| Thutmose III |
| Tuthmosis III, "Manahpi(r)ya" in the
Amarna letters |
Preceded by:
Hatshepsut |
Pharaoh of Egypt
18th Dynasty |
Succeeded by:
Amenhotep II |
|
|
| Reign |
1479 BC to 1425
BC |
| Praenomen |
Menkheperre
Lasting is the Manifestation of Re[1] |
| Nomen |
Thutmose Neferkheperu
Thoth is born, beautiful of forms |
Horus
name |
Kanakht Khaemwaset
Mighty Bull, Arising in Thebes |
Nebty
name |
Wahnesytmireempet
Enduring in kingship like Re in heaven |
Golden
Horus |
Sekhempahtydsejerkhaw
Powerful of strength, holy of diadems |
| Consort(s) |
Satiah[2], Hatshepsut-Meryetre,
Nebtu, Menwi, Merti, Menhet |
| Issue |
Amenemhat, Amenhotep II,
Beketamun, Iset, Menkheperre,
Meryetamun, Meryetamun, Nebetiunet,
Nefertiry, Siamun[2] |
| Father |
Thutmose II |
| Mother |
Iset |
| Died |
1425 BC |
| Burial |
KV34 |
Major
Monuments |
Cleopatra's Needles |
Thutmose III (sometimes read as Thutmosis or Tuthmosis III and meaning Thoth is Born) was the sixth Pharaoh of the Eighteenth Dynasty. During the first 22 years of Thutmose's reign he was co-regent with his
stepmother, Hatshepsut. While she is shown first on surviving monuments, both were assigned
the usual royal names and insignia and neither is given any obvious seniority over the other.[3] After her death and his subsequent gain of power over his kingdom, he created the
largest empire Egypt had ever seen; no less than seventeen campaigns were conducted, and he conquered from Niy in north Syria to the fourth cataract of the Nile in Nubia. After his years of campaigning were over, he established himself as a great builder pharaoh as well.
Thutmose III was responsible for building over fifty temples in Egypt and building massive additions to Egypt's chief temple at
Karnak. New levels of artistic skills were reached during his reign, as well as unique architectural developments never seen before and never again after his reign. When he died he was buried in
the Valley of the Kings like the rest of the kings from this period in Egypt, and was succeeded by his son Amenhotep II, with whom he had a short 2 year coregency. Thutmose III officially ruled Egypt for almost 54
years, and his reign is usually dated from April 24, 1479 to March 11, 1425 BCE; however,
the first 22 years of his reign was dominated by the presence of Hatshepsut--his step-mother
and the senior king of Egypt.
Family
Thutmose III was the son of Pharaoh Thutmose II and Iset (sometimes transliterated Isis), a secondary wife of Thutmose II.[4] Because he was his father's only son, he took the throne when Thutmose II died;
however, because he was not the son of his father's Queen, Hatshepsut, his "degree" of
royalty, so to speak, was less than ideal.[5] To bolster
his image, he may have married a daughter of Thutmose II and Hatshepsut.[6] It has been suggested that the daughter in question may have been
Neferure or Merytre-Hatshepsut II, but in the case
of the former there is no solid evidence they actually married,[7] and in the case of Merytre-Hatshepsut it is doubtful if she was actually Hatshepsut's
daughter.[7]
Regardless of this, when Thutmose II died Thutmose III was too young to rule, so Hatshepsut became his regent and soon coregent, declaring herself to be the
Pharaoh.[6] For approximately 22
years, Thutmose III had little power over the empire while Hatshepsut assumed the formal titulary of kingship, complete with a
royal prenomen — Maatkare. After the death of Hatshepsut, Thutmose III ruled Egypt on his own for 32 years until his death in his
54th regnal year.[8]
Besides the possible marriage to Neferure, Thutmose III had two known wives. Sat-jah bore
his firstborn, Amenemhet, but the child preceded his father in death.[7] His successor, Amenhotep II, was born to
Merytre-Hatshepsut II, whom most modern scholars think was not the daughter of
Hatshepsut.[7]
Dates and Length of Reign
Thutmose III reigned from 1479 BC to 1425 BC according to
the Low Chronology of Ancient Egypt. This has been
the conventional Egyptian chronology in academic circles since the
1960s,[9] though in some circles the older dates
1504 BC to 1450 BC is preferred from the High Chronology.[10] These dates, like all the dates of the 18th Dynasty, are open to dispute because of
uncertainty about the circumstances surrounding the recording of a Heliacal Rise of
Sothis in the reign of Amenhotep I.[11] A papyrus from Amenhotep I's reign records this astronomical observation
which could theoretically be used to perfectly correlate the Egyptian chronology with the modern calendar, however to do this the
latitude where the observation was taken must also be known. This document has no note of the place of observation, but it can
safely be assumed that it was taken in either a delta city like Memphis or Heliopolis, or in Thebes. These two latitudes give
dates twenty years apart, the High and Low chronologies, respectively.
