For more information on Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, visit Britannica.com.
(b. Blenheim, Oxfordshire, 30 Nov. 1874; d. 24 Jan. 1965) British; Home Secretary 1910 – 11, Chancellor of the Exchequer 1924 – 9, Prime Minister 1940 – 5, 1951 – 5; KG 1953 The son of Lord Randolph Churchill, Winston had an undistinguished education at Harrow. After Sandhurst, he joined the 4th Hussars and had extensive overseas experience. In 1899, he fought Oldham as the Conservative candidate, lost, and then went as a journalist to cover the Boer War in South Africa. He returned a national hero, having fought to protect British troops and having escaped from a Boer prisoner-of-war camp. He was elected as Conservative MP for Oldham in 1900. In 1904 he crossed the floor of the House to join the Liberals, doing so on the issue of free trade. He was quickly rewarded, being made a junior minister in the new Liberal government in 1906. Two years later he joined the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade. In 1910 he was appointed Home Secretary. He was 35. He implemented some prison reforms but alienated radicals by his willingness to sanction the deployment of troops in Wales during a coal strike. A year later he was made First Lord of the Admiralty. He helped modernize the navy but his reputation declined in the early years of the First World War and he was blamed for the failure of the attack on the Dardanelles. In 1915 the Conservatives insisted on his removal from the Admiralty as one of the conditions for joining a coalition. He was made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, but resigned within a matter of months in order to see active service. After a year at the front, he returned to Westminster. Excluded initially (on Bonar Law's insistence) from the Lloyd George government, he was brought in as Minister of Munitions in 1917. When the war ended, he was appointed Minister of War and used the post as a platform for attacking the new Bolshevik regime in Russia. He was then promoted to be Colonial Secretary. His ministerial career as a Liberal MP ended in 1922. He lost his seat. He wrote a two-volume work entitled The World Crisis, and — believing that the Conservatives were the party best placed to combat the threat of socialism — returned to the Conservative fold. In 1924 he was elected as the "constitutionalist" candidate in Epping and within days Stanley Baldwin, wanting to separate him from creating an alliance with Lloyd George, had appointed him as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was a remarkable political rehabilitation. As Chancellor, Churchill presided over a return to the gold standard and the General Strike. He served as Chancellor throughout the parliament (1924 – 9). However, he proved a difficult and demanding colleague and Baldwin decided not to appoint him again to government. When the Conservatives returned to office in 1931, dominating the National Government, he was consigned to the back benches.
The 1930s were Churchill's wilderness years. He antagonized his own side by his vehement opposition to the Government of India Bill, giving the country dominion status, and by his demands for more rapid rearmament. He was also unpopular because of his support for the King, Edward VIII, during the abdication crisis. By 1937, wrote one biographer (Virginia Crowe), "his influence had fallen to zero".
The failure of the Munich agreement and the declaration of war vindicated the stance taken by Churchill. Neville Chamberlain brought him into his wartime government as First Lord of the Admiralty. Chamberlain's resignation in 1940 created a vacancy that Churchill was to fill. Though Labour leaders and most Conservative MPs would have supported Lord Halifax as Prime Minister, Halifax demurred in favour of Churchill. Churchill was appointed Prime Minister and threw himself into the office with vigour. He eventually overcame criticisms and political sniping by critics on the Conservative benches. His carefully crafted speeches proved inspirational. He took the House of Commons seriously. His strategic leadership was sometimes flawed but often brilliant. He dominated a powerful War Cabinet. He overcame some difficult moments in the House of Commons, especially in 1942, when a united house was essential to the war effort. When victory was in sight, he wanted to continue the coalition government until a general election could be held. Labour leaders disagreed, and so a caretaker Conservative government was formed in 1945. It held office until the general election later that year, when the Labour Party was returned to power with its first working majority. The result shocked Churchill. His wife told him it might be a blessing in disguise. He replied that, in that case, it was very well disguised.
In Opposition, Churchill proved a lacklustre leader, making some important pronouncements on foreign affairs, but leaving it to others to prepare the party for a new era. He was fortunate in having lieutenants who were up to the task. His own position was variously criticized and some MPs wanted him to retire gracefully. He rebuffed any suggestions that he should step down and he led his party into the 1950 and 1951 general elections. The latter resulted in a Conservative victory and Churchill forming his first peacetime administration. He had little feel for what should be done. He confided to Oliver Lyttleton that "In the worst of the war I could always see how to do it. Today's problems's are elusive and intangible." He was keen to ensure social harmony and was willing to appease the unions to avoid industrial unrest. He had able ministers but he had doubts about Eden's ability to succeed him. Despite being laid low by strokes, he carried on. He eventually gave up office in April 1955, at the age of 80. He stayed in the House of Commons until the 1964 general election, though making no significant contribution to parliamentary debates. He died on 24 January 1965 and was given a state funeral.
Churchill was difficult, impulsive, prone to depressive moods, extreme at times in pursuing his views, and sometimes plain wrong. He was also brave, determined, at times clear-sighted, and the outstanding Englishman of the century. He provided inspirational leadership as Prime Minister in time of war, towering above his colleagues. He died as the great commoner, having declined a dukedom.
Churchill, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer (1874-1965). Churchill was an atavistic anachronism who found lasting glory and fulfilment as an inspirational tribal leader during WW II, but was otherwise closely associated with many of the British military, foreign, and domestic policy disasters of the first half of the 20th century. He had a nightmare childhood: his father Lord Randolph succumbed to syphilitic insanity, while his beautiful mother Jennie, an American heiress, was promiscuous even by the lax standards of her class and time. Both largely ignored him. With Randolph dead and no longer a source of embarrassment, Winston exploited his mother's well-placed connections to advance his career.
Arriving in India with the 4th Hussars, he served in the 1897 Malakand expedition, later writing The Story of the Malakand Field Force (1898). His combination of serving officer and war correspondent aroused deep suspicion, particularly in the breast of Kitchener, and only his mother's wiles enabled him to join the 21st Lancers and to take part in one of the last cavalry charges at Omdurman, as recounted in The River War (1899). He resigned his commission to stand as the losing Conservative candidate at Oldham in 1899, went to cover the Second Boer War for the Morning Post, was captured when the armoured train in which he was travelling was ambushed, escaped from a POW camp, and returned to England having finally achieved the fame and (modest) fortune he sought, to win Oldham in 1900, an astonishing reversal of fortunes in just over a year.
While previously he had shamelessly used his parents' connections for self-advancement, now he was a celebrity in his own right. Not a natural public speaker, his dominance of the form emerged from hours of preparation. Later in life, when found muttering to himself by a confidant, he explained with a grin that he was rehearsing his off-the-cuff remarks for the next day. The jury will remain out concerning whether his move from the Conservative to the Liberal party in 1904 was the product of opportunism or principle; that it was encouraged by Lloyd George argues strongly for the former. In the 1906 general election he won a seat in Manchester for the Liberals and in 1908 finally obtained a cabinet post as President of the Board of Trade. Defeated in Manchester, he won re-election in Dundee and also wed Clementine Hozier, with whom he was to have a lifelong, happy marriage. Leaving aside his stormy tenure at the Board of Trade and his role in the curbing of the power of the House of Lords and in the matter of Home Rule for Ireland, during which time he made more enemies than most manage in a whole career, he became First Lord of the Admiralty in 1911 and oversaw the largest naval expansion programme in British history and ordered mobilization on his own authority on 2 August 1914, guaranteeing the orderly and uninterrupted passage of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) to France. In October he went in person to Antwerp to encourage it to hold out while the Belgian army escaped and the Channel ports were secured (see Antwerp, sieges of).
Subsequently things went less well; his partnership with Fisher foundered over Churchill's enthusiasm for a naval expedition to seize the Dardanelles. After a number of warships were sunk Adm de Robeck called it off, Fisher resigned, and Churchill was, at Conservative insistence, demoted from the Admiralty to the Duchy of Lancaster during the formation of the first coalition government. He was to be blamed for the Gallipoli fiasco, for which he was given responsibility without any power to influence decisions. He resigned in November 1915 and served as battalion commander with the Royal Scots Fusiliers on the western front, returning to parliament in June 1916. Over intense Conservative opposition, Lloyd George gave him the non-cabinet post of Minister of Munitions in the second coalition government, a post to which he brought characteristic energy, particularly in deploying tanks, a pet project since Admiralty days.
In January 1919 he became war minister and his name is indelibly linked with the twin debacles of the Allied North Russia intervention and the Anglo-Irish war. As colonial secretary from 1921, he developed an imaginative and cost-effective policy of allying with friendly local rulers and depending heavily on the independent air force for imperial policing, but he also confirmed an ultimately provocative and untenable policy of recognizing both Jewish and Arab rights in Palestine. Not least, he advocated confrontation with a resurgent Turkey, one of the nails in the coffin of the coalition government. He was a notable casualty of the 1922 general election.
While briefly ‘without an office, without a seat, without a party’, he wrote The World Crisis and with the proceeds bought the country house at Chartwell, which was to remain his home. He also took up painting, revealing yet another talent. The wonder is that he found time to do everything he did, usually well and always passionately. His bucolic interlude ended in 1923-4 with a return to politics as an adamant anti-socialist (although he was one of the pre-war founders of the welfare state) and a return to the Conservative fold when the Liberal party became an electoral irrelevance.
