate in the '90s and '00s exceeds all national figures and therefore should be linked with a local dynamic that was not present as such anywhere else in the country: what University of California sociologist Frank Zimring calls "the most focused form of policing in history". In his book The Great American Crime Decline, Zimring claims that "up to half of New York’s crime drop in the 1990s, and virtually 100 percent of its continuing crime decline since 2000, has resulted from policing."[57][58]

Bratton was featured on the cover of Time in 1996.[59] Giuliani forced Bratton out of his position after two years, in what was generally seen as a battle of two large egos in which Giuliani was not tolerant of Bratton's celebrity.[60]

Giuliani's term also saw allegations of civil rights abuses and other police misconduct. There were police shootings of unarmed suspects,[61] and the scandals surrounding the sexual torture of Abner Louima and the killings of Amadou Diallo and Patrick Dorismond. Giuliani supported the New York Police Department, for example by releasing what he called Dorismond's "extensive criminal record" to the public, including a sealed juvenile file.[62]

City services

The Giuliani administration advocated the privatization of failing public schools and increasing school choice through a voucher-based system.[63]

Giuliani supported protection for illegal immigrants. He continued a policy of preventing city employees from contacting the Immigration and Naturalization Service about immigration violations, on the grounds that illegal aliens should be able to take actions such as sending their children to school or reporting crimes to the police without fear of deportation.[64]

During his mayoralty, gay and lesbian New Yorkers received domestic partnership rights. Giuliani induced the city's Democratic-controlled New York City Council, which had avoided the issue for years, to pass legislation providing broad protection for same-sex partners. In 1998, he codified local law by granting all city employees equal benefits for their domestic partners.[65]

Appointees as defendants

Several of Giuliani's appointees to head City agencies became defendants in criminal proceedings.

In 2000, Giuliani appointed 34-year-old Russell Harding, the son of Liberal Party of New York leader and longtime Giuliani mentor Raymond Harding, to head the New York City Housing Development Corporation, although Harding had neither a college degree nor relevant experience. In 2005, Harding pleaded guilty to defrauding the Housing Development Corporation and to possession of child pornography. He was sentenced to five years in prison.[66] In a related matter, Richard Roberts, appointed by Giuliani as Housing Commissioner and as chairman of the Health and Hospitals Corporation, pleaded guilty to perjury after lying to a grand jury about a car that Harding bought for him with City funds.[67]


Main article: Rudy Giuliani promotions of Bernard Kerik

Giuliani was a longtime backer of Bernard Kerik, who started out as a NYPD detective driving for Giuliani's campaign. Giuliani appointed him as the Commissioner of the Department of Correction and then as the Police Commissioner. After Giuliani left office, Kerik pleaded guilty to state corruption charges dating from his Corrections days.[68] Kerik is currently awaiting trial on related federal charges of conspiracy, tax fraud and obstruction of justice.[69] Giuliani has not been implicated in any of the Kerik scandals.

Run for United States Senate, 2000

Due to term limits, Giuliani could not run in 2001 for a third term as Mayor. In November 1998, long-serving Democratic New York Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan retired and Giuliani immediately indicated an interest in running in the 2000 election for the now-open seat. Due to his high profile and visibility Giuliani was supported by the state Republican Party, even though he had irritated many by endorsing incumbent Democrat Governor Mario Cuomo over Republican George Pataki in 1994.[70] Giuliani's entrance led Democratic Congressman Charles Rangel and others to recruit then-U.S. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton to run for Moynihan's seat, hoping she might combat his star power.

An early, January 1999 poll showed Giuliani trailing Clinton by 10 points.[71] In April 1999, Giuliani formed an exploratory committee in connection with the Senate run. By January 2000, Giuliani had reversed the polls situation, pulling 9 points ahead after taking advantage of several campaign stumbles by Clinton.[71] Nevertheless, the Giuliani campaign was showing some structural weaknesses; so closely identified with New York City, he had somewhat limited appeal to naturally Republican voters in Upstate New York.[72] The New York Police Department's fatal shooting of Patrick Dorismond in March 2000 inflamed Giuliani's already strained relations with the city's minority communities,[73] and Clinton seized on it as a major campaign issue.[73] By April 2000, reports showed Clinton gaining upstate and generally outworking Giuliani, who stated that his duties as mayor prevented him from campaigning more.[74] Clinton was now 8 to 10 points ahead of Giuliani in the polls.[73]

Then followed four tumultuous weeks, in which Giuliani's medical life, romantic life, marital life, and political life all collided at once in a most visible fashion. Giuliani discovered that he had prostate cancer and needed treatment; his extramarital relationship with Judith Nathan became public and the subject of a media frenzy; he announced a separation from his wife Donna Hanover; and, after much indecision, on May 19, 2000 he announced his withdrawal from the senate race.

September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks

Donald Rumsfeld and Rudy Giuliani at the site of the World Trade Center, on November 14, 2001.
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Donald Rumsfeld and Rudy Giuliani at the site of the World Trade Center, on November 14, 2001.