The length of Thutmose III's reign is known to the day thanks to information found in the tomb of the court official
Amenemheb.[12] Amenemheb records Thutmose III's death to
his master's 54th regnal year,[13] on the thirtieth day of
the third month of Peret.[14] The day of Thutmose III's accession is known to be I Shemu day 4, and astronomical observations can
be used to establish the exact dates of the beginning and end of the king's reign (assuming the low chronology) from
April 24 1479 BC to March
11 1425 BC respectively.[15]
Thutmose's military campaigns
Widely considered a military genius by historians, he was an active expansionist ruler, sometimes called Egypt's greatest
conqueror or "the Napoleon of Egypt."[16] He is recorded to have captured 350 cities during his rule and conquered much
of the Near East from the Euphrates to Nubia during seventeen known military campaigns. He was the first Pharaoh to cross the Euphrates, doing so during
his campaign against Mitanni. His campaign records were transcribed onto the walls of the temple
of Amun at Karnak, and are now transcribed into Urkunden IV. He is consistently regarded as one of the greatest of Egypt's warrior pharaohs,
who transformed Egypt into an international superpower by creating an empire that stretched from
southern Syria through to Canaan and Nubia.[17]
Thutmose III appears to have first led two military excursions while he was reigning under Hatshepsut; these are not
considered part of his seventeen campaigns, and predate his first campaign. One appears to have been to Syria and the other
apparently to Nubia. These would have been late in Hatshepsut's reign, when Thutmose was apparently growing restless.[10]
Much is known about Thutmosis "the warrior", not only because of his military achievements, but also because of his royal
scribe and army commander, Thanuny, who wrote about his conquests and reign. The prime reason why Thutmosis was able to conquer
such a large number of lands, is because of the revolution and improvement in army weapons. His army had also carried boats on
dry land.
Annals of Tuthmoses III at Karnak depicting him standing before the offerings made to him after his foreign campaigns.
First Campaign
When Hatshepsut died on the tenth day of the sixth month of Thutmose III's twenty second year--according to information from a
single stela from Armant--the king of Kadesh moved his army
to Megiddo.[18] Thutmose III mustered his own army and
departed Egypt, passing through the border fortress of Tjaru (Sile) on the twenty-fifth day of the
eighth month.[19] Thutmose
marched his troops through the coastal plain as far as Jamnia, then inland to Yehem, a small city near Megiddo, which he reached
in the middle of the ninth month of the same year.[19] The ensuing Battle of
Megiddo was probably the largest battle in any of Thutmose's seventeen campaigns.[20] A ridge of mountains jutting inland from Mount Carmel stood between Thutmose and Megiddo, and he had three potential routes to take.[20] The northern route and the southern
route, both of which went around the mountain, were judged by his council of war to be the safest, but Thutmose, in an act of
great bravery (or so he claims, but such self praise is normal in Egyptian texts), accused the council of cowardice and took a
dangerous route[21] through a
mountain pass which he alleged was only wide enough for the army to pass "horse after horse and man after man."[19]
Despite the laudatory nature of Thutmose's annals, such a pass does indeed exist (although it is not quite as narrow as
Thutmose indicates)[22]) and taking it was a brilliant
strategic move, since when his army emerged from the pass they were situated on the plain of Esdraelon directly between the rear
of the Canaanite forces and Megiddo itself.[20] For some reason, the Canaanite forces did not attack him as his army emerged,[21] and his army routed them
decisively.[20] The size of the two
forces is difficult to determine, but if, as Redford suggests, the amount of time it took to move the army through the pass can
be used to determine the size of the Egyptian force, and if the number of sheep and goats captured can be used to determine the
size of the Canaanite force, then both armies were around 10,000 men.[23] According to Thutmose III's Hall of Annals in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, the battle occurred on
"Year 23, I Shemu [day] 21, the exact day of the feast of the new moon"[24] – a lunar date. This date corresponds to May 9, 1457 BC based on Thutmose III's accession in 1479 BC. After victory in battle, however, his troops stopped to
plunder the enemy and the enemy was able to escape into Megiddo.[25]. Thutmose was forced to besiege the city instead, but he finally succeeded in conquering
it after a siege of seven or eight months (see Siege of
Megiddo).[25]
This campaign drastically changed the political situation in the ancient Near East. By taking Megiddo, Thutmose gained control
of all of northern Canaan, and the Syrian princes were obligated to send tribute and their own
sons as hostages to Egypt.[26]
Beyond the Euphrates, the Assyrian, Babylonian, and
Hittite kings all gave Thutmose gifts, which he alleged to be "tribute" when he recorded it on
the walls of Karnak.[27] The only noticeable absence is
Mitanni, which would bear the brunt of the following Egyptian campaigns into Asia.