Baldwin appointed him Chancellor of the Exchequer, a post for which he was deeply unsuited and in which he received, and took, very bad advice from Treasury and Bank of England mandarins. The return to the gold standard provoked Keynes, of whom Churchill might otherwise have approved as an economist with only one hand, to follow up his insightful The Economic Consequences of the Peace with the equally damning The Economic Consequences of Mister Churchill. After 1929, after a further round of managing to offend nearly everyone of political consequence without making any compensatory friends, he began a decade in ‘the wilderness’ from which only the renewal of war with Germany was to retrieve him. He did not, of course, let the grass grow …
The most crucial relationship he developed during the 1930s was with Franklin Roosevelt, who shared his fears of a resurgent Germany but who was unable to overcome US isolationism until the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor and Hitler, not content with his titanic war against the USSR, did Churchill the enormous favour of declaring war on the USA as well. The two men established a covert liaison through the Canadian industrialist Stephenson that was clearly well within the ‘high crimes and misdemeanours’ for which a US president may be impeached. Their aim was to finesse the awkward fact that with a large German and Irish population, a (well-found) suspicion that British propaganda and other black arts had drawn the USA into WW I, and the strain of ‘manifest destiny’ that saw the British empire as the principal obstacle to US world hegemony, they were dealing with a majority public opinion that was not neutral but actively hostile to British interests. When Churchill later wrote of the New World coming to redress the balance of the Old, he knew of what he spoke, and insofar as anything today remains of the once ‘special relationship’, it is due as much to the abiding admiration of many Americans for Churchill as it is to more apparent than real similarities of language and culture.
Brought back to the Admiralty at the outbreak of WW II amid the panic of the civil servants and the rejoicing of the Royal Navy, the abrasiveness that ruffled so many feathers in peacetime suddenly became, even in the eyes of a class and ideological enemy like Ernest Bevin, precisely the qualities the nation needed to fight for its life. After the 1940 resignation of the unfortunate Chamberlain, there was a moment when the accommodationist Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax seemed the likely successor, but the mood of the time was for Churchill, whose maiden speech as PM promised ‘blood, toil, tears and sweat’.
It has been argued that by continuing the war, Churchill not only bankrupted Britain but also precipitated the very socialism at home and retreat from empire abroad that he had fought against so strenuously. While the war undoubtedly completed the destruction of the economic underpinnings of the world in which he grew up which had begun in WW I, it is idle to pretend that the cost of any kind of deal which might have been made with Hitler would not have included at the very least national self-respect. The English Channel provided both a barrier to invasion and insurance that force majeure in the form of an invading army could not be adduced to compromise with what was, without doubt, absolute evil. If the old nation had to destroy itself, it could not have done so for a cause more befitting its noblest aspirations, or under a better chieftain.
Churchill's penchant for warfare on the cheap, in terms of human lives if not of treasure, led him to seek the ‘soft underbelly’ of the Axis and to pursue what can only be seen as strategic red herrings if one discounts the fact that his overriding aim was to avoid a repetition of the holocaust of WW I. In private he was extremely realistic about the limited achievements that the bombing campaign might bring, while assuring his impatient allies that it was tearing the heart out of Nazi Germany. Thanks to him more people died of traffic accidents than from enemy action in Britain in the five years before the Normandy invasion, while millions of Russians and Germans were immolated on the eastern front. He drove his CIGS Alanbrooke to near nervous breakdown and the US general staff to distraction, but when the invasion finally went forward it was at a time and place of his choosing, under the operational control of a British general, and even then was only just successful. The consequences of a premature invasion, as maliciously urged by Stalin and echoed by US generals who lacked experience of what the German war machine could do, would have been the occupation of much more of Europe by the Red Army before the western Allies could regroup.
Of course numbers and industrial production counted, but at the end of the war Britain was still a great if hollowed-out power, possessed of the moral strength to conduct an orderly withdrawal from worldwide commitments she could no longer sustain. That his political heirs more than once botched the process does not diminish Churchill's legacy of the time and authority at least to try to do it right. If instead of considering him as the chief of those who led Britain through a long process where even victory concealed fundamental defeat, we instead consider him to have conducted a 50-year fighting retreat, by far the most difficult military manoeuvre, then his life's work deserves every encomium it has received. Through it all, he was the embodiment of the high Victorian ideal set out in Kipling's If--:
‘If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it,
And—which is more—you'll be a Man, my son!’
Bibliography
— Hugh Bicheno
Son of an English statesman, Lord Randolph Churchill, and an American, Jennie Jerome, Winston Churchill served as a cavalry officer and worked as a war correspondent before entering Parliament. A conservative, he joined the cabinet in 1908, and, at the start of World War I as first lord of the Admiralty, was in charge of the Royal Navy, with general oversight of the policy of searching neutral, including American, ships. Blamed for the ill‐fated Gallipoli expedition, he left government to serve on the western front. In 1919, back as minister of war, he was an advocate of military intervention in the Russian civil war. Falling out with his party leaders, Churchill spent most of the 1930s as a backbench member of Parliament, but he made his name once more as an opponent of appeasement of Nazi Germany, and again took charge of the navy in 1939. With his great experience of war and government, he was a natural choice as war leader in May 1940.
As prime minister, Churchill's rousing oratory and determination embodied Britain's will to win, but he could also be impatient and arrogant, overworking himself and others. He believed it vital to work closely with the United States, to forge a personal link to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and to create a long‐term “special relationship” between the two countries. Taking an active part in military planning with U.S. and British commanders, he especially advocated a “Mediterranean Strategy,” designed to attack Germany through what he called the “soft underbelly” of Europe while preserving British Imperial interests. Defeated by the Labour Party in the July 1945 election, and replaced at the Potsdam Conference by Clement Attlee, Churchill nonetheless urged resistance to Soviet communism with the 1946 “Iron Curtain” speech at Fulton, Missouri. As prime minister once more in 1951–55, he visited America three times and took a great interest in nuclear developments, reaching an agreement in January 1952 on the use of British air bases by American nuclear bombers. His aim was always to maintain Britain as a great power.
[See also D‐Day Landing, World War II: Military and Diplomatic Course.]
Bibliography
Churchill, Sir Winston S. (1874-1965) British prime minister during World War II, born Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill at Blenheim, Oxfordshire, England. He served as a soldier during World War I, and returned to serve in Parliament as minister of munitions under David Lloyd George. Following the end of the war, he was secretary for war from 1918 to 1921. Out of office for ten years (1929-1939), he became a vocal critic of Conservative policy on India, and was fiercely opposed to Chamberlain's attempt to appease Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. Churchill returned to his post at the Admiralty when World War II began, and, when Arthur (Neville) Chamberlain had to resign, he was asked to form a coalition government, and did so in May 1940, becoming its prime minister. He and President Franklin D. Roosevelt were close friends, and Churchill signed the Atlantic Charter in 1941, which declared the Allies' war strategy. He also met with Allied leaders in Casablanca, Washington, Cairo, Moscow, and Tehran, and with Josef Stalin and Roosevelt in the Crimea in 1945 to plan for the coming victory over the Axis Powers. He announced the surrender of Germany on May 8, 1945 and, within two weeks, his coalition government collapsed. Churchill lost in a general election in July 1945, and became the opposition leader until October 1951, when he again became prime minister. He served in that capacity until April 1955 when he resigned to take up writing and painting. In 1953, he won the Nobel Prize for literature for his six-volume history of World War II (1948-54), and also wrote the four-volume History of the English-Speaking Peoples (1956-58).
See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.
The English statesman and author Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill (1874-1965) led Britain during World War II and is often described as the "savior of his country."
Sir Winston Churchill's exact place in the political history of the 20th century is, and will continue to be, a subject of debate and polemical writing. Where he succeeded, and how much he personally had to do with that success, and where he failed, and why, remain to be established. That he was a political figure of enormous influence and importance, belonging in many ways to an age earlier than the 20th century, and that he fitted uneasily into the constraints of British party politics until his moment came in 1940 are not in doubt. Until recently his reputation during the years from 1940 onward was scarcely questioned. But now historians are beginning to reassess his career in just the same way as Churchill himself tried to revise T. B. Macaulay's account of the Duke of Marlborough by writing a multivolumed Life of his distinguished ancestor (completed in 1938).
Churchill's record both before 1939 and after 1945 was for the most part undistinguished. But as Anthony Storr writes: "In 1940 Churchill became the hero that he had always dreamed of being. … In that dark time, what England needed was not a shrewd, equable, balanced leader. She needed a prophet, a heroic visionary, a man who could dream dreams of victory when all seemed lost. Winston Churchill was such a man; and his inspirational quality owed its dynamic force to the romantic world of phantasy in which he had his true being."
Early Life
Winston Churchill was born on Nov. 30, 1874, at Blenheim Palace - the home given by Queen Anne to his ancestor the Duke of Marlborough. He was the eldest son of Lord Randolph Churchill, a Tory Democrat who achieved early success as a rebel in his party but who later failed and was cruelly described as "a man with a brilliant future behind him." His mother was Jenny Jerome, the beautiful and talented daughter of Leonard Jerome, a New York businessman.
Winston was conventionally educated following the norms of his class. He went to preparatory school, then to Harrow (1888), then to the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. He was neither happy nor successful at school. Winston idolized his mother, but his relations with his father, who died in 1895, were cold and distant. It is generally agreed that as a child Winston was deprived of openly expressed warmth and affection.
Churchill very early exhibited the physical courage and love of adventure and action that he was to keep throughout his political career. His first role was that of a soldier-journalist. Having joined the 4th Hussars in 1895, he immediately went to Cuba to write about the Spanish army for the Daily Graphic. He took part in the repulse of the insurgents who tried to cross the Spanish line at Trochem. In 1896 he was in India, and while on the North-West Frontier with the Malakand Field Force he began work on a novel, Savrola, a Tale of the Revolution in Laurania, which was published in 1900. More important, however, were his accounts of the military campaigns in which he participated. A book about the North-West Frontier and the Malakand Field Force was followed by a book about the reconquest of the Sudan (1899), in which he had also taken part. He went to Africa during the Boer War as a journalist for the Morning Post, and the most romantic of his escapades as a youth was his escape from a South African prison during this conflict.