Response to attacks

Giuliani was prominent in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center. He made frequent appearances on radio and television on September 11 and afterwards—for example, to indicate that tunnels would be closed as a precautionary measure, and that there was no reason to believe that the dispersion of chemical or biological weaponry into the air was a factor in the attack. In his public statements, Giuliani said "Tomorrow New York is going to be here. And we're going to rebuild, and we're going to be stronger than we were before...I want the people of New York to be an example to the rest of the country, and the rest of the world, that terrorism can't stop us."[3]

The 9/11 attack occurred on the scheduled date of the mayoral primary to select the Democratic and Republican candidates to succeed Giuliani. The primary was immediately delayed two weeks to September 25. During this period, Giuliani sought an unprecedented three-month emergency extension of his term from January 1 to April 1 under the New York State Constitution (Article 3 Section 25),[75] but the State Assembly and Senate did not approve it. The request was backed by the threat of a run for a third mayoral term as a Conservative Party candidate, requiring a legal challenge to the law imposing term limits on elected New York City officials.[76][77]

Giuliani claimed to have been at the Ground Zero site "as often, if not more, than most workers.... I was there working with them. I was exposed to exactly the same things they were exposed to. So in that sense, I'm one of them." Some 9/11 workers have objected to those claims.[78][79][80] While his appointment logs were unavailable for the six days immediately following the attacks, after that Giuliani spent a total of 29 hours over three months at the site. This contrasted with recovery workers at the site who spent this much time at the site in two to three days.[81]

When Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal suggested that the attacks were an indication that the United States "should re-examine its policies in the Middle East and adopt a more balanced stand toward the Palestinian cause", Giuliani asserted, "There is no moral equivalent for this act. There is no justification for it... And one of the reasons I think this happened is because people were engaged in moral equivalency in not understanding the difference between liberal democracies like the United States, like Israel, and terrorist states and those who condone terrorism. So I think not only are those statements wrong, they're part of the problem." Giuliani subsequently rejected the prince's $10 million donation to disaster relief in the aftermath of the attack.[82]

Preparedness

Giuliani has been widely criticized for his decision to locate the Office of Emergency Management headquarters on the 23rd floor inside the 7 World Trade Center building. Those opposing the decision perceived the office as a target for a terrorist attack in light of the previous terrorist attack against the World Trade Center in 1993.[83][84][85] The office was unable to coordinate efforts between police and firefighters properly while evacuating its headquarters.[86] Large tanks of diesel fuel were placed in 7 World Trade to power the command center, and this fuel was later deemed responsible for the intense fire that caused that building to collapse hours after the Twin Towers.[87] In May 2007, Giuliani put responsibility for selecting the location on Jerome M. Hauer, who had served under Giuliani from 1996 to 2000 before being appointed by him as New York City’s first Director of Emergency Management. Hauer has taken exception to that account in interviews and provided Fox News and New York Magazine with a memo demonstrating that he recommended a location in Brooklyn but was overruled by Giuliani. Television journalist Chris Wallace interviewed Giuliani on May 13, 2007, about his 1997 decision to locate the command center at the World Trade Center. Giuliani laughed during Wallace's questions and said that Hauer recommended the World Trade Center site and claimed that Hauer said that the WTC site was the best location. Wallace presented Giuliani a photocopy of Hauer directive letter. The letter urged Giuliani to locate the command center in Brooklyn, instead of lower Manhattan.[88][89][90][91][92] The February 1996 memo read, "The [Brooklyn] building is secure and not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan."[93]

In January 2008, an eight-page memo was revealed which detailed the New York City Police Department's opposition in 1998 to location of the city's emergency command center at the Trade Center site. The Giuliani administration overrode these concerns.[94]

The 9/11 Commission noted in its report that lack of preparedness could have led to the deaths of first responders at the scene of the attacks. The Commission noted that the radios in use by the fire department were the same radios which had been criticized for their ineffectiveness following the 1993 World Trade Center bombings. Family members of 9/11 victims have said that these radios were a complaint of emergency services responders for years.[95][96] The radios were not working when Fire Department chiefs ordered the 343 firefighters inside the towers to evacuate, and they remained in the towers as the towers collapsed.[97][98] However, when Giuliani testified before the 9/11 Commission he said that the firefighters ignored the evacuation order out of an effort to save lives.[99][100] Giuliani testified to the Commission, where some family members of responders who had died in the attacks appeared to protest his statements.[101] A 1994 mayoral office study of the radios indicated that they were faulty. Replacement radios were purchased in a $33 million no-bid contract with Motorola, and implemented in early 2001. However, the radios were recalled in March 2001 after a Probationary Firefighter's calls for help at a house fire could not be picked up by others at the scene, leaving firemen with the old analog radios from 1993.[102][103] A book later published by Commission members Thomas Kean and Lee Hamilton, Without Precedent: The Inside Story of the 9/11 Commission, argued that the Commission had not pursued a tough enough line of questioning with Giuliani.[104]

An October 2001 study by the National Institute of Environmental Safety and Health said that cleanup workers lacked adequate protective gear.[105][106]

Public reaction

In the wake of the attacks, Giuliani was hailed by many for his leadership during the crisis. When polled just six weeks after the attack Giuliani received a 79