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Saul Alinsky

 
Who2 Profiles:

Saul Alinsky, Activist

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  • Born: 30 January 1909
  • Birthplace: Chicago, Illinois
  • Died: 12 June 1972
  • Best Known As: The father of community organizing

Tough, pragmatic and a lover of humanity, Saul Alinsky pioneered a method of helping poor and working-class people organize themselves to improve their communities. Combining urban social theories he had learned at the University of Chicago with street smarts he had earned growing up in that city's Jewish ghetto, Alinsky first worked in prisons and as a juvenile delinquency researcher. Then, starting in crime-ridden Chicago neighborhoods in the late 1930s, he helped unions, churches and other social groups unite and win everything from jobs to streetlights and garbage collection. He would immerse himself in the neighborhood, listen to ordinary people's troubles and needs, assess where power lay, and empower previously divided groups to seek common goals by standing up to government and corporate machines. With financial backing from department-store heir Marshall Field III, he established the Industrial Areas Foundation, which helped him extend his work to several U.S. cities. He had little patience for militants, Communists or dreamy liberals, saying he was a community organizer because he believed in American democracy and because "I can't stand to see people pushed around."

Alinsky was married three times: to Helene Simon (who collapsed and died after rescuing their daughter from drowning in Lake Michigan), to Jean Graham, and to Irene McGinnis. He had two children, Kathryn and David, both adopted during his first marriage.

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Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:

Saul David Alinsky

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Saul David Alinsky (1909-1972) was a leading organizer of neighborhood citizen reform groups in the United States between 1936 and 1972. He also provided philosophical direction for this type of organizing movement.

Saul David Alinsky was born in Chicago, January 30, 1909, the child of Russian-Jewish immigrant parents, Benjamin and Sarah (Tannenbaum). Saul's parents were divorced when he was 13 years old, and he went to live with his father who had moved to Los Angeles. He later returned to Chicago to study at the University of Chicago from which he earned a doctorate in archeology in 1930. Upon graduation he won a fellowship from the university's sociology department which enabled him to study criminology. In 1931 he went to work as a sociologist for the Illinois Division of Juvenile Research while also serving at the Institute for Criminal Research and the Illinois Prison Board. At this time he married Helene Simon, with whom he had two children, a son and a daughter. His wife died in a drowning accident in 1947.

In 1936 Alinsky left his positions with the state agencies to cofound the Back-of-the-Yards Neighborhood Council. This was his first effort to build a neighborhood citizen reform group, a form of activity which would earn Alinsky a reputation as a radical reformer.

Back-of-the-Yards was a largely Irish-Catholic community on Chicago's southwest side near the famous Union Stockyards, which had been deteriorating for many years. Alinsky organized his neighborhood council among local residents willing to unite to protest their community's decline and to pressure city hall for assistance. The council had great success in stabilizing the Back-of-the-Yards neighborhood and restoring the morale of local residents.

With this success behind him, Alinsky in 1939 (with funds from the Marshall Field Foundation) established the Industrial Areas Foundation with himself as executive director to bring his method of reform to other declining urban neighborhoods. His approach depended on uniting ordinary citizens around immediate grievances in their neighborhoods and stirring them to protest vigorously and even disruptively. In Alinsky's first book, Reveille for Radicals (1946), he explained how neighborhood residents could be effectively organized as activists for reform.

For many years Alinsky's neighborhood reform work disappeared from public attention, and he became best known instead for his 1949 biography of the famous labor leader John L. Lewis. Alinsky admired Lewis because he had proved especially adept at organization building and using mass pressure to win reforms for his followers. When a wave of reform swept the American nation in the 1960s Alinsky again commanded public attention. A critic of many of the decade's young radicals who spoke the language of violence, Alinsky instead called on reformers to be more practical and to use the self-interest of ordinary citizens as the primary force for increased political participation. "A guy has to be a political idiot," he told radicals, "to say all power comes out of the barrel of a gun when the other side has the guns." For Alinsky, power came from stable local organizations and political participation by aroused citizens fighting for their rights.