Young Politician
In 1899 Churchill lost in his first attempt at election to the House of Commons. This was to be the first of many defeats in elections and by-elections during his career - he lost more elections than any other political figure in recent British history. But in 1900 he entered the House of Commons, in which he served intermittently until 1964. Throughout this long span his presence and oratory exercised a magnetic attraction in an institution he always refused to leave for the House of Lords.
Churchill's early years in politics were characterized by an interest in the radical reform of social problems. In 1905 he completed a biography of his father, which is perhaps his best book. Lord Randolph had tried to give coherence and organization to a popular socially oriented Toryism; Churchill carried that effort into the Liberal party, which he had joined in 1904 because of his disagreement with the revived demands for protectionism by the Chamberlain section of the Tory party. The major intellectual achievement of this period of Churchill's life was his Liberalism and the Social Problem (1909). In this work he stated his creed: "Liberalism seeks to raise up poverty. … Liberalism would preserve private interests in the only way in which they can be safely and justly preserved, namely by reconciling them with public right." Churchill was very active in the great reforming government of Lord Asquith between 1908 and 1912, and his work in palliating unemployment was especially significant.
In 1912 Churchill became first lord of the Admiralty - the range of offices which he held was as remarkable as the number of elections which he lost. He switched his enthusiasm away from butter toward guns, and his goal was the preparation of Britain's fleet for impending war. While at the Admiralty, Churchill suffered a major setback. He became committed to the view that the navy could best make an impact on the 1914-1918 war in Europe by way of a swift strike through the Dardanelles. This strategy proved unsuccessful, however, and Churchill lost his Admiralty post. In 1916 he was back in the army and served for a time on the front lines in France.
Interwar Years
Churchill soon reentered political life. Kept out of the Lloyd George War Cabinet by conservative hostility to his style and philosophy, by 1921 Churchill held a post in the Colonial Office. A clash with Mustapha Kemal in Turkey, however, did not help his reputation, and in 1922 he lost his seat in the House of Commons. The Conservative party gained power for the first time since 1905, and Churchill now began long-term isolation, with few friends in any part of the political spectrum.
In 1924 Churchill severed his ties with liberalism and became chancellor of the Exchequer in Stanley Baldwin's government. His decision to put Britain back on the gold standard was a controversial one, attacked by the economist John Maynard Keynes, among others. Although he held office under Baldwin, Churchill did not agree with the Conservative position either on defense or on imperialism. In 1931 he resigned from the Conservative "shadow cabinet" as a protest against its Indian policy. Ever the romantic imperialist, he did not want to cast away "that most truly bright and precious jewel in the crown of the King." Baldwin and he also disagreed on how to react to the crisis caused by the abdication of King Edward VIII.
Churchill's interwar years were characterized by political isolation, and during this period he made many errors and misjudgments, among them his bellicosity over the general strike of 1926. Thus he cannot be viewed simply as a popular leader who was kept waiting in the wings through no fault of his own. In fact, it is not completely evident that he was aware of the nature of the fascist threat during the 1930s.
World War II
The major period of Churchill's political career began when he became prime minister and head of the Ministry of Defense early in World War II. "I felt as if I was walking with destiny, and that all my past life had been but a preparation for this hour," he wrote in the first volume of his account of the war. (This account was later published in six volumes from 1948 to 1953). His finest hour and that of the British people coincided. His leadership, which was expressed in noble speeches and ceaseless personal activity, stated precisely what Britain needed to survive through the years before United States entry into the war.
The evacuation of Dunkirk and the air defense of the Battle of Britain have become legend, but there were and are controversies over Churchill's policies. It has been argued that Churchill's oversensitivity to the Mediterranean as a theater of war led to mistakes in Crete and North Africa. The value of his resistance to the idea of a second front as the Germans advanced into Russia has also been questioned. And there has been considerable debate over the wisdom of the course he pursued at international conferences (such as those at Yalta in February 1945) which reached agreements responsible in large part for the "cold war" of the 1950s and 1960s. But although criticisms may be made of Churchill's policies, his importance as a symbol of resistance and as an inspiration to victory cannot be challenged.
Last Years
The final period of Churchill's career began with his rejection by the British people at the general election of 1945. At that election 393 Labour candidates were elected members of Parliament as against 213 Conservatives and their allies. It was one of the most striking reversals of fortune in democratic history. It may perhaps be explained by Churchill's aggressive vituperation during the campaign combined with the electorate's desire for patient social reconstruction rather than for a return to prewar economic mismanagement.
In 1951, however, Churchill again became prime minister. He resigned in April 1955 after an uneventful term in office. For many of the later years of his life, even his iron constitution was not strong enough to resist the persistent cerebral arteriosclerosis from which he suffered. He died on Jan. 24, 1965, and was given a state funeral, the details of which had been largely dictated by himself before his death.
Further Reading
Churchill's own works, combining a very personal perspective with grand historical themes, are written with great style and lucidity. They include The World Crisis (6 vols., 1923-1931), an account of World War I; The Second World War (6 vols., 1948-1953); and the less satisfactory but sometimes elegant History of the English Speaking Peoples (4 vols., 1956-1958).
An official multivolume biography of vast scope, with separate companion volumes of documents, was started by Churchill's son, Randolph S. Churchill: Winston S. Churchill, vol. 1: Youth, 1874-1900 (1966); Winston S. Churchill: Companion Volume I, pts. 1 and 2 (1967); Winston S. Churchill, vol. 2: Young Statesman, 1901-1914 (1967). The best introductory assessment of Churchill is A. J. P. Taylor and others, eds., Churchill Revised: A Critical Assessment (1969), a volume of essays. For the best example of what will be a growing industry of revisionism on Churchill's reputation see Robert Rhodes James, Churchill: A Study in Failure, 1900-1939 (1970).
There are many other studies of Churchill: Alan Moorehead, Winston Churchill in Trial and Triumph (1955); Alfred L. Rowse, The Churchills (2 vols., 1956-1958; 1 vol., 1966); Herbert Feis, Churchill, Roosevelt, Stalin: The War They Waged and the Peace They Sought (1957; rev. ed. 1966); American Heritage, Churchill: The Life Triumphant; the Historical Record of Ninety Years (1965); Malcolm Thomson, Churchill: His Life and Times (rev. ed. 1965; published 1949 as Life and Times of Winston Churchill); Charles McMoran Wilson Moran, Churchill: The Struggle for Survival, 1940-1965, Taken from the Diaries of Lord Moran (1966); Kenneth Young, Churchill and Beaverbrook: A Study in Friendship and Politics (1966); Brian Gardner, Churchill in His Time: A Study in Reputation, 1939-1945 (1968); Dennis Bardens, Churchill in Parliament (1969); and John Wheeler-Bennett, Action This Day: Working with Churchill (1969). Harold MacMillan's memoirs have much material on Churchill: Winds of Change, 1914-1939 (1966); The Blast of War, 1939-1945 (1967); and Tides of Fortune, 1945-1955 (1969).
Additional Sources
Charmley, John, Churchill, the end of glory: a political biography, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1993.
Churchill, Winston S. (Winston Spencer), Memories and adventures, New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989.
Churchill, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Gilbert, Martin, Churchill: a life, London: Heinemann, 1991.
Pelling, Henry, Winston Churchill, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989.
Robbins, Keith, Churchill, London; New York: Longman, 1992.
Rose, Norman, Churchill: the unruly giant, New York: Free Press, 1995.
Sandys, Celia, The young Churchill: the early years of Winston Churchill, New York: Dutton, 1995.
Soames, Mary, Winston Churchill: his life as a painter: a memoir by his daughter, London: Collins, 1990.
Winston Churchill: resolution, defiance, magnanimity, good will, Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1996.
Churchill, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer (1874-1965). Prime minister. Churchill was born at Blenheim palace in 1874, the elder son of Lord Randolph Churchill. His mother was the American heiress Jennie Jerome. Educated at Harrow and Sandhurst, he served with the 4th Hussars and rode in the lancers' charge at Omdurman. Between 1899 and 1900 he was a war correspondent in South Africa, where he was captured by the Boers but escaped. He saw active service in the trenches for a few months in 1916.
In 1900 he entered the House of Commons as a Conservative but crossed the floor within four years to join the Liberals on the issue of free trade. Returned as a Liberal at the next election, he gained his first ministerial experience under Campbell-Bannerman as under-secretary for the colonies. Asquith brought him into the cabinet at the age of 33 as president of the Board of Trade (1908) and moved him to the Home Office before he had reached the age of 35 (1910). By now Churchill had married Clementine Hozier (1908) who provided him with a stable emotional base for the rest of his life. Meanwhile, along with Lloyd George, he played a major part in laying the foundations of the welfare state by establishing labour exchanges and social insurance. His tenure of the Home Office, on the other hand, is remembered for the myth that he sent troops to Wales to crush the striking miners of Tonypandy (1910).
In 1911 he became 1st lord of the Admiralty and a figure of significance. Completing the work of Admiral Fisher, he replaced dreadnoughts with super-dreadnoughts, established a naval air service, and began the conversion of the fleet from coal to oil. Having the fleet ready was one of Churchill's contributions to the British war effort between 1914 and 1918. Another was the part he played in the development of the tank. However, he was remembered most of all for conceiving the 1915 Dardanelles campaign, designed to shorten the war by removing Turkey and allowing the western allies to link up with Russia. The attack on Gallipoli failed due to naval delays. In its wake, Asquith was forced to form a coalition with the Conservatives, who loathed Churchill as a renegade, and had him transferred to become chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. Lacking any influence over the course of the war, Churchill resigned and took command of a battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers in France. A few months later he was recalled by Lloyd George to become minister of munitions. Between 1918 and 1920 he was secretary of state for war and air, in which capacity he was responsible for running down the planned post-war Royal Air Force from 154 squadrons to 24, with only two for home defence. His attempts to persuade his colleagues to overthrow the Bolsheviks in Russia were unsuccessful.
