Samuel Phillips Huntington
For more information on Samuel Phillips Huntington, visit Britannica.com.
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For more information on Samuel Phillips Huntington, visit Britannica.com.
Bibliography
See A. E. Waugh, Samuel Huntington and His Family (1968).
American Revolutionary leader. He was president of the Continental Congress (1779–1781 and 1783), a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and governor of Connecticut (1786–1796).
The noun has one meaning:
Meaning #1:
American revolutionary leader who signed the Declaration of Independence and was president of the Continental Congress (1731-1796)
Synonym: Huntington
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| Samuel Phillips Huntington | |
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![]() Doctor Samuel Phillips Huntington on August 17, 1985 |
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| Born | April 18 1927 |
| Occupation | Academic |
Samuel Phillips Huntington (born April 18, 1927) is a
controversial US political scientist known for his analysis of the relationship
between the military and the civil government, his investigation of coups d'etat, his
thesis (inspired by Polish scientist Feliks Koneczny) that the central political actors
of the 21st century will be
In Political Order in Changing Societies Huntington argues that order is the most important characteristic of states. Order is threatened when the level of mobilization exceeds the level of institutionalization within a society. Huntington is concerned that, as a result of economic development, political mobilization will increase faster than the appropriate institutions can arise, thus leading to instability. As a solution he advocates a stronger emphasis on institution building in development, most importantly the establishment of stable party systems. He remains highly skeptical of less institutionalized political mobilization and protest, which made him the target of heated criticism by student activists at the time of the book's publication in 1968. Political Order is widely considered one of the classic works in post-war political science and is still required reading for most graduate students in political science in the U.S. During 1977 and 1978 he worked at the White House as coordinator of security planning for the National Security Council.
In the 1970s, Huntington applied his theoretical insights as an adviser to several governments, democracies as well as dictatorships. In 1972 he discussed with representatives of the Medici government in Brazil that had approached him and one year later he produced a paper entitled "Approaches to Political Decompression", in which he warned against the risks of a rapid liberalization and proposed gradual steps and a strong party state after the image of the Mexican PRI. After a drawn-out transition process, Brazil became fully democratic in 1985. Huntington has frequently cited Brazil as a success and alluded to his own role in his 1988 presidential address to the American Political Science Association, commenting that political science had "played a modest role in this process". Critics such as the British political scientist Alan Hooper point to the fact that Brazil today has an especially unstable party system, in which the best institutionalized party, Lula da Silva's Partido dos Trabalhadores, emerged in opposition to the controlled transition process. Moreover, Hooper claims that the lack of civil participation in today's Brazil goes back to the top-down transition process.
Huntington also coined the phrase 'Davos man' to refer to the type of people who began to meet in Davos, Switzerland, who were/are generally white, male, western, rich global elites.[1]
In 1993, Huntington ignited a major debate amongst international relations theorists with the publication in Foreign Affairs of an extremely influential and often-cited article entitled "The Clash of Civilizations?" The article contrasted with another political thesis regarding the core dynamics of post-Cold War geopolitics expressed by Francis Fukuyama in The End of History. Huntington later expanded the article into a full-length book, published in 1996 by Simon and Schuster, entitled The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. The article and the book articulated his views that post-Cold War conflict would occur most frequently and violently along cultural as opposed to ideological lines. He argued that, whilst in the cold war conflict was most likely to occur between the Western free world and the Communist Bloc, it was now most likely between the world's major civilizations, of which he identified eight with a possible ninth: Western, Latin American, Islamic, Sinic, Hindu, Orthodox, Buddhist and Japanese, and the possible ninth, African. Huntington believes that this cultural organization better describes the world than the classical notion of variegated sovereign states. He surmised that to understand conflict in our age and in the future, cultural rifts must be understood, and culture (instead of the state) must be accepted as the locus of war. Thus, he warned that Western nations may lose their predominance if they fail to recognize the irreconcilable nature of this brewing tension.
Critics (see Le Monde Diplomatique articles) call Clash of Civilizations the theoretical basis to legitimize aggression by the US-led West against China and the world of Islam. However, Huntington has also argued that this shift in geopolitical structure requires the West to strengthen itself internally, abandoning democratic universalism and incessant interventionism. Other critics have argued that his taxonomy is simplistic and arbitrary, and does not take account of internal dynamics and tensions within civilizations. The influence of Huntington's ideas on US policy has been likened to that of British historian A.J. Toynbee's controversial religious theories of the early 20th century on Asian leaders.
The latest book by Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity was released in May 2004. The subject is the meaning of American national identity and the possible threat posed to it by large-scale Latino immigration, which Huntington warns could "divide the United States into two peoples, two cultures, and two languages."
In 1986, Huntington was nominated for membership in the National Academy of Sciences. Nominations are voted on by the entire academy, but most votes, which are by scientists who are mainly unfamiliar with the nominee, are token votes. This status quo was disturbed when Serge Lang, a Yale University mathematician, began challenging Huntington's nomination. Lang campaigned for others to deny Huntington membership and was eventually successful, with Huntington being nominated and rejected twice.
Huntington's prominence as a Harvard professor and (at the time) director of Harvard's Center for International Studies contributed to the coverage by publications such as The New York Times and The New Republic.
Lang was largely inspired by the writings of Neal Koblitz, another mathematician, who accused Huntington of misusing mathematics and engaging in pseudo-science. Lang's accusations included claims that Huntington had distorted the historical record and used pseudo-mathematics to make his conclusions appear more convincing. Lang's side of the controversy is covered in his book Challenges.
Huntington's supporters included Herbert Simon, a 1978 Bank of Sweden Nobel Laureate in Economics. The Mathematical Intelligencer offered Simon and Koblitz an opportunity to engage in a written debate, which they accepted.
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