President Lyndon B. Johnson's "war on poverty" offered Alinsky a grand opportunity to put his ideas about neighborhood reform into practice. In the mid-1960s he founded a neighborhood (TWO), which the journalist Charles Silberman called "the most significant social experiment going on among blacks in America today." Soon thereafter Alinsky moved to Rochester, New York, where his Industrial Areas Foundation organized local African American residents to pressure the city's largest employer, the Eastman Kodak Company, to hire more African Americans and also give them a role in picking the company's employees. Simultaneously he participated in a federally-funded leadership training institute at Syracuse University which had been created as part of the "war on poverty."

But Alinsky's technique of rubbing a community's sores raw alienated some leaders, and in 1967 Alinsky found himself without a contract. He promptly labeled President Johnson's policies "a huge political pork barrel." At the same time he found it increasingly difficult to work with local African American groups which were then being swept up in the concept of "Black power" and who found it irksome to function under white leadership. Thus at the end of the 1960s Alinsky turned to training white middle-class citizens to organize and protest against the deterioration of their marginal urban and suburban neighborhoods. Always on the move, he organized white worker councils in Chicago, steelworkers in Pittsburgh, Indians in Canada, and Chicanos in the Southwest, where he influenced Cesar Chavez, who was later to found the first successful labor organization among California farm workers.

In 1971 Alinsky published his third book, Rules for Radicals: A Political Primer for Practical Radicals, in which he distilled his basic ideas concerning neighborhood reform. A year later, on June 12, 1972, he died of a heart attack near his home in Carmel, California, leaving his third wife Irene (his second marriage in 1947 to the former Ruth Graham had ended in divorce in 1970).

Further Reading

Two brief sketches of Alinsky can be found in Who's Who in America 1970 and the obituary notice in the New York Times June 13, 1972. For Alinsky's ideas about protest and reform one might consult Marion K. Saunders, The Professional Radical: Conversations with Saul Alinsky (1956). For a study of one of his neighborhood groups in action in Chicago see Robert Bailey, Jr., Radicals in Urban Politics, the Alinsky Approach (1972).

Additional Sources

Finks, P. David, The radical vision of Saul Alinsky, New York: Paulist Press, 1984.

Horwitt, Sanford D., Let them call me rebel: Saul Alinsky, his life and legacy, New York: Vintage Books, 1992.

Quotes By:

Saul Alinsky

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Quotes:

"The greatest enemy of individual freedom is the individual himself."

"Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have."

"Quotes from Mao, Castro, and Che Guevara... are as germane to our highly technological, computerized society as a stagecoach on a jet runway at Kennedy airport."

"Change means movement. Movement means friction. Only in the frictionless vacuum of a nonexistent abstract world can movement or change occur without that abrasive friction of conflict."

"Life is a corrupting process from the time a child learns to play his mother off against his father in the politics of when to go to bed; he who fears corruption fears life."

Wikipedia on Answers.com:

Saul Alinsky

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Saul Alinsky
 

 
Born Saul David Alinsky
January 30, 1909(1909-01-30)
Chicago, Illinois
Died June 12, 1972(1972-06-12) (aged 63)
Carmel, California
Cause of death heart attack
Nationality American
Education University of Chicago, Ph.B. 1930
U. of Chicago Graduate School, criminology, 1930–1932
Occupation Community organizer, Writer
Known for writing on politics
Notable work(s) Rules for Radicals
Influenced Ed Chambers, Tom Gaudette, Ernesto Cortes, Cesar Chavez, Michael Gecan, Wade Rathke, Patrick Crowley
Religion Jewish
Spouse Helene Simon of Philadelphia, m. 9 June 1932 – her death
Jean Graham, 15 May 1959 – div 1970
Irene Alinsky, May 1971
Children Katherine and David (by Helene)
Parents Benjamin Alinsky (tailor and landlord)
Sarah Tannenbaum
Relatives two half brothers and a half sister from his father's earlier marriage
a younger brother died in childhood
Awards Pacem in Terris Award, 1969
Notes

Saul David Alinsky (January 30, 1909 – June 12, 1972) was an American community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing, and is often noted for his book Rules for Radicals.

In the course of nearly four decades of political organizing, Alinsky received much criticism, but also gained praise from many public figures. His organizing skills were focused on improving the living conditions of poor communities across North America. In the 1950s, he began turning his attention to improving conditions of the African-American ghettos, beginning with Chicago's and later traveling to other ghettos in California, Michigan, New York City, and a dozen other "trouble spots".