In 1921 he became colonial secretary and made a treaty with the Irish Free State. He also negotiated a peace settlement with the Arabs, advised by T. E. Lawrence. Although he opposed Lloyd George's policy towards the Turks, he gave his prime minister vociferous support over the Chanak crisis of 1922. When the coalition fell a few months later, he was defeated in the 1922 election and began work on his history of the First World War, the first volume of which was published in 1923. A friend quipped: ‘Winston has written an enormous book about himself and called it The World Crisis.’
Returning to the Commons in October 1924, he was offered the chancellorship of the Exchequer by Baldwin and rejoined the Conservative Party. In 1925 he put Great Britain back on the gold standard, unfortunately at the pre-war parity of £1 = $1, which was of little help to British exporters. Three years later he introduced the ‘ten-year rule’, whereby the service estimates would be prepared on the assumption that no war was likely for the next ten years. Meanwhile, he was only prevented from running down the navy as he had already run down the RAF by the threatened resignation of the entire Board of Admiralty. In the General Strike of 1926, he took overall command of the government newspaper the British Gazette. Churchill's star, however, was set to wane. With the fall of Baldwin's government in 1929, he was out of office for the next ten years.
Churchill himself turned the 1930s into his wilderness years. His attacks on constitutional progress in India and his defence of Edward VIII found little response. Nor was Churchill able to capture the public imagination as the foe of fascism. He admired Mussolini and sympathized with Franco during the Spanish Civil War. Finally, on the great economic questions of the day—unemployment, protection, recovery—he had little to say.
Churchill did however take up the cause of resistance to Nazi Germany. There were many obstacles to this. The Treasury in particular opposed rearmament: after a year of war, Britain, it predicted, would be bankrupt. The Foreign Office asked just who our allies were going to be. America was neutral, the dominions unpredictable, and even if the Soviets could be brought in, an alliance with them might push Franco into the arms of the axis and close off the Mediterranean. The appeasers, therefore, had a good case. Churchill did not believe that war was inevitable and knew that Hitler wanted Britain as an ally. However, he believed that a grand alliance against the dictator would make him moderate his plans. If not, perhaps he could be overthrown before it came to war. But if Germany would not see reason, then war it would be. He envisaged that war, however, as one in which Britain would make her contribution with sea and air power. He thought a continental army a mistake.
When war came, Churchill returned to the Admiralty, although he acted as if he were already prime minister. Almost immediately he became involved in a madcap scheme to send an expeditionary force to Norway, ostensibly to help save Finland from the Russians, but in practice to cut off Swedish iron ore from the Germans. The lack of air cover meant that the campaign was a disaster. Ironically, Chamberlain was blamed and Churchill became prime minister at the head of a national government.
As war leader, Churchill was a mixture of ruthlessness and impetuosity. Determined to do everything possible to win the war, in practice he had few means of doing so. Still, he did what he could, which meant the bombing offensive, plus the Mediterranean campaign. Determined to have action, he prodded and sacked his generals and made many mistakes—sinking the French fleet at Oran, invading Greece, defending Crete, neglecting the Far East. Yet his position as prime minister was secure, since he had become in the summer of 1940 the spirit of British resistance incarnate, defying the Nazis with speeches of supreme eloquence. His real hope of victory depended on the entry of the USA, and when that happened, Churchill persuaded the Americans to make Europe the primary theatre of the war and to participate in the north African campaign. When Hitler attacked Stalin, he immediately offered aid to the Soviets. Towards the end of the war, in October 1944, aware of US plans to send their troops home once the war was over, he signed the Percentages agreement with Stalin, dividing the Balkans into spheres of influence and saving Greece from communism. As war leader, Churchill had little time for the home front. Nor was he much interested in post-war planning. When the Beveridge Report was published in 1942, he doubted whether a bankrupt Britain would be able to afford it. In any case, he had left domestic affairs to Attlee and his Labour colleagues, which proved a mistake. For it was to them that the electorate turned in July 1945 once victory had been secured. Churchill was still respected, but the voters guessed that he was not the man for post-war reconstruction. But as leader of the Conservative Party and of the opposition, he was more politically secure than he had ever been before in peacetime. His voice continued to be heard in international affairs and, just as he had warned against the rising threat from Hitler, he now warned against the ‘iron curtain’ which was descending over Europe. He also spoke out in favour of a united Europe, although he never meant that Britain should be part of it.
In 1951 he returned as prime minister. He was now 77 years old, had suffered two strokes, and would suffer two more. Yet his government was highly successful. Eden shone as foreign secretary, Macmillan built a record number of council houses, and nothing was done to undermine the welfare state, inherited from Labour. In April 1955 he agreed to retire as prime minister, completing a career without equal among democratic politicians. He died in 1965, soon after retiring from the Commons, was given a state funeral, and was buried in Bladon churchyard.
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| Winston Churchill |
| Wilt Chamberlain | |
| Winter Olympics |
From our Archives: Today's Highlights, February 28, 2005
Early Career
Educated at Harrow and Sandhurst, he became (1894) an officer in the 4th hussars. On leave in 1895, he saw his first military action in Cuba as a reporter for London's Daily Graphic. He served in India and in 1898 fought at Omdurman in Sudan under Kitchener. Having resigned his commission, he was sent (1899) to cover the South African War by the Morning Post, and his accounts of his capture and imprisonment by the Boers and his escape raised him to the forefront of English journalists.
Political Career
Early Government Posts
Churchill was elected to Parliament as a Conservative in 1900, but he subsequently switched to the Liberal party and was appointed undersecretary for the colonies in the cabinet of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. Under Asquith, he was initially (1908-10) president of the Board of Trade, then home secretary (1910-11), and championed innovative labor exchange and old-age pension acts. As first lord of the admiralty (1911), he presided over the naval expansion that preceded World War I.
Discredited by the failure of the Dardanelles expedition, which he had championed, Churchill lost (1915) his admiralty post and served on the front lines in France. Returning to office under Lloyd George, he served as minister of munitions (1917) and secretary of state for war and for air (1918-21). As colonial secretary (1921-22), he helped negotiate the treaty that set up the Irish Free State.
After two defeats at the polls he returned to the House of Commons, as a Constitutionalist, and became (1924-29) chancellor of the exchequer in Stanley Baldwin's Conservative government. As an advocate of laissez-faire economics, he was strongly criticized by John Maynard Keynes. Churchill was not a financial innovator; he basically followed conventional advice from his colleagues. Nevertheless, Churchill's decision to return the country to the prewar gold standard increased unemployment and was a cause of the general strike of 1926. He advocated aggressive action to end the strike, and thus earned the lasting distrust of the labor movement.
World War II
Out of office from 1929 to 1939, Churchill wrote and remained in the public eye with his support for Edward VIII during the abdication crisis of 1936 and with his extreme distaste for the actions of Mohandas Gandhi and his vehement opposition to the Indian nationalist movement. He also issued warnings of the threat from Nazi Germany that went unheeded, in part because of his past political and military misjudgments. When World War II broke out (Sept., 1939), Neville Chamberlain appointed him first lord of the admiralty. The following May, when Chamberlain was forced to resign, Churchill became prime minister.
Churchill was a great orator, and his grand rhetorical style was particularly suited to the terrible struggle England faced. His energy, his will to fight on whatever the cost, and his stubborn public refusal to make peace until Adolf Hitler was crushed were crucial in rallying and maintaining British resistance to Germany during the grim years from 1940 to 1942. He met President Franklin Roosevelt at sea (see Atlantic Charter) before the entry of the United States into the war, twice addressed the U.S. Congress (Dec., 1941; May, 1942), twice went to Moscow (Aug., 1942; May, 1944), visited battle fronts, and attended a long series of international conferences (see Casablanca Conference; Quebec Conference; Cairo Conference; Tehran Conference; Yalta Conference; Potsdam Conference).
The Postwar Period
The British nation supported the vigorous program of Churchill's coalition cabinet until after the surrender of Germany. Then in July, 1945, Britain's desire for rapid social reform led to a Labour electoral victory, and Churchill became leader of the opposition. In 1946, on a visit to the United States, he made a controversial speech at Fulton, Mo., in which he warned of the expansive tendencies of the USSR (he had distrusted the Soviet government since its inception, when he had been a leading advocate of Western intervention to overthrow it) and coined the expression "Iron Curtain." Nonetheless, in the early 1950s he attempted to reach some sort of understanding with Stalin, but was unsuccessful largely due to the strong anti-Communist stance of the United States.
As prime minister again from 1951 until his resignation in 1955, he ended nationalization of the steel and auto industries but maintained most other socialist measures instituted by the Labour government. In 1953 Churchill was knighted, and awarded the 1953 Nobel Prize in Literature for his writing and oratory. His biographical and autobiographical works include Lord Randolph Churchill (1906), My Early Life: A Roving Commission (1930), and the study of his ancestor Marlborough (4 vol., 1933-38). World Crisis (4 vol., 1923-29) is his account of World War I. The Second World War (6 vol., 1948-53) was followed by A History of the English-speaking Peoples (4 vol., 1956-58). Churchill retained a seat in Parliament until 1964. He refused a peerage, but his widow, Clementine Ogilvy Hozier (married 1908), accepted one in 1965 for her charitable work.
Character and Influence
Churchill was undoubtedly one of the greatest public figures of the 20th cent. Extraordinary vitality, imagination, and boldness characterized his whole career. His weaknesses, such as his opposition (except in the case of Ireland) to the expansion of colonial self-government, and his strengths, evidenced by his brilliant war leadership, sprang from the same source-the will to maintain Britain as a great power and a great democracy.
