Russian Revolutions (March and November 1917). The two revolutions of 1917 took Russia out of WW I. They led to the creation of the world's first communist state and, in December 1922, to the formation of the USSR, which lasted until December 1991. Historically, the revolutions were called ‘February’ and ‘October’, because until February 1918 the Russians still used the old Julian calendar, which, by the 20th century, was thirteen days behind the modern calendar. Thus, the main events of the first revolution took place from 23 to 27 February, Old Style, or 8 to 11 March. The armed insurrection in Petrograd (formerly St Petersburg), the beginning of the ‘Great October Socialist Revolution’, began on 24 October, Old Style, or 6 November.
Both revolutions were metropolitan, carried out with little reference either to the armies at the front or to the countryside. The first revolution brought about a brief period of parliamentary democracy under the provisional government led by lawyer Alexander Kerensky, which remained committed to the war effort. But that led quickly to a second—a well-organized coup by a disciplined minority, the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin whom the Germans helped return to Russia in April 1917, in a successful bid to knock Russia out of the war.
In November 1916 military chiefs of the Entente—France, Britain, Russia, and Italy—met at Chantilly and in the third week of January 1917, Entente politicians met in Petrograd. Both meetings declared that 1917 would be the year of victory over the Central Powers. The Entente now enjoyed a 60 per cent superiority over the Central Powers on all fronts—including the Russian front. But by the beginning of 1917, most of the imperial Russian army, which was still holding down half the Central Powers' forces, showed little interest in fighting, although reports of its disintegration were premature. The initial cause of the Revolution was the collapse of the Russian monarchy, weakened by the influence of Rasputin. On 8 March Petrograd workers demonstrated against the tsarist regime, the war, and food shortages. Fights with the police and army followed but many soldiers sided with the revolutionaries who took control of the capital. On 12 March the ‘Soviet’ (council) of Soldiers and Workers' Deputies created during the 1905 revolution was re-established and on the 15th the tsar abdicated. A provisional government was set up in the Tauride palace, which it shared with what was effectively a rival government, the Petrograd Soviet. The reaction of Russian troops at the front varied: some wept openly, others demanded the imperial monogram be removed from their colours before they would take an oath to the new government. They all expected the war to continue and fighting continued on the Caucasian front where the Russians had been performing well against the Turks. By mistake, an order from the Petrograd Soviet establishing its authority over the Petrograd garrison was sent to the whole army, with the result that officers had to consult local soldiers' soviets before giving orders. The Duma (parliament) and the Soviet also sent ‘commissars’ to the front to explain what was going on, but they were often Bolsheviks who took the opportunity to undermine military authority and criticize the provisional government. Liberal measures, including abolition of the death penalty, intended to calm the situation, had the opposite effect.
Had the Germans attacked at this time, the Russians would probably have fought back. Instead, the Germans realized they might be able to bring about the collapse of the Russian army more cheaply. Russian attempts to make contact with the Germans to spread revolutionary propaganda to their fellow workers provided a conduit for German government propaganda to get back to the Russian soldiers. The Germans also allowed Lenin to return from exile in Switzerland in April in the famous ‘sealed train’.
Much of the workforce was now on strike, which hampered resupply of the armies at the front. In April, 130 factories were closed in the capital. Britain stopped supplying war materials until the situation was resolved. In May Alexander Guchkov, the war minister, resigned and was replaced by Kerensky. Notwithstanding the turmoil, the government remained committed to continuing the war, and so did many Bolsheviks, including, at this stage, Stalin. But the provisional government felt increasing resentment at pressure from the western Allies to mount an offensive. On 21 March the Russian C-in-C, Gen Mikhail Alekseyev, received a telegram from Nivelle, his French opposite number, asking him to launch an offensive ‘around the beginning or middle of April’, which, under the circumstances, provoked astonishment (see Nivelle offensive). Alekseyev said he could not, and the Allies, attacking on the western front and encountering fierce opposition, started to threaten sanctions, which Russia could not afford. Kerensky, the new war minister, made a speech-making tour of the front, to whip up new enthusiasm. But the number of desertions was rising: between March and May it was 34, 000 a month, five times the average during the war before that. The Russians began preparations for a new offensive, launched on 30 June. The observation posts were crammed with journalists, political commissars, and soldiers' delegates as the Kerensky offensive—the old Russian army's last—began. The Germans were using new tactics of defence in depth developed in the west, and the Russian offensive ground to a halt with appalling casualties.
On 13 July Brusilov, who had replaced Alekseyev, was in turn replaced as C-in-C by Lavr Kornilov. After failing to restore discipline, Kornilov turned his forces round to try to overthrow the provisional government from 7 to 13 September. In late August reports of a Bolshevik coup against the provisional government gave Kornilov an excuse to march on Petrograd. Sympathetic officers were spread out along the front and the route back, and Kerensky soon heard of Kornilov's planned coup. Kerensky, who was now PM, denounced him as a counter-revolutionary, dismissed him, and took the post himself—thus becoming a virtual dictator.
But the provisional government was now in crisis. Some Bolsheviks had made an abortive attempt at revolt in July. Now Lenin, who had then fled for his life, was determined that a well-organized coup would bring him to power. On 23 October a secret meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee adopted a resolution calling for an armed revolt, and on 25th a Revolutionary staff was set up. Trotsky did most of the detailed planning; Lenin did not return to Petrograd from Finland until 29th. In Petrograd, the Bolsheviks could count on 20, 000 ‘Red Guards’ (krasnogvardeytsy) —card-carrying, armed members, up to 150, 000 soldiers, and 80, 000 sailors of the Baltic fleet.
At 21.40 on 7 November a blank shot fired from the Baltic Fleet cruiser Aurora signalled the start of the assault on the Winter Palace, the seat of the provisional government. At 02.10 on 8 November the Bolsheviks seized control. The provisional government was arrested. The next night the gathered representatives of the soviets passed decrees on peace and land, and set up the Soviet of People's Commissars, headed by Lenin. On 15 November the new Soviet government moved to the old Russian capital, Moscow. On 21 November, a radio message ordered all Russian army units to begin armistice negotiations with the Germans and Austrians. The Revolution had taken Russia out of the Great War, but three years of foreign intervention and civil war had already begun.
— Christopher Bellamy