His ideas were later adapted by some U.S. college students and other young organizers in the late 1960s and formed part of their strategies for organizing on campus and beyond.[5] Time magazine once wrote that "American democracy is being altered by Alinsky's ideas," and conservative author William F. Buckley said he was "very close to being an organizational genius."[4]

Contents

Early life and family

Alinsky was born in Chicago, Illinois in 1909 to Russian Jewish immigrant parents, the only surviving son of Benjamin Alinsky's marriage to his second wife, Sarah Tannenbaum Alinsky.[6] Alinsky stated during an interview that his parents never became involved in the "new socialist movement." He added that they were "strict orthodox, their whole life revolved around work and synagogue ... I remember as a kid being told how important it was to study."[4]

Because of his strict Jewish upbringing, he was asked whether he ever encountered antisemitism while growing up in Chicago. He replied, "it was so pervasive you didn't really even think about it; you just accepted it as a fact of life." He considered himself to be a devout Jew until the age of 12, after which time he began to fear that his parents would force him to become a rabbi. "I went through some pretty rapid withdrawal symptoms and kicked the habit ... But I'll tell you one thing about religious identity," he added. "Whenever anyone asks me my religion, I always say—and always will say—Jewish."[4]

Education

He worked his way through the University of Chicago, where he majored in archaeology, a subject that fascinated him.[4] His plans to become a professional archaeologist were changed due to the ongoing economic Depression. He later stated, "Archaeologists were in about as much demand as horses and buggies. All the guys who funded the field trips were being scraped off Wall Street sidewalks."[4]

Early jobs

After attending two years of graduate school he dropped out to accept work for the state of Illinois as a criminologist. On a part-time basis, he also began working as an organizer with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (C.I.O.). After a few years, by 1939, he became less active in the labor movement and became more active in general community organizing, starting with the slums of Chicago. His early efforts to "turn scattered, voiceless discontent into a united protest aroused the admiration of Illinois governor Adlai Stevenson, who said Alinsky's aims 'most faithfully reflect our ideals of brotherhood, tolerance, charity and dignity of the individual.'"[4]

As a result of his efforts and success at helping slum communities, he spent the next 10 years repeating his organization work across the nation, "from Kansas City and Detroit to the barrios of Southern California." By 1950 he turned his attention to the African American ghettos of Chicago, where his actions would later earn him the hatred of Mayor Richard J. Daley, although Daley would later say that "Alinsky loves Chicago the same as I do."[4] He traveled to California at the request of the San Francisco Bay Area Presbyterian Churches to help organize the black ghetto in Oakland. Hearing of his plans, "the panic-stricken Oakland City Council promptly introduced a resolution banning him from the city."[4]

Community organizing and politics

In the 1930s, Alinsky organized the Back of the Yards neighborhood in Chicago (made infamous by Upton Sinclair's novel The Jungle for the horrific working conditions in the Union Stock Yards). He went on to found the Industrial Areas Foundation while organizing the Woodlawn neighborhood, which trained organizers and assisted in the founding of community organizations around the country. In Rules for Radicals (his final work, published in 1971 one year before his death), he addressed the 1960s generation of radicals, outlining his views on organizing for mass power. In the opening paragraph of the book Alinsky writes, "What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be. The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. Rules for Radicals is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away."[7] Alinsky did not join political parties. When asked during an interview whether he ever considered becoming a Communist party member, he replied:

Not at any time. I've never joined any organization—not even the ones I've organized myself. I prize my own independence too much. And philosophically, I could never accept any rigid dogma or ideology, whether it's Christianity or Marxism. One of the most important things in life is what Judge Learned Hand described as 'that ever-gnawing inner doubt as to whether you're right.' If you don't have that, if you think you've got an inside track to absolute truth, you become doctrinaire, humorless and intellectually constipated. The greatest crimes in history have been perpetrated by such religious and political and racial fanatics, from the persecutions of the Inquisition on down to Communist purges and Nazi genocide.[4]