Bibliography
See his speeches ed. by R. R. James (8 vol., 1974) and D. Cannadine (1989); R. Langworth, ed., Churchill by Himself: The Definitive Collection of Quotations (2008); the multivolume study by R. Churchill, his son, and M. Gilbert (1966-78); biographies by W. Manchester (2 vol., 1983-88), M. Gilbert (1992), N. Rose (1995), R. Jenkins (2001), J. Keegan (2002), C. D'Este (2008), and P. Johnson (2009), and biography of the older Churchill by B. Leaming (2010); A. J. P. Taylor et al., Churchill Revised: A Critical Assessment (1968); R. R. James, Churchill: A Study in Failure, 1900-1939 (1970); J. Charmley, Churchill's Grand Alliance (1995); A. Roberts, Eminent Churchillians (1995); J. Lukacs, Churchill (2002); J. Meacham, Franklin and Winston (2003); D. Reynolds, In Command of History (2005); A. Roberts, Masters and Commanders (2009); M. Hastings, Winston's War: Churchill, 1940-1945 (2010); R. Holmes, Churchill's Bunker (2010); R. Toye, Churchill's Empire (2010).
1874 - 1965
British statesman; prime minister, 1940 - 1945 and 1951 - 1955.
Winston S. Churchill's connections with the Middle East were based on two concepts - the national interest of Great Britain and what he called "the harmonious disposition of the world among its peoples." These concepts were not necessarily contradictory. Thus, in advocating British support for the establishment and maintenance of independent Arab states in Transjordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Syria after World War I and the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, his objective was to produce a satisfactory harmony of local Arab needs, in the hope of creating states that would be well-disposed toward Britain and its defense and petroleum needs.
As a young soldier serving in India at the turn of the twentieth century, Churchill had seen the importance of Egypt and the Suez Canal for the maintenance of Britain's sea link with India and Asia. He had participated in the reconquest of the Sudan, where he had been repelled by the cruel attitude of the British commander in chief toward wounded Sudanese soldiers, and he had expressed his disgust in a book published in 1900. While British control of Egypt was something he took for granted (although nationalist movements were already a problem for Britain), at the same time, he was insistent that the British connection should be beneficial for the well-being and advancement of the Egyptian people.
First Direct Interaction with the Middle East
At the time of the Young Turk revolution in 1909, Churchill not only supported the modernization efforts of the Young Turks for the Ottoman Empire, but met several of their leaders during a visit to Constantinople (now Istanbul) that same year and remained in contact with them. In August 1914 when World War I began, he appealed directly to the Turkish minister of war, Enver Paşa, to keep Turkey neutral and thereby preserve the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. Two months later, when Turkey committed itself to the Central Powers (against the Allies) and began the bombardment of Russia's Black Sea ports, it fell to Britain's First Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill, to direct naval operations against Turkey. These culminated in the attack on the Dardanelles (Turkish Straits), the failure of which led to Churchill's own temporary eclipse from politics.
In 1915, Churchill suggested that once the Ottoman Empire had been defeated, Palestine should be given in trust to Belgium, since Germany had violated Belgian neutrality and overrun most of the country. As compensation for this, Churchill wanted Belgium to be made the European overseer of the establishment of a Jewish national home.
Once the war ended in 1918, Churchill became secretary for war and air (1919 - 1921). In 1919, at a time when Britain herself had assumed the responsibility for Palestine, Churchill encouraged the Zionist leader Dr. Chaim Weizmann to consider the southern desert region of the Negev as an area of potential Jewish settlement (in 1949, David BenGurion, Israel's first prime minister, was to urge this same policy on his fellow citizens). Churchill's own instinct was, at first, to keep Britain clear of all Palestine responsibilities and even to reject the League of Nations mandate for Palestine - on the grounds, he warned the cabinet in 1920, that "the Zionist movement will cause continued friction with the Arabs." Nor were his feelings entirely supportive of Zionism: Writing in a cabinet memorandum
in 1919 of those who stood to gain from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, he declared: "Lastly there are the Jews, whom we are pledged to introduce into Palestine, and who take it for granted that the local population will be cleared out to suit their convenience."
Views on the Formation of a Jewish State
As colonial secretary in 1921 and 1922, it then fell to Churchill to fix the terms of the Palestine mandate. His attitude on Zionism had changed. In a public article in 1920, he stated: "If, as may well happen, there should be created in our own lifetime by the banks of the Jordan a Jewish State under the protection of the British Crown which might comprise three or four millions of Jews, an event will have occurred in the history of the world which would from every point of view be beneficial, and would be especially in harmony with the truest interests of the British Empire."
Having made the link of Jewish national aspirations and British interests, Churchill was also impressed by the ideological convictions of the Zionists and by their determination to create a flourishing world for themselves in a region that had been their home many centuries earlier. During a visit to Palestine in 1921, he was impressed by the Jews' success at cultivation and by the labor Zionist work ethic - the redemption of the land through toil. Henceforth, he encouraged the Jews to enter the region, stating in the terms of the mandate, as presented to the League of Nations in 1922, that the Jews were in Palestine "of right, and not on sufferance." He also gave the Zionists monopoly rights over the development of the hydroelectric power of the country.
During this same visit to Palestine, Churchill encouraged the development of a Jewish Agency for Palestine, through which the Jews would acquire virtual autonomy over health, education, and communal life, as well as participation in the political and diplomatic discussions concerning their future. At the same time, he urged the Palestinian Arabs to accept the fact of Jewish immigration and settlement and to recognize the economic benefits that the Jews would bring to the country.
When a Palestinian Arab delegation asked Churchill to suspend all future Jewish immigration, he replied (on 28 March 1921): "It is manifestly right that the Jews, who are scattered all over the world, should have a national centre and a National Home where some of them may be reunited. And where else could that be but in this land of Palestine, with which for more than 3,000 years they have been intimately and profoundly associated? We think it will be good for the world, good for the Jews and good for the British Empire. But we also think it will be good for the Arabs who dwell in Palestine, and we intend that it shall be good for them, and that they shall not be sufferers or supplanted in the country in which they dwell or denied their share in all that makes for its progress and prosperity."
At the Cairo Conference in 1921, Churchill agreed to the establishment of Arab self-government in Iraq and Transjordan and to the exclusion of Jewish settlement in Transjordan (now Jordan). He also argued in favor of a national home for Kurds in northern Iraq but was overruled by his officials.
During the 1930s, Churchill resented the pressure of the Arab states of the Middle East to curtail Jewish immigration into Palestine. He was an opponent of the white papers on Palestine (1939), by which the British government gave the Palestinian Arabs an effective veto over any eventual Jewish majority in Palestine. He also opposed the restrictions on Jewish land purchase in Palestine. These restrictions were introduced in 1940, shortly after Churchill had reentered the government as first lord of the admiralty, and as such he opposed the use of Royal Navy warships to intercept illegal Jewish immigrant ships heading for Palestine. As prime minister in 1940, he rejected Arab calls for the deportation of illegal Jewish immigrants.
During World War II, while he was prime minister (1940 - 1945), Churchill had to take steps to defend the Middle East from German encroachment. Although in 1942 he failed to persuade Turkey to enter the war on the side of the Allies, he did encourage Turkish neutrality. He also secured the basing of British military experts on Turkish soil, to immobilize oil pipelines and facilities crossing Turkey from Iraq, should German troops try to cross Asia Minor in any attack through Palestine to the Suez Canal. During the war, the pro-German revolt of Rashid Ali in Iraq was thwarted and the pro-German Vichy French government in Syria was ended by British initiatives. Throughout 1940, 1941, and the first half of 1942, Egypt and the Suez Canal were defended by Allied troops against continuous Italian and German military threats. Later in the war, Palestinian Jews were encouraged to volunteer not only for British military tasks, but for clandestine parachute missions behind German lines in Europe.
As wartime prime minister, Churchill watched sympathetically over Zionist aspirations. In 1942, he warned a personal friend "against drifting into the usual anti-Zionist and antisemitic channel which it is customary for British officers to follow." A year later, he told his cabinet that he would not accept any partition plan for Palestine between Jews and Arabs "which the Jews do not accept." Even the murder of his close friend Lord Moyne by Jewish terrorists did not deflect Churchill from his belief that a Jewish state should emerge after World War II, and he called upon the Jewish Agency for Palestine to take action against the terrorist minority in their midst.
In 1945, during a meeting in Egypt, Churchill tried to persuade King Ibn Saʿud of Saudi Arabia to become the leader of a Middle East federation of independent states, in which a Jewish state would form an integral part. Only Churchill's defeat in the general election five months later prevented him from setting up a Middle East peace conference and presiding over it, with a view to establishing such a federation. In 1946, as leader of the opposition, he told the House of Commons, after a Jewish-extremist bomb in Jerusalem had killed ninety people, including many Jews, at the King David Hotel: "Had I the opportunity of guiding the course of events after the war was won a year ago, I should have faithfully pursued the Zionist cause, and I have not abandoned it today, although this is not a very popular moment to espouse it." In 1948, Churchill pressed the Labour government to recognize the State of Israel. As prime minister for the second time, from 1951 to 1955, he argued in favor of allowing merchant ships bound for Israeli ports to be allowed to use the Suez Canal - which had been taken from British control by Egypt's military in 1952 during the revolt that ended in Farouk's abdication and the establishment of the republic.
Churchill's sympathies for Zionism were public and pronounced, alienating many Arabs. Yet he was not without understanding of Arab aspirations and of the vast potential of the Middle East. "The wonderful exertions which Israel is making in these times of difficulty are cheering for an old Zionist like me," he wrote to Weizmann, the first president of the State of Israel, in 1951, and he added: "I trust you may work with Jordan and the rest of the Moslem world. With true comradeship there will be enough for all."
Bibliography
Gilbert, Martin. Winston Churchill, Vol. 4: The Stricken World. London and Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1980.
Gilbert, Martin. Churchill: A Life. New York: Holt, 1991.