Tours of Canaan and Syria
Thutmose's second, third, and fourth campaigns appear to have been nothing more than tours of Syria and Canaan to collect tribute.[28]
Traditionally, the material directly after the text of the first campaign has been considered to be the second campaign.[29] This text records tribute from the
area which the Egyptians called Retenu (roughly equivalent to Canaan), and it was also at this
time that Assyria paid a second "tribute" to Thutmose III.[30] However, it is probable that these texts come from Thutmose's 40th year or later, and thus have
nothing to do with the second campaign at all. If so, then no records of this campaign have been found at all so far.[29] This survey is dated to Thutmose's
25th year.[31] No record remains of Thutmose's fourth
campaign whatsoever,[32] but at some point in time a fort
was built in lower Lebanon and timber was cut for construction of a processional barque, and this probably fits best during this
timeframe.[33]
Conquest of Syria
The fifth, sixth, and seventh campaigns of Thutmose III were directed against the Phoenician cities in Syria and against Kadesh
on the Euphrates. In Thutmose's 29th year, he began his fifth campaign wherein he first took
an unknown city (the name falls in a lacuna) which had been garrisoned by
Tunip.[34] He then moved
inland and took the city and territory around Ardata;[35] unlike previous plundering raids, however, Thutmose III subsequently garrisoned the
area known as Djahy, which is probably a reference to southern Syria.[36] this subsequently permitted him to ship supplies and troops between Syria and
Egypt.[35] Although there is
no direct evidence for it, it is for this reason that some have supposed that Thutmose's sixth campaign, in his 30th year,
commenced with a naval transportation of troops directly into to Byblos, bypassing Canaan entirely.[35] After the troops arrived in
Syria by whatever means, they proceeded into the Jordan river valley and moved north from there, pillaging Kadesh's
lands.[37] Turning west
again, Thutmose took Simyra and quelled a rebellion in Ardata, which had apparently rebelled once again.[38] To stop such rebellions, Thutmose began
taking hostages from the cities in Syria. The cities in Syria were not guided by the popular sentiment of the people as much as
they were by the small number of nobles who were aligned to Mitanni: a king and a small number of foreign Maryannu.[37] Thutmose III found that by
taking family members of these key people to Egypt as hostages, he could drastically increase their loyalty to him.[37] However, Syria did rebel yet
again in Thutmose's 31st year, and he returned to Syria for his seventh campaign, took the port city of Ullaza[37] and the smaller Phoenician
ports,[38] and took even more measures
to prevent further rebellions.[37] All the excess grain which was produced in Syria was stored in the harbors he had
recently conquered, and was used for the support of the military and civilian Egyptian presence ruling Syria.[37] This furthermore left the cities
in Syria desperately impoverished, and with their economies in ruins, they had no means of funding a rebellion.[39]
Attack on Mitanni
After Thutmose III had taken control of the Syrian cities, the obvious target for his eighth campaign was the state of
Mitanni, a Hurrian country with an Indo-Aryan ruling class. However, to reach Mitanni, he had to cross the Euphrates river. Therefore, Thutmose
III enacted the following strategy. He sailed directly to Byblos[40] and then made boats which he took with him over land on what appeared to otherwise be
just another tour of Syria,[38] and he
proceeded with the usual raiding and pillaging as he moved north through the lands he had already taken.[41] However, here he continued north
through the territory belonging to the still unconquered cities of Aleppo and Carchemish, and then quickly crossed the Euphrates
in his boats, taking the Mitannian king entirely by surprise.[41] It appears that Mitanni was not expecting an invasion, so they had no army of any kind
ready to defend against Thutmose, although their ships on the Euphrates did try to defend against the Egyptian crossing.[40] Thutmose III then went freely
from city to city and pillaged them while the nobles hid in caves (or at least this is the typically ignoble way Egyptian records
chose to record it).[41]