Nor did he have much respect for mainstream political leaders who tried to interfere with growing black–white unity during the difficult years of the Great Depression. In Alinsky's view, new voices and new values were being heard in the U.S., and "people began citing John Donne's 'No man is an island.'" He observed that the hardship affecting all classes of the population was causing them to start "banding together to improve their lives," and discovering how much in common they really had with their fellow man.[4] Alinsky once explained that his reasons for organizing in black communities included:

Negroes were being lynched regularly in the South as the first stirrings of black opposition began to be felt, and many of the white civil rights organizers and labor agitators who had started to work with them were tarred and feathered, castrated—or killed. Most Southern politicians were members of the Ku Klux Klan and had no compunction about boasting of it.[4]

Alinsky's tactics were often unorthodox. In Rules for Radicals Alinsky wrote, "[t]he job of the organizer is to maneuver and bait the establishment so that it will publicly attack him as a 'dangerous enemy.'" According to Alinsky, "the hysterical instant reaction of the establishment [will] not only validate [the organizer's] credentials of competency but also ensure automatic popular invitation."[8] After organizing FIGHT (an acronym for Freedom, Independence [subsequently Integration], God, Honor, Today) in Rochester, New York,[9] Alinsky once threatened to stage a "fart in" to disrupt the sensibilities of the city's establishment at a Rochester Philharmonic concert. FIGHT members were to consume large quantities of baked beans after which, according to author Nicholas von Hoffman, "FIGHT's increasingly gaseous music-loving members would hie themselves to the concert hall where they would sit expelling gaseous vapors with such noisy velocity as to compete with the woodwinds."[10] Satisfied with the reaction to his threat, Alinsky would later threaten a "piss in" at Chicago O'Hare Airport. Alinsky planned to arrange for large numbers of well dressed African Americans to occupy the urinals and toilets at O'Hare for as long as it took to bring the city to the bargaining table. According to Alinsky, once again the threat alone was sufficient to produce results.[10] Conceding that his tactics were "absurd," the community activist rejected the contention that they were frivolous, arguing "[w]hat oppressed person doesn't want, literally or figuratively, to shit on his oppressors? [At the Rochester Philharmonic] was the closest chance they'd have. Such tactics aren't just cute; they can be useful in driving your opponent up the wall. Very often the most ridiculous tactic can prove the most effective."

Alinsky described his plans in 1972 to begin to organize the white middle class across America, and the necessity of that project. He believed that what President Richard Nixon and Vice-President Spiro Agnew called "The Silent Majority" was living in frustration and despair, worried about their future, and ripe for a turn to radical social change, to become politically-active citizens. He feared the middle class could be driven to a right-wing viewpoint, "making them ripe for the plucking by some guy on horseback promising a return to the vanished verities of yesterday." His stated motive: "I love this goddamn country, and we're going to take it back."[4]

Alinsky's own words, from his 1946 "Reveille for Radicals",[11] capture his perspective, his motivation, and his style of engagement:

  • A People's Organization is a conflict group, [and] this must be openly and fully recognized. Its sole reason in coming into being is to wage war against all evils which cause suffering and unhappiness. A People’s Organization is the banding together of large numbers of men and women to fight for those rights which insure a decent way of life. . . .
  • A People's Organization is dedicated to an eternal war. It is a war against poverty, misery, delinquency, disease, injustice, hopelessness, despair, and unhappiness. They are basically the same issues for which nations have gone to war in almost every generation. . . . War is not an intellectual debate, and in the war against social evils there are no rules of fair play. . . .
  • A People's Organization lives in a world of hard reality. It lives in the midst of smashing forces, dashing struggles, sweeping cross-currents, ripping passions, conflict, confusion, seeming chaos, the hot and the cold, the squalor and the drama, which people prosaically refer to as life and students describe as 'society'.