— MARTIN GILBERT
An English political leader and author of the twentieth century; he became prime minister shortly after World War II began and served through the end of the war in Europe. Churchill symbolized the fierce determination of the British to resist conquest by the Germans under Adolf Hitler. He forged a close alliance with Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States and Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union in opposition to Germany. Stunningly defeated in elections in 1945, he returned to office as prime minister for several years in the 1950s.
| The Right Honourable Sir Winston Churchill KG OM CH TD PC DL FRS RA |
|
|---|---|
| Prime Minister of the United Kingdom | |
| In office 26 October 1951 – 7 April 1955 |
|
| Monarch | |
| Deputy | Anthony Eden |
| Preceded by | Clement Attlee |
| Succeeded by | Anthony Eden |
| In office 10 May 1940 – 26 July 1945 |
|
| Monarch | George VI |
| Deputy | Clement Attlee |
| Preceded by | Neville Chamberlain |
| Succeeded by | Clement Attlee |
| Leader of the Opposition | |
| In office 26 July 1945 – 26 October 1951 |
|
| Monarch | George VI |
| Prime Minister | Clement Attlee |
| Preceded by | Clement Attlee |
| Succeeded by | Clement Attlee |
| Leader of the Conservative Party | |
| In office 9 November 1940 – 7 April 1955 |
|
| Preceded by | Neville Chamberlain |
| Succeeded by | Anthony Eden |
| Minister of Defence | |
| In office 28 October 1951 – 1 March 1952 |
|
| Prime Minister | Himself |
| Preceded by | Emanuel Shinwell |
| Succeeded by | The Earl Alexander of Tunis |
| In office 10 May 1940 – 26 July 1945 |
|
| Prime Minister | Himself |
| Preceded by | The Lord Chatfield (Minister for Coordination of Defence) |
| Succeeded by | Clement Attlee |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | |
| In office 6 November 1924 – 4 June 1929 |
|
| Prime Minister | Stanley Baldwin |
| Preceded by | Philip Snowden |
| Succeeded by | Philip Snowden |
| Home Secretary | |
| In office 19 February 1910 – 24 October 1911 |
|
| Prime Minister | Herbert Henry Asquith |
| Preceded by | Herbert Gladstone |
| Succeeded by | Reginald McKenna |
| President of the Board of Trade | |
| In office 12 April 1908 – 14 February 1910 |
|
| Prime Minister | Herbert Henry Asquith |
| Preceded by | David Lloyd George |
| Succeeded by | Sydney Buxton |
| Member of Parliament for Woodford |
|
| In office 5 July 1945 – 15 October 1964 |
|
| Preceded by | New constituency |
| Succeeded by | Patrick Jenkin |
| Member of Parliament for Epping |
|
| In office 29 October 1924 – 5 July 1945 |
|
| Preceded by | Sir Leonard Lyle |
| Succeeded by | Leah Manning |
| Member of Parliament for Dundee with Alexander Wilkie |
|
| In office 24 April 1908 – 15 November 1922 |
|
| Preceded by | |
| Succeeded by | |
| Member of Parliament for Manchester North West |
|
| In office 8 February 1906 – 24 April 1908 |
|
| Preceded by | William Houldsworth |
| Succeeded by | William Joynson-Hicks |
| Member of Parliament for Oldham with Alfred Emmott |
|
| In office 24 October 1900 – 12 January 1906 |
|
| Preceded by | Walter Runciman Alfred Emmott |
| Succeeded by | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill 30 November 1874 Blenheim Palace, Woodstock, Oxfordshire, England, United Kingdom |
| Died | 24 January 1965 (aged 90) 28 Hyde Park Gate, London, England |
| Resting place | St Martin's Church, Bladon, Oxfordshire |
| Citizenship | British |
| Nationality | English |
| Political party |
|
| Spouse(s) | Clementine Churchill (m. 1908–1965) |
| Relations |
|
| Children | |
| Residence |
|
| Alma mater | Harrow School, Royal Military Academy Sandhurst |
| Profession | Member of Parliament, statesman, soldier, journalist, historian, author, painter |
| Religion | Anglican |
| Signature | |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | British Empire |
| Service/branch | British Army |
| Years of service | 1895–1900, 1902–24 |
| Rank | |
| Battles/wars | |
| Awards | |
Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, KG, OM, CH, TD, PC, DL, FRS, Hon. RA (30 November 1874 – 24 January 1965) was a British Conservative politician and statesman known for his leadership of the United Kingdom during the Second World War. Widely regarded as one of the greatest wartime leaders of the century, he served as Prime Minister twice (1940–45 and 1951–55). A noted statesman and orator, Churchill was also an officer in the British Army, a historian, a writer, and an artist. He is the only British prime minister to have received the Nobel Prize in Literature, and was the first person to be made an Honorary Citizen of the United States.
Churchill was born into the aristocratic family of the Dukes of Marlborough. His father, Lord Randolph Churchill, was a charismatic politician who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer; his mother, Jenny Jerome, was an American socialite. As a young army officer, he saw action in British India, the Sudan, and the Second Boer War. He gained fame as a war correspondent and wrote books about his campaigns.
At the forefront of politics for fifty years, he held many political and cabinet positions. Before the First World War, he served as President of the Board of Trade, Home Secretary, and First Lord of the Admiralty as part of the Asquith Liberal government. During the war, he continued as First Lord of the Admiralty until the disastrous Gallipoli Campaign, which he had sponsored, caused his departure from government.[neutrality is disputed] He then briefly resumed active army service on the Western Front as commander of the 6th Battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers. He returned to government as Minister of Munitions, Secretary of State for War, and Secretary of State for Air. After the War, Churchill served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Conservative (Baldwin) government of 1924–29, controversially returning the pound sterling in 1925 to the gold standard at its pre-war parity, a move widely seen as creating deflationary pressure on the UK economy. Also controversial were Churchill's opposition to increased home rule for India and his resistance to the 1936 abdication of Edward VIII.
Out of office and politically "in the wilderness" during the 1930s, Churchill took the lead in warning about Nazi Germany and in campaigning for rearmament. On the outbreak of the Second World War, he was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. Following the resignation of Neville Chamberlain on 10 May 1940, Churchill became Prime Minister. His steadfast refusal to consider defeat, surrender, or a compromise peace helped inspire British resistance, especially during the difficult early days of the War when Britain stood alone in its active opposition to Hitler. Churchill was particularly noted for his speeches and radio broadcasts, which helped inspire the British people. He led Britain as Prime Minister until victory over Nazi Germany had been secured.
After the Conservative Party lost the 1945 election, he became Leader of the Opposition. In 1951, he again became Prime Minister, before retiring in 1955. Upon his death, Elizabeth II granted him the honour of a state funeral, which saw one of the largest assemblies of world statesmen in history.[1] Named the Greatest Briton of all time in a 2002 poll, Churchill is widely regarded as being among the most influential persons in British history.
Born into the aristocratic family of the Dukes of Marlborough, a branch of the noble Spencer family,[2] Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, like his father, used the surname "Churchill" in public life.[3] His ancestor George Spencer had changed his surname to Spencer-Churchill in 1817 when he became Duke of Marlborough, to highlight his descent from John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough. Winston's father, Lord Randolph Churchill, the third son of John Spencer-Churchill, 7th Duke of Marlborough, was a politician; and his mother, Lady Randolph Churchill (née Jennie Jerome) was the daughter of American millionaire Leonard Jerome. Winston was born on 30 November 1874, two months prematurely, in a bedroom in Blenheim Palace, Woodstock, Oxfordshire.[4]
From age two to six, he lived in Dublin, where his grandfather had been appointed Viceroy and employed Churchill's father as his private secretary. Churchill's brother, John Strange Spencer-Churchill, was born during this time in Ireland. It has been claimed that the young Winston first developed his fascination with military matters from watching the many parades pass by the Vice Regal Lodge (now Áras an Uachtaráin, the official residence of the President of Ireland).[5][6]
Churchill's earliest exposure to education occurred in Dublin, where a governess tried teaching him reading, writing, and arithmetic (his first reading book was called 'Reading Without Tears'). With limited contact with his parents, Churchill became very close to his nanny, 'Mrs' Elizabeth Anne Everest, whom he called 'Old Woom'. She served as his confidante, nurse, and mother substitute.[7] The two spent many happy hours playing in the Phoenix Park.[8][9]
Independent and rebellious by nature, Churchill generally had a poor academic record in school, for which he was punished.[10] He was educated at three independent schools: St. George's School, Ascot, Berkshire; Brunswick School in Hove, near Brighton (the school has since been renamed Stoke Brunswick School and relocated to Ashurst Wood in West Sussex); and at Harrow School from 17 April 1888. Within weeks of his arrival at Harrow, Churchill had joined the Harrow Rifle Corps.[11] Due to his poor record, this seemingly justified his father’s decision to enter him into an army career. It was only at the third attempt that he managed to pass the entrance examination to the Royal Military College, but, once there, he applied himself seriously and passed out (graduated) 20th in a class of 130.[10]
He passed an unhappy and sadly neglected childhood, redeemed only by the affection of Mrs Everest, his devoted nurse.[10] Churchill was rarely visited by his mother, and wrote letters begging her either to come to the school or to allow him to come home. His relationship with his father was distant; he once remarked that they barely spoke to one another.[12] His father died on 24 January 1895, aged 45, leaving Churchill with the conviction that he too would die young and so should be quick about making his mark on the world.[13]
Many authors writing in the 1920s and 1930s, before sound recording became common, mentioned Churchill's stutter in terms such as 'severe' or 'agonising' and Churchill described himself as having a "speech impediment" which he worked to overcome. His dentures were specially designed to aid his speech (Demosthenes' pebbles).[14] After many years of public speeches carefully prepared to not only inspire, but also to avoid hesitations, he could finally state, "My impediment is no hindrance".[15]
The Churchill Centre, however, flatly denies the claim that Churchill stuttered, while confirming that he did have difficulty pronouncing the letter S and spoke with a lisp[16] as did his father.[17]
Churchill met his future wife, Clementine Hozier, in 1904 at a ball in Crewe House, home of the Earl of Crewe and Crewe's wife Margaret Primrose (daughter of Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery and Hannah Rothschild).[18] In 1908, they met again at a dinner party hosted by Susan Jeune, Baroness St Helier. Churchill found himself seated beside Clementine, and they soon began a lifelong romance.[19] He proposed to Clementine during a house party at Blenheim Palace on 10 August 1908, in a small Temple of Diana.[20]
On 12 September 1908, they were married in St. Margaret's, Westminster. The church was packed; the Bishop of St Asaph conducted the service.[21] The couple spent their honeymoon at Highgrove House in Eastcote.[22] In March 1909, the couple moved to a house at 33 Eccleston Square.