During this period of no opposition, Thutmose put up a second stele commemorating his crossing of the Euphrates, next to the one
his grandfather Thutmose I had put up several decades earlier.[41] Eventually a militia was raised to fight the invaders, but it fared very
poorly.[41] Thutmose III then
returned to Syria by way of Niy, where he records that he engaged in an elephant hunt.[42] He then collected tribute from foreign powers and returned to Egypt in
victory.[40]
Tours of Syria
Thutmose III returned to Syria for his ninth campaign in his 34th year, but this appears to have been just a raid of the area
called Nukhashshe, a region populated by semi-nomadic people.[43] The plunder recorded is minimal, so it was probably just a
minor raid.[44] Records from
his tenth campaign indicate much more fighting, however. By Thutmose's 35th year, the king of Mitanni had raised a large army and
engaged the Egyptians around Aleppo.[45] As usual for any Egyptian king, Thutmose claimed a total crushing
victory, but this statement is suspect. Specifically, it is doubted that Thutmose accomplished any great victory here due to the
very small amount of plunder taken.[45] Specifically, Thutmose's annals at Karnak indicate he took a total of only ten
prisoners of war.[46] He may
have simply fought the Mitannians to a stalemate,[45] yet he did receive tribute from the Hittites after that campaign, which seems to
indicate the outcome of the battle was in Thutmose's favor.[42]
The next two campaigns are lost.[42]
His eleventh is presumed to have happened in his 36th regnal year, and his twelfth is presumed to have happened in his 37th,
since his thirteenth is mentioned at Karnak as happening in his 38th regnal year.[47] Part of the tribute list for his twelfth campaign remains
immediately before his thirteenth begins, and the contents recorded (specifically wild game and certain minerals of uncertain
identification) might indicate that it took place on the steppe around Nukhashashe, but this remains mere speculation.[48]
In his thirteenth campaign Thutmose returned to Nukhashashe for a very minor campaign.[47] The next year, his 39th year, he mounted his fourteenth
campaign against the Shasu. The location of this campaign is impossible to determine definitely, since the Shasu were nomads who
could have lived anywhere from Lebanon to the Transjordan to Edom.[49] After this point, the numbers given by Thutmose's scribes to his campaigns all fall in
lacunae, so campaigns can only be counted by date. In his fortieth year, tribute was collected from foreign powers, but it is
unknown if this was actually considered a campaign (i.e. if the king went with it or if it was lead by an official).[50] Only the tribute list remains
from Thutmose's next campaign in the annals,[51] and nothing can be deduced about it, except that it was probably another raid to the
frontiers around Niy.[52] His
final Asian campaign is better documented, however. Sometime before Thutmose's 42nd year, Mitanni apparently began spreading
revolt among all the major cities in Syria.[52] Thutmose moved his troops by land up the coastal road and put down rebellions in the
Arka plain and moved on Tunip.[52] After taking Tunip, his attention turned to Kadesh again. He engaged and destroyed
three surrounding Mitannian garrisons and returned to Egypt in victory.[53] However, his victory in this final campaign was neither complete
nor permanent, since he did not take Kadesh,[53] and Tunip could not have remained aligned to him for very long, certainly not beyond
his own death.[54]
Nubian Campaign
Thutmose took one last campaign in his 50th regnal year, very late in his life. He attacked Nubia, but only went as far as the
fourth cataract of the Nile. Although no king of Egypt had ever penetrated as far as he did with an army, previous kings'
campaigns had spread Egyptian culture that far already, and the earliest Egyptian document found at Gebel Barkal in fact comes
from three years before Thutmose's campaign.[55]
Monumental Construction
Thutmose III was a great builder pharaoh and constructed over fifty temples, although some of these are now lost and only
mentioned in written records.[10]
He also commissioned the building of many tombs for nobles, which were made with greater craftsmanship than ever before. His
reign was also a period of great stylistic changes in the sculpture, paintings, and reliefs associated with his construction.