Legacy

The documentary The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy,[12] states that "Alinsky championed new ways to organize the poor and powerless that created a backyard revolution in cities across America." Alinsky formed the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) in 1940, and Edward T. Chambers became its Executive Director after Alinsky died. Since the IAF's formation, hundreds of professional community and labor organizers and thousands of community and labor leaders have attended its workshops. Fred Ross, who worked for Alinsky, was the principal mentor for Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. Other organizations following in the tradition of the Congregation-based Community Organizing pioneered by IAF include PICO National Network, Gamaliel Foundation, and Direct Action and Research Training Center (DART).[13][14] Hillary Clinton's senior honors thesis on Saul Alinsky, written at Wellesley College, noted that Alinsky's personal efforts were a large part of his method.[15]

Several prominent American leaders have been influenced by Alinsky's teachings,[14] including Ed Chambers,[12] Tom Gaudette, Ernesto Cortes, Michael Gecan, Wade Rathke,[16] and Patrick Crowley.[17] Alinsky is often credited with laying the foundation for the grassroots political organizing that dominated the 1960s.[12] Jack Newfield writing in New York magazine included Alinsky among "the purest Avatars of the populist movement," along with Ralph Nader, Cesar Chavez, and Jesse Jackson.[18] He has been compared to Thomas Paine as being "one of the great American leaders of the nonsocialist left."[4]

Biographer Sanford Horwitt has claimed that U.S. President Barack Obama was influenced by Alinsky and followed in his footsteps as a Chicago-based community organizer. Horwitt furthermore has asserted that Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign was influenced by Alinsky's teachings.[19]

Adam Brandon, a spokesman for the conservative non-profit organization FreedomWorks, which is one of several groups involved in organizing Tea Party protests, says the group gives Alinsky's Rules for Radicals to its top leadership members. A shortened guide called Rules for Patriots is distributed to its entire network. In a January 2012 story that appeared in The Wall Street Journal, citing the organization's tactic of sending activists to town-hall meetings, Brandon explained, "his tactics when it comes to grass-roots organizing are incredibly effective." Former Republican House Majority Leader Dick Armey also gives copies of Alinsky's book Rules for Radicals to Tea Party leaders.[20]

In 1969, he was awarded the Pacem in Terris Peace and Freedom Award.

Alinsky died of a sudden, massive heart attack in 1972, on a street corner in Carmel, California, at the age of 63. Two months previously, he discussed life after death in his interview with Playboy:[4]

ALINSKY: ... if there is an afterlife, and I have anything to say about it, I will unreservedly choose to go to hell.
PLAYBOY: Why?
ALINSKY: Hell would be heaven for me. All my life I've been with the have-nots. Over here, if you're a have-not, you're short of dough. If you're a have-not in hell, you're short of virtue. Once I get into hell, I'll start organizing the have-nots over there.
PLAYBOY: Why them?
ALINSKY: They're my kind of people.