Their first child, Diana, was born in London on 11 July 1909. After the pregnancy, Clementine moved to Sussex to recover, while Diana stayed in London with her nanny.[23] On 28 May 1911, their second child, Randolph, was born at 33 Eccleston Square.[24]
Their third child, Sarah, was born on 7 October 1914 at Admiralty House. The birth was marked with anxiety for Clementine, as Winston had been sent to Antwerp by the Cabinet to "stiffen the resistance of the beleaguered city" after news that the Belgians intended to surrender the town.[25]
Clementine gave birth to her fourth child, Marigold Frances Churchill, on 15 November 1918, four days after the official end of the First World War.[26] In the early days of August 1921, the Churchills' children were entrusted to a French nursery governess in Kent named Mlle Rose. Clementine, meanwhile, travelled to Eaton Hall to play tennis with Hugh Grosvenor, 2nd Duke of Westminster and his family. While still under the care of Mlle Rose, Marigold had a cold, but was reported to have recovered from the illness. As the illness progressed with hardly any notice, it turned into septicaemia. Following advice from a landlady, Rose sent for Clementine. However the illness turned fatal on 23 August 1921, and Marigold was buried in the Kensal Green Cemetery three days later.[27]
On 15 September 1922, the Churchills' last child, Mary, was born. Later that month, the Churchills bought Chartwell, which would be Winston's home until his death in 1965.[28][29]
After Churchill left Harrow in 1893, he applied to attend the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. He tried three times before passing the entrance exam; he applied for cavalry rather than infantry because the grade requirement was lower and did not require him to learn mathematics, which he disliked. He graduated eighth out of a class of 150 in December 1894,[30] and although he could now have transferred to an infantry regiment as his father had wished, chose to remain with the cavalry and was commissioned as a Cornet (Second Lieutenant) in the 4th Queen's Own Hussars on 20 February 1895.[11] In 1941, he received the honour of being appointed Regimental Colonel of the 4th Hussars an honour which was increased after the Second World War when he was appointed as Colonel-in-Chief; a privilege usually reserved for Royalty.
Churchill's pay as a second lieutenant in the 4th Hussars was £300 annually. However, he believed that he needed at least a further £500 (equivalent to £25,000 in 2001 terms) to support a style of life equal to that of other officers of the regiment. His mother provided an allowance of £400 per year, but this was repeatedly overspent. According to biographer Roy Jenkins, this is one reason he took an interest in war correspondence.[31] He did not intend to follow a conventional career of promotion through army ranks, but rather to seek out all possible chances of military action, using his mother's and family influence in high society to arrange postings to active campaigns. His writings brought him to the attention of the public, and earned him significant additional income. He acted as a war correspondent for several London newspapers[32] and wrote his own books about the campaigns.
In 1895, Churchill travelled to Cuba to observe the Spanish fight the Cuban guerrillas; he had obtained a commission to write about the conflict from the Daily Graphic. He came under fire on his twenty-first birthday,[11] the first of about 50 times during his life, and the Spanish awarded him his first medal.[33]:17 Churchill had fond memories of Cuba as a "...large, rich, beautiful island..."[34] While there, he soon acquired a taste for Havana cigars, which he would smoke for the rest of his life. While in New York, he stayed at the home of Bourke Cockran, an admirer of his mother. Bourke was an established American politician, and a member of the House of Representatives. He greatly influenced Churchill, both in his approach to oratory and politics, and encouraging a love of America.[35]
He soon received word that his nanny, Mrs Everest, was dying; he then returned to England and stayed with her for a week until she died. He wrote in his journal, "She was my favourite friend." In My Early Life he wrote: "She had been my dearest and most intimate friend during the whole of the twenty years I had lived."[36]
In early October 1896, he was transferred to Bombay, British India. He was considered one of the best polo players in his regiment and led his team to many prestigious tournament victories.[37]
In 1897, Churchill attempted to travel to both report and, if necessary, fight in the Greco-Turkish War, but this conflict effectively ended before he could arrive. Later, while preparing for a leave in England, he heard that three brigades of the British Army were going to fight against a Pashtun tribe in the North West Frontier of India and he asked his superior officer if he could join the fight.[38] He fought under the command of General Jeffery, who was the commander of the second brigade operating in Malakand, in the Frontier region of British India. Jeffery sent him with fifteen scouts to explore the Mamund Valley; while on reconnaissance, they encountered an enemy tribe, dismounted from their horses and opened fire. After an hour of shooting, their reinforcements, the 35th Sikhs arrived, and the fire gradually ceased and the brigade and the Sikhs marched on. Hundreds of tribesmen then ambushed them and opened fire, forcing them to retreat. As they were retreating four men were carrying an injured officer but the fierceness of the fight forced them to leave him behind. The man who was left behind was slashed to death before Churchill's eyes; afterwards he wrote of the killer, "I forgot everything else at this moment except a desire to kill this man."[39] However the Sikhs' numbers were being depleted so the next commanding officer told Churchill to get the rest of the men and boys to safety.
Before he left he asked for a note so he would not be charged with desertion.[40] He received the note, quickly signed, and headed up the hill and alerted the other brigade, whereupon they then engaged the army. The fighting in the region dragged on for another two weeks before the dead could be recovered. He wrote in his journal: "Whether it was worth it I cannot tell."[39][41] An account of the Siege of Malakand was published in December 1900 as The Story of the Malakand Field Force. He received £600 for his account. During the campaign, he also wrote articles for the newspapers The Pioneer and The Daily Telegraph.[42] His account of the battle was one of his first published stories, for which he received £5 per column from The Daily Telegraph.[43]
Churchill was transferred to Egypt in 1898. He visited Luxor before joining an attachment of the 21st Lancers serving in the Sudan under the command of General Herbert Kitchener. During this time he encountered two military officers with whom he would work during the First World War: Douglas Haig, then a captain and David Beatty, then a gunboat lieutenant.[44] While in the Sudan, he participated in what has been described as the last meaningful British cavalry charge, at the Battle of Omdurman in September 1898.[45] He also worked as a war correspondent for the Morning Post. By October 1898, he had returned to Britain and begun his two-volume work; The River War, an account of the reconquest of the Sudan which was published the following year. Churchill resigned from the British Army effective from 5 May 1899.
He soon had his first opportunity to begin a Parliamentary career, when he was invited by Robert Ascroft to be the second Conservative Party candidate in Ascroft's Oldham constituency. Ascroft's sudden death caused a double by-election and Churchill was one of the candidates. In the midst of a national trend against the Conservatives, both seats were lost; however Churchill impressed by his vigorous campaigning.
Having failed at Oldham, Churchill looked about for some other opportunity to advance his career. On 12 October 1899, the Second Boer War between Britain and the Boer Republics broke out and he obtained a commission to act as war correspondent for the Morning Post with a salary of £250 per month. He rushed to sail on the same ship as the newly appointed British commander, Sir Redvers Buller. After some weeks in exposed areas he accompanied a scouting expedition in an armoured train, leading to his capture and imprisonment in a POW camp in Pretoria (converted school building for Pretoria High School for Girls). His actions during the ambush of the train led to speculation that he would be awarded the Victoria Cross, Britain's highest award for gallantry in the face of the enemy, but this did not occur.[11]
He escaped from the prison camp and travelled almost 300 miles (480 km) to Portuguese Lourenço Marques in Delagoa Bay, with the assistance of an English mine manager.[46] His escape made him a minor national hero for a time in Britain, though instead of returning home, he rejoined General Buller's army on its march to relieve the British at the Siege of Ladysmith and take Pretoria.[47] This time, although continuing as a war correspondent, he gained a commission in the South African Light Horse. He was among the first British troops into Ladysmith and Pretoria. He and his cousin, the Duke of Marlborough, were able to get ahead of the rest of the troops in Pretoria, where they demanded and received the surrender of 52 Boer prison camp guards.[48]
In 1900, Churchill returned to England on the RMS Dunottar Castle, the same ship on which he set sail for South Africa eight months earlier.[50] He there published London to Ladysmith and a second volume of Boer war experiences, Ian Hamilton's March. Churchill stood again for parliament in Oldham in the general election of 1900 and won (his Conservative colleague, Crisp, was defeated) in the contest for two seats.[51][52] After the 1900 general election he embarked on a speaking tour of Britain, followed by tours of the United States and Canada, earning in excess of £5,000.[53]
In 1900, he retired from the regular army and in 1902 joined the Imperial Yeomanry where he was commissioned as a Captain in the Queen's Own Oxfordshire Hussars on 4 January 1902.[54] In April 1905, he was promoted to Major and appointed to command of the Henley Squadron of the Queen's Own Oxfordshire Hussars.[55] In September 1916, he transferred to the territorial reserves of officers where he remained till retiring in 1924, at the age of fifty.[55]
In October 11, Churchill was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. While serving in this position, he put a strong emphasis on modernization and was also in favor of using airplanes in combat. He launched a program to replace coal power with oil power. When he assumed his position, oil was already being used on submarines and destroyers, but most ships were still coal-powered, though oil was sprayed on the coals. Churchill began this program by ordering that the upcoming Queen Elizabeth-class battleships were to be built with oil-fired engines. Churchill also established a Royal Commission chaired by Admiral Sir John Fisher, which confirmed the benefits of oil over coal in three classified reports, and judged that ample supplies of oil existed, but recommended that oil reserves be maintained in the event of war. The delegation then traveled to the Persian Gulf, and the government, largely through Churchill's advice, eventually invested in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and bought most of it's stock, and negotiated a secret contract with a 20-year supply.[56][57]
Churchill continued to serve as First Lord of the Admiralty into World War I. He resigned in May 1915 after the disastrous Battle of Gallipoli. Churchill had felt obliged to resign from the war cabinet because he had proposed the Gallipoli expedition.