Artistic developments
Thutmose's architects and artisans showed great continuity with the formal style of previous kings, but several developments
set him apart from his predecessors. Although he followed the traditional relief styles for most of his reign, but after his 42nd
year, he began having himself depicted wearing the red crown of Lower Egypt and a šndyt-kilt, an unprecedented style.[7] Architecturally, his use of pillars was
also unprecedented. He built Egypt's only known set of heraldic pillars, two large columns standing alone instead of being part
of a set supporting the roof.[56]
His jubilee hall was also revolutionary, and is arguably the earliest known building created in the basilica style.[56] Thutmose's artisans achieved new heights of skill in painting, and tombs from his reign
were the earliest to be entirely painted, instead of painted reliefs.[7] Finally, although not directly pertaining to his monuments, it appears that Thutmose's
artisans finally had learned how to use the skill of glass making, developed in the early 18th dynasty, to create drinking
vessels by the core-formed method.[57]
Thutmose's
tekhen waty, today standing in Rome. The move from Egypt to Rome was initiated by
Constantine the Great (Roman Emperor, 324-337) in 326, though he died before it could be shipped out of
Alexandria. His son, the Emperor
Constantius II completed the transfer in 357. An account
of the shipment was written by contemporary historian
Ammianus Marcellinus.
Karnak
Thutmose dedicated far more attention to Karnak than any other site. In the Iput-isut, the temple proper in the center, he
rebuilt the hypostyle hall of his grandfather Thutmose I, dismantled the red chapel of
Hatshepsut and built Pylon VI and a shrine for the bark of Amun in its place, and built an antechamber in front of it, the
ceiling of which was supported by his heraldic pillars.[56] He built a temenos wall around the central chapel containing smaller chapels,
along with workshops and storerooms.[56] East of the main sanctuary, he built a jubilee hall in which to celebrate his Sed
Festival. The main hall was built in basilica style, with rows of pillars supporting the ceiling on each side of the
aisle.[56] The central two rows
were higher than the others to create windows where the ceiling was split.[56] Two of the smaller rooms in this temple contained the reliefs of the
survey of the plants and animals of Canaan which he took in his third campaign.[58]
East of the Iput-Isut, he erected another temple to Aten where he was depicted as being supported by Amun.[59] It was inside this temple that Thutmose
planned on erecting his tekhen waty, or "unique obelisk."[59] The tekhen waty was designed to stand alone, instead as part of a pair, and is the
tallest obelisk ever successfully cut. It was not, however, erected until Thutmose IV raised it[59] thirty five years later.[60] It was later moved to Rome and is known as the Lateran Obelisk.
Another Christian Roman Emperor Theodosius I re-erected another obelisk from the Temple
of Karnak in the Hippodrome of Constantinople, in 390 CE. Thus, two
obelisks of Tuthmosis III's Karnak temple stand in Papal Rome and in Caesaropapist
Constantinople, the two main historical capitals of the Roman Empire.
Thutmose also undertook building projects to the south of the main temple, between the sancutary of Amun and the temple of
Mut.[59] Immediately to the south of
the main temple, he built the seventh pylon on the north-south road which entered the temple between the fourth and fifth
pylons.[59] It was built for use during
his jubilee, and was covered with scenes of defeated enemies.[59] He set royal colossi on both sides of the pylon, and put two more obelisks on the south
face in front of the gateway.[59] The
eastern one's base remains in place, but the western one was transported to hippodrome in Constantinople.[59] further south alone the road, he put up
pylon VIII which Hatshepsut had begun.[56] East of the road, he dug a sacred lake of 250 by 400 feet, and then placed another
alabaster bark shrine near it.[56]
Obelisk of Thutmosis III, at the base showing showing
Theodosius the Great (Roman Emperor,
379-395). The obelisk is located in the
Hippodrome of Constantinople. In
390, Theodosius had the obelisk cut into three pieces and brought to Constantinople. Only the top section survives, and it stands
today where he placed it, on a marble pedestal.