Published works

Biographies and works on Alinsky

References

  1. ^ "Saul David Alinsky" (fee, via Fairfax County Public Library). Dictionary of American Biography. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1994. Gale Document Number: /nowiki>BT2310018941. http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/bic1/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?displayGroupName=Reference&disableHighlighting=false&prodId=BIC2&action=e&windowstate=normal&catId=&documentId=GALE%7CBT2310018941&mode=view&userGroupName=fairfax_main&jsid=54c6a81d3412d08cbf13446347868042. Retrieved 2011-09-07.  Gale Biography In Context.
  2. ^ "Saul David Alinsky Collection". Hartford, Connecticut: The Watkinson Library, Trinity College. http://library.trincoll.edu/research/watk/manuscripts/alinsky.htm. Retrieved 2011-09-07. 
  3. ^ Brooks, David (March 4, 2010). "The Wal-Mart Hippies". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/05/opinion/05brooks.html. Retrieved 2010-09-08. "Dick Armey, one of the spokesmen for the Tea Party movement, recently praised the methods of Saul Alinsky, the leading tactician of the New Left." 
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o "Playboy Interview", Playboy Magazine, 1972, http://www.forestcouncil.org/tims_picks/view.php?id=1075, retrieved 2011-09-07  (reprinted in Native Forest Council)
  5. ^ (Fee) Alinsky, Saul David (2nd ed.). Catholic University of America via Gale. 2003. http://www.encyclopedia.com/article-1G2-3407700363/alinsky-saul-david.html.  15 vols.
  6. ^ Horwitt, Sanford D. (1989). Let them call me rebel: Saul Alinsky, his life and legacy. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 3–9. ISBN 0-394-57243-2. 
  7. ^ Alinsky, Saul. Rules for Radicals. 
  8. ^ Philip Klein (25 January 2012), "A Saul Alinsky Republican?" Washington Examiner
  9. ^ Hill, Laura Warren. "Rochester Black Freedom Struggle Online Project: Oral Histories". University of Rochester Libraries. http://www.lib.rochester.edu/index.cfm?page=4489. 
  10. ^ a b Nicholas von Hoffman, Radical: A Portrait of Saul Alinsky Nation Books, 2010 p. 83-4
  11. ^ Alinsky (1946). Reveille for Radicals. pp. 133–135. 
  12. ^ a b c "The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy". Itvs.org. July 14, 1939. http://archive.itvs.org/democraticpromise. Retrieved February 26, 2009. 
  13. ^ A Trailblazing Organizer's Organizer by Dick Meister
  14. ^ a b Slevin, Peter (March 25, 2007). "For Clinton and Obama, a Common Ideological Touchstone". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/24/AR2007032401152.html. 
  15. ^ Siegel, Robert; Horwitt, Sanford (May 21, 2007). "NPR Democrats and the Legacy of Activist Saul Alinsky". All Things Considered. Npr.org. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10305695. Retrieved 2011-00-08. "Robert Siegel talks to author Sanford Horwitt, who wrote a biography of Saul Alinsky called Let Them Call Me 'Rebel'. The book traces Alinsky's early activism in Chicago's meatpacking neighborhood.
    Two leading Democratic candidates for president—Sens. Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama—can trace their political character to teachings handed down indirectly from Alinsky, a community organizer from Chicago, who died in 1972."     
  16. ^ Flora, Cornelia Butler; Flora, Jan L.; Fey, Susan. Rural Communities. Westview Press. p. 335. http://books.google.com/books?id=U-vXATPRi38C&pg=PA335&lpg=PA335&dq=Wade+Rathke+and+Alinsky&source=web&ots=kY4parFD0R&sig=wNrvMwXA_UmM7clakvsomqwaRIE&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=9&ct=result. Retrieved 2009-02-26. 
  17. ^ Jerzyk, Matt (February 21, 2009). "Rhode Island's Future". Rifuture.org. http://www.rifuture.org. Retrieved February 26, 2009. 
  18. ^ Jack, Newfield (July 19, 1971). New York Magazine. 
  19. ^ Cohen, Alex; Horwitt, Sanford (January 30, 2009). "Saul Alinsky, The Man Who Inspired Obama". Day to Day. NPR. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=100057050. Retrieved April 17, 2011. "about his book Let Them Call Me Rebel: Saul Alinsky His Life and Legacy" 
  20. ^ Williamson, Elizabeth (January 23, 2012). "Two Ways to Play the 'Alinsky' Card". The Wall Street Journal. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204624204577177272926154002.html. Retrieved January 26, 2011. 

External links

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Saul Alinsky

John Howard Griffin and John F. Kennedy (1964) • Martin Luther King, Jr. (1965) • R. Sargent Shriver (1966) • A. Philip Randolph (1967) • James Groppi (1968) • Saul Alinsky (1969) • Dorothy Day (1971) • Harold Hughes (1974) • Hélder Câmara (1975) • Mother Teresa (1976) • Thomas Gumbleton (1979) • Crystal Lee Sutton and Ernest Leo Unterkoefler (1980) • George F. Kennan (1982) • Helen Caldicott (1983) • Joseph Bernardin (1985) • Maurice John Dingman (1986) • Desmond Tutu (1987) • Eileen Egan (1989) • Mairead Maguire (1990) • María Julia Hernández (1991) • César Chávez (1992) • Daniel Berrigan (1993) • Jim Wallis (1995) • Samuel Ruiz (1996) • Odebrecht Foundation and Philip Hannan (1996) • Jim and Shelley Douglass (1997) • George G. Higgins (2000) Lech Wałęsa (2001) • Gwen Hennessey and Dorothy Hennessey (2002) • Arthur Simon (2004) • Donald Mosley (2005) • Salim Ghazal (2007) • Marvin Mottet (2008) Hildegard Goss-Mayr (2009) • John Dear (2010) • Álvaro Leonel Ramazzini Imeri (2011)

This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors (see full disclaimer)

 
 

 

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Who2 Profiles. Copyright © 1998-2012 by Who2, LLC. All rights reserved. See the Saul Alinsky biography from Who2.  Read more
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