The post-World War II Communist policies and practices associated with Marshal Tito, especially a Communist nation's assertion of its interests in opposition to the Soviet Union.
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The post-World War II Communist policies and practices associated with Marshal Tito, especially a Communist nation's assertion of its interests in opposition to the Soviet Union.
A variant of communism practised by Josip Broz Tito (1892-1980), who led an indigenous partisan army to military victory over the German occupiers in Yugoslavia. This victory gave his party, unlike other governing Communist Parties in Eastern Europe after 1945, a degree of independence that allowed it to introduce a distinctive brand of socialism—Titoism—after the break with Moscow in 1948-9. Titoist socialism abolished central planning and created a form of market economy based on workers' self-management in industry and private enterprise in agriculture; it transformed Yugoslavia into a genuine federal state; and it abandoned the ‘leading role’ of the Communist Party (renamed the League of Communists). Tito himself played a vital role in overcoming regional political and economic difficulties that his policy engendered, as well as historic communal antipathies particularly between Serbs and Croats. None the less, Serbs continued to play the dominant role in the army and police force. After Tito's death, however, centrifugal tendencies grew and, with the crisis of communist rule across Eastern Europe, communists and anti-communists alike adopted extreme nationalist political strategies, leading to civil war in many parts of the country.
— Stephen Whitefield
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Titoism is an adaptation of
Elements of Titoism are characterized by policies and practices based on the principle that in each country, the means of attaining ultimate communist goals must be dictated by the conditions of that particular country, rather than by a pattern set in another country. During Tito’s era, this specifically meant that the communist goal should be pursued independently of (and often in opposition to) the policies of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This also meant that, unlike the Soviet Union, Tito supported the existence of the Jewish state of Israel. [1]
The term was originally meant as a pejorative, and was labelled by Moscow as a heresy during the period of tensions between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia known as the Informbiro period from 1948 to 1955.
Unlike the rest of East Europe, which fell under Stalin's influence post-World War II, Yugoslavia, due to the strong leadership of Marshal Tito and the fact that the Yugoslav Partisans liberated Yugoslavia with only limited help from the Red Army, remained independent from Moscow. It became the only country in the Balkans to resist pressure from Moscow to join the Warsaw Pact and remained "socialist, but independent" right up until the collapse of Soviet communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Throughout his time in office, Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from Russia, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership of the Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this.
The Soviets and their satellite states usually
accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and Fascism, charges
loosely based on Tito's samoupravljanje (self-management) and the theory
of associated labor (
The propaganda attacks centered on the caricature of Tito the Butcher [of the Working Class], aimed to pinpoint him as a covert agent of Western Imperialism. Tito was in fact welcomed by Western powers as an ally, but he never lost his communist credentials. The period was, however, marked by severe repression of opponents, people who expressed admiration for the Soviet state. Most notably, many dissidents were sent to the penal camp on Goli otok.[2]
Initially a personal favourite of Stalin, Tito led the left-wing opposition to the Nazi occupation during the war, then met with the Soviet leadership several times immediately after the war to negotiate the future of Yugoslavia. Over time these negotiations became less cordial because Tito had neither the intention of handing over executive power nor accepting foreign intervention or influence (a position Tito later continued within the Non-Aligned Movement).
Tito angered Stalin by agreeing with the projects of Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov, which meant to merge the two Balkan countries into a Balkan Federative Republic according to the projects of Balkan Communist Federation. This led to the 1947 cooperation agreement signed in Bled (Dimitrov also pressured Romania to join such a federation, expressing his beliefs during a visit to Bucharest in early 1948). The Bled agreement (also referred to as the "Tito-Dimitrov treaty") was signed on the 1st August, 1947 in Bled, Slovenia. It foresaw also unification between Vardar Macedonia and Pirin Macedonia and return of Western Outlands to Bulgaria. The policies resulting from the agreement were reversed after the Tito-Stalin split in June of 1948, when Bulgaria, being subordinated to the interests of the Soviet Union took a stance against Yugoslavia [2].
The policy of regional blocs had been the norm in Comintern policies — displaying Soviet
resentment of the nation-state in Eastern Europe and of the consequences of
Although the Soviets revised their attitudes under Nikita Khrushchev, during the process of De-Stalinization, and sought to normalize relations with the Yugoslavs, while obtaining influence in the Non-Aligned Movement, the answer they got was never enthusiastic, and the Soviet Union never gained a proper outlet to the Mediterranean Sea. At the same time, the Non-Aligned states failed to form a third Bloc, especially after the split at the outcome of the 1973 oil crisis.
Leonid Brezhnev's conservative attitudes yet again chilled relations between the two countries (although they never degenerated to the level of the conflict with Stalin). Yugoslavia backed Czechoslovakia's leader Alexander Dubček during the 1968 Prague Spring, and then cultivated a special (albeit incidental) relation with the maverick Romanian President Nicolae Ceauşescu. Titoism mirrored Dubček's Socialism with a human face, while Ceauşescu attracted sympathies for his refusal to condone (and take part in) the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which briefly seemed to constitute a casus belli between Romania and the Soviets. However, Ceauşescu was an unlikely member of the alliance, since he profited from the events in order to push his authoritarian agenda inside Romania. After Czechoslovakia was made to obey Brezhnev's policies, Romania and Yugoslavia maintained privileged connections up to the mid-1980s. Ceauşescu adapted the part of Titoism that made reference to the "conditions of a particular country", but merged them with Romanian nationalism and contrasting North Korean Juche beliefs, while embarking on a particular form of Cultural Revolution. The synthesis can be roughly compared with the parallel developments of Hoxhaism, and found Ceauşescu strong, perhaps unsought, supporters in National Bolshevism theorists such as the Belgian Jean-François Thiriart.
Tito's own ideology became less clear with the pressures of various nationalisms within Yugoslavia and the problems posed by the 1970s Croatian Spring. However, his economical views remained steady, amounting to the high standard of living enjoyed by the country - slowly, Yugoslavia became a virtual free market, neatly separated from other Socialist regimes in Eastern Europe (and marked by a permissive attitude towards seasonal labor of Yugoslav citizens in Western Europe). At the same time, the leadership did put a stop to overt capitalist attempts (such as Stjepan Mesić's experiment with privatization in Orahovica), and crushed the dissidence of liberal thinkers such as former leader Đilas; it also clamped down on centrifugal attempts, promoting a Yugoslav patriotism.
Although still claimed as official dogma, virtually all aspects of Titoism went into rapid decline after Tito's death in 1980, being replaced by the rival policies of constituent republics. During the late 1980s as nationalism was rising, revised Titoism was arguably kept as a point of reference by political movements caught disadvantaged by the main trends, such as civic forums in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Macedonia. It is still the major theme of Yugo-nostalgia.
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