Statuary
Like earlier pharaohs, Thutmose III placed statues inside his temples to show his strength and to portray him as a devout
pharaoh who worshipped the gods. Stylistically, many of his statues share many of the same features of his immediate predecessor,
Hatshepsut, and the only statues with solid attributions to either pharaoh are those that were inscribed with the individual
pharaoh's name. Statuary of both rulers often share the same almond-shaped eyes, arching browline, moderately aquiline nose and a
gently curved mouth with a slight smile.[61] Systematic
studies of the inscribed statues of these two pharaohs have been developed that provide a set of stylistic, iconographic,
contextual and technical criteria necessary to identify uninscribed statues of these pharaohs with some degree of
certainty.[62]
There are many examples of statues depicting Thutmose III kneeling down in an "offering" position, typically offering milk,
wine, or some other food substance to a god. While examples of this style can be found with some of the earlier pharaohs of the
New Kingdom, it is thought that the emphasis on this style marks a change in the increasingly public aspects of the Egyptian
religion.[63] These positions include the form called
"offering to an altar" and show the pharaoh both in the kneeling and standing positions. Thutmose is shown in other statues
offering geese and, possibly, oil.[64] The faces of the
statues are idealized to portray both a traditional view of kings and the contemporary idea of beauty; this was apparent in
statues of Hatshepsut, but is more obvious in statues of Thutmose III and his immediate descendants Amenhotep II,
Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III. Another important
development that relates to this form of statuary is that at least one instance of this type represents the first known royal
statuette that was cast in bronze.[65]
Tomb
Tomb image of Thutmosis III being suckled by the goddess
Isis in the form of a tree.
Thutmose's tomb, discovered by Victor Loret in 1898, was in the Valley of the Kings.It uses a plan which is typical of 18th dynasty tombs, with a sharp turn at the
vestibule preceding the burial chamber. Two stairways and two corridors provide access to the vestibule which is preceded by a
quadrangular shaft, or "well". The vestibule is decorated with the full story of the Book of
Amduat, the first tomb to do so in its entirety. The burial chamber, which is supported by two pillars, is oval shaped and
its ceiling decorated with stars, symbolizing the cave of the god Sokar. In the middle lies a
large red quartzite sarcophagus in the shape of a cartouche. On the two pillars in the middle of the chamber there are passages
from the Litanies of Re, a text that celebrates the sun god, who is identified with the pharaoh. On the other piller is a unique
image depicting Thutmosis III being suckled by the goddess Isis in the guise of the tree.
Thutmose III's tomb in the Valley of the Kings (KV34) is the first one in which Egyptologists found the complete Amduat, an
important New Kingdom funerary text. The wall decorations
are done in a simple, "diagrammatic" way, imitating the manner of the cursive script one might expect to see on a funerary
papyrus than the more typically lavish wall decorations seen on most other royal tomb walls. The colouring is similarly muted,
executed in simple black figures and text on a cream background with highlights in red and pink. The decorations depict the
pharaoh aiding the gods in defeating Apep, the serpent of chaos, thereby helping to ensure the
sun's daily rebirth as well as the pharaoh's own resurrection.[66]
Defacing of Hatshepsut's Monuments
Scene from a chapel in Karnak depicting the gods
Horus and
Thoth
flanking the central figure Hatshepsut which has been chiselled out. Similarly, her
nomen title has been erased from the cartouche above the figure's head.
Until recently, a general theory has been that after the death of her husband Thutmose
II, Hatshepsut 'usurped' the throne from Thutmose III. Although Thutmose III was a
co-regent during this time, early historians have speculated that Thutmose III never forgave his step-mother for denying him
access to the throne for the first two decades of his reign.[67] However, this theory has in recent times been reviewed as questions arise why Hatshepsut would have
allowed a resentful heir to control armies, which it is known he did. This view is further supported by the fact that no strong
evidence has been found to show Thutmose III was actively seeking to reclaim his throne. Added to this is the fact that the
monuments of Hatshepsut were not damaged until at least twenty years after her death in the reign of Thutmose III and possibly
Amenhotep II.
After her death, many of Hatshepsut's monuments and depictions were subsequently defaced or destroyed, including those in her
famous mortuary temple complex at Deir el-Bahri.
These have traditionally been interpreted to be evidence of acts of damnatio memoriae
(condemning a person by erasing him or her from recorded existence) by Thutmose III. However, recent research by scholars such as
that of Charles Nims and Peter Dorman have re-examined
these erasures and found that the acts which could be dated started sometime during year 46 or 47 of Thutmose's reign (c. 1433/2
BC).[68] Another often overlooked fact is that it was not
only Hatshepsut who received this treatment, as the monuments of her chief steward Senenmut, who
was closely associated with her rule, were similarly defaced where they were found.[69] All of this evidence casts serious doubt upon the popular theory that Thutmose
III ordered their destruction in a fit of vengeful rage shortly after his accession. These days the purposeful destruction of the
memory of Hatshepsut is seen as a measure designed to ensure the smooth succession of his son (the future Amenhotep II), as
opposed to any of surviving relatives of Hatshepsut who may have had an equal or better claim to the throne. It may also be
likely that this measure could not have been taken earlier until the passing of powerful officials who had served under both
Hatshepsut and Thutmose III had occurred.[70]
It is possible that the Thera eruption happened at this time. Viewed as divine
wrath, Hatshepsut's unorthodox reign was blamed.
Death and burial
According to the American Egyptologist Peter Der Manuelian, a statement in the tomb
biography of an official named Amenemheb establishes that Thutmose III died on Year 54, III Peret day 30 of his reign after
ruling Egypt for 53 years, 10 months, and 26 days.(Urk. 180.15) Thutmose III, hence, died just one month and four days shy
of the start of his 55th regnal year.[71]
Mummy
Mummified head of Thutmose III
Thutmose III's mummy was discovered in the Deir el-Bahri Cache above the Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut in 1881. He was interred
along with those of other 18th and 19th dynasty leaders Ahmose I, Amenhotep I, Thutmose I, Thutmose
II, Ramesses I, Seti I, Ramesses II, and Ramesses IX, as well as the 21st dynasty pharaohs
Pinedjem I, Pinedjem II, and Siamun.
While it is popularly thought that his mummy was originally unwrapped by Gaston
Maspero in 1886, it was in fact first unwrapped by Émile Brugsch, the Egyptologist
who supervised the evacuation of the mummies from the Deir el-Bahri Cache five years previously in 1881, soon after its arrival
in the Boulak Museum. This was done while Maspero was away in France, and the Director
General of the Egyptian Antiquities Service ordered the mummy re-wrapped. So when it was "officially" unwrapped by Maspero in
1886, he almost certainly knew it was in relatively poor condition.[72]
It had been extensively damaged in antiquity by tomb robbers, and its wrappings subsequently cut into and torn by the Rassul
family who had originally rediscovered the tomb and its contents only a few years before.[73] Maspero's description of the body provides an idea as to the magnitude of the
damage done to the body:
- His mummy was not securely hidden away, for towards the close of the 20th dynasty it was torn out of the coffin by
robbers, who stripped it and rifled it of the jewels with which it was covered, injuring it in their haste to carry away the
spoil. It was subsequently re-interred, and has remained undisturbed until the present day; but before re-burial some renovation
of the wrappings was necessary, and as portions of the body had become loose, the restorers, in order to give the mummy the
necessary firmness, compressed it between four oar-shaped slips of wood, painted white, and placed, three inside the wrappings
and one outside, under the bands which confined the winding-sheet.[74]
Of the face, which was undamaged, Maspero's says the following:
- Happily the face, which had been plastered over with pitch at the time of embalming, did not suffer at all from this rough
treatment, and appeared intact when the protecting mask was removed. Its appearance does not answer to our ideal of the
conqueror. His statues, though not representing him as a type of manly beauty, yet give him refined, intelligent features, but a
comparison with the mummy shows that the artists have idealised their model. The forehead is abnormally low, the eyes deeply
sunk, the jaw heavy, the lips thick, and the cheek-bones extremely prominent; the whole recalling the physiognomy of Thûtmosis
II., though with a greater show of energy.[74]
Maspero was so disheartened at the state of the mummy, and the prospect that all of the other mummies were similarly damaged
(as it turned out, few were in as poor a state), that he would not unwrap another for several years.[75]
Unlike many other examples from the Deir el-Bahri Cache, the wooden mummiform coffin that contained the body was original to
the pharaoh, though any gilding or decoration it might have had had been hacked off in antiquity.
In his examination of the mummy, the anatomist G. Elliot Smith stated the height
of Thutmose III's mummy to be 1.615m (5ft. 3.58in.).[76]
This has led people to believe that Thutmose was a short man, but Smith measured the height of a body whose feet were absent, so
he was undoubtedly taller than the figure given by Smith.[77] The mummy of Thutmose III now resides in the Royal Mummies Hall of the Cairo Museum, catalog number
61068.
See also
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