Some months after his resignation, Churchill rejoined the British Army after having served for six months as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. He attempted to obtain an appointment as a brigade commander, but settled for command of a battalion. After spending some time as a Major with the 2nd Battalion, Grenadier Guards, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding the 6th Battalion, Royal Scots Fusiliers (part of the 9th (Scottish) Division), on 1 January 1916. Correspondence with his wife shows that his intent in taking up active service was to rehabilitate his reputation, but this was balanced by the serious risk of being killed. As a commander he continued to exhibit the reckless daring which had been a hallmark of all his military actions, although he disapproved strongly of the mass slaughter involved in many Western Front actions.[58]
Lord Deedes opined to a gathering of the Royal Historical Society in 2001 why Churchill went to the front line: "He was with Grenadier Guards, who were dry at battalion headquarters. They very much liked tea and condensed milk, which had no great appeal to Winston, but alcohol was permitted in the front line, in the trenches. So he suggested to the colonel that he really ought to see more of the war and get into the front line. This was highly commended by the colonel, who thought it was a very good thing to do."[59]
Churchill stood again for the seat of Oldham at the 1900 general election. After winning the seat, he went on a speaking tour throughout Britain and the United States, raising £10,000 for himself (about £800,000 today).[60] In Parliament, he became associated with a faction of the Conservative Party led by Lord Hugh Cecil; the Hughligans. During his first parliamentary session, he opposed the government's military expenditure[61] and Joseph Chamberlain's proposal of extensive tariffs, which were intended to protect Britain's economic dominance. His own constituency effectively deselected him, although he continued to sit for Oldham until the next general election. After the Whitsun recess in 1904 he crossed the floor to sit as a member of the Liberal Party. As a Liberal, he continued to campaign for free trade. When the Liberals took office with Henry Campbell-Bannerman as prime minister, in December 1905, Churchill became Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies dealing mainly with South Africa after the Boer War. From 1903 until 1905, Churchill was also engaged in writing Lord Randolph Churchill, a two-volume biography of his father which was published in 1906 and received much critical acclaim.[62]
Following his deselection in the seat of Oldham, Churchill was invited to stand for Manchester North West. He won the seat at the 1906 general election with a majority of 1,214 and represented the seat for two years, until 1908.[63] When Campbell-Bannerman was succeeded by Herbert Henry Asquith in 1908, Churchill was promoted to the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade.[52] Under the law at the time, a newly appointed Cabinet Minister was obliged to seek re-election at a by-election; Churchill lost his seat but was soon back as a member for Dundee constituency. As President of the Board of Trade he joined newly appointed Chancellor Lloyd George in opposing First Lord of the Admiralty, Reginald McKenna's proposed huge expenditure for the construction of Navy dreadnought warships, and in supporting the Liberal reforms.[64] In 1908, he introduced the Trade Boards Bill setting up the first minimum wages in Britain.[65] In 1909, he set up Labour Exchanges to help unemployed people find work.[66] He helped draft the first unemployment pension legislation, the National Insurance Act of 1911.[67] As a supporter of eugenics, he participated in the drafting of the Mental Deficiency Act 1913; however, the Act, in the form eventually passed, rejected his preferred method of sterilisation of the feeble-minded in favour of their confinement in institutions.[68]
Churchill also assisted in passing the People's Budget[69] becoming President of the Budget League, an organisation set up in response to the opposition's "Budget Protest League".[70] The budget included the introduction of new taxes on the wealthy to allow for the creation of new social welfare programmes. After the budget bill was sent to the Commons in 1909 and passed, it went to the House of Lords, where it was vetoed. The Liberals then fought and won two general elections in January and December 1910 to gain a mandate for their reforms. The budget was then passed following the Parliament Act 1911 for which he also campaigned. In 1910, he was promoted to Home Secretary. His term was controversial after his responses to the Siege of Sidney Street and the dispute at the Cambrian Colliery and the suffragettes.
In 1910, a number of coal miners in the Rhondda Valley began what has come to be known as the Tonypandy Riot.[64] The Chief Constable of Glamorgan requested troops be sent in to help police quell the rioting. Churchill, learning that the troops were already travelling, allowed them to go as far as Swindon and Cardiff but blocked their deployment. On 9 November, The Times criticised this decision. In spite of this, the rumour persists that Churchill had ordered troops to attack, and his reputation in Wales and in Labour circles never recovered.[71]
In early January 1911, Churchill made a controversial visit to the Siege of Sidney Street in London. There is some uncertainty as to whether he attempted to give operational commands, and his presence attracted much criticism. After an inquest, Arthur Balfour remarked, "he [Churchill] and a photographer were both risking valuable lives. I understand what the photographer was doing, but what was the right honourable gentleman doing?"[72] A biographer, Roy Jenkins, suggests that he went simply because "he could not resist going to see the fun himself" and that he did not issue commands.[73] Another account said the police had the miscreants – Latvian anarchists wanted for murder – surrounded in a house, but Churchill called in the Scots Guards from the Tower of London and, dressed in top hat and astrakhan collar greatcoat, directed operations. The house caught fire and Churchill prevented the fire brigade from dousing the flames so the men inside were burned to death. "I thought it better to let the house burn down rather than spend good British lives in rescuing those ferocious rascals."[74]
Churchill's proposed solution to the suffragette issue was a referendum on the issue, but this found no favour with Herbert Henry Asquith and women's suffrage remained unresolved until after the First World War.[75]
In 1911, Churchill was transferred to the office of the First Lord of the Admiralty, a post he held into the First World War. He gave impetus to several reform efforts, including development of naval aviation (he undertook flying lessons himself),[76] the construction of new and larger warships, the development of tanks, and the switch from coal to oil in the Royal Navy.[77]
On 5 October 1914, Churchill went to Antwerp, which the Belgian government proposed to evacuate. The Royal Marine Brigade was there and at Churchill's urgings the 1st and 2nd Naval Brigades were also committed. Antwerp fell on 10 October with the loss of 2500 men. At the time he was attacked for squandering resources.[78] It is more likely that his actions prolonged the resistance by a week (Belgium had proposed surrendering Antwerp on 3 October) and that this time saved Calais and Dunkirk.[79]
Churchill was involved with the development of the tank, which was financed from naval research funds.[80] He then headed the Landships Committee which was responsible for creating the first tank corps and, although a decade later development of the battle tank would be seen as a tactical victory, at the time it was seen as misappropriation of funds.[80] In 1915, he was one of the political and military engineers of the disastrous Gallipoli landings on the Dardanelles during the First World War.[81] He took much of the blame for the fiasco, and when Prime Minister Asquith formed an all-party coalition government, the Conservatives demanded his demotion as the price for entry.[82]
For several months Churchill served in the sinecure of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. However on 15 November 1915 he resigned from the government, feeling his energies were not being used[83] and, though remaining an MP, served for several months on the Western Front commanding the 6th Battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, with the rank of lieutenant colonel.[84][85] While in command he personally made 36 forays into no man's land, and his section of the front at Ploegsteert became one of the most active.[85] In March 1916, Churchill returned to England after he had become restless in France and wished to speak again in the House of Commons.[86] Future prime minister David Lloyd George acidly commented: "You will one day discover that the state of mind revealed in (your) letter is the reason why you do not win trust even where you command admiration. In every line of it, national interests are completely overshadowed by your personal concern."[87] In July 1917, Churchill was appointed Minister of Munitions, and in January 1919, Secretary of State for War and Secretary of State for Air. He was the main architect of the Ten Year Rule, a principle that allowed the Treasury to dominate and control strategic, foreign and financial policies under the assumption that "there would be no great European war for the next five or ten years".[88]
A major preoccupation of his tenure in the War Office was the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War. Churchill was a staunch advocate of foreign intervention, declaring that Bolshevism must be "strangled in its cradle".[89] He secured, from a divided and loosely organised Cabinet, intensification and prolongation of the British involvement beyond the wishes of any major group in Parliament or the nation—and in the face of the bitter hostility of Labour. In 1920, after the last British forces had been withdrawn, Churchill was instrumental in having arms sent to the Poles when they invaded Ukraine.He was also instrumental in having para-military forces (Black and Tans & Auxiliaries) intervene in the Anglo-Irish War.[90] He became Secretary of State for the Colonies in 1921 and was a signatory of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, which established the Irish Free State. Churchill was involved in the lengthy negotiations of the treaty and to protect British maritime interests, he engineered part of the Irish Free State agreement to include three Treaty Ports—Queenstown (Cobh), Berehaven and Lough Swilly—which could be used as Atlantic bases by the Royal Navy.[91] In 1938, however, under the terms of the Chamberlain-De Valera Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement the bases were returned to the Irish Free State.
Churchill advocated the use of tear gas on Kurdish tribesmen in Iraq,[92] Though the British did consider the use of poison gas in putting down Kurdish rebellions, it was not used, as conventional bombing was considered effective.[93]
In 1923, he acted as a paid consultant for Burmah Oil (now BP plc) to lobby the British government to allow Burmah to have exclusive rights to Persian (Iranian) oil resources, which were successfully granted.[94]
In September, the Conservative Party withdrew from the Coalition government following a meeting of backbenchers dissatisfied with the handling of the Chanak Crisis, a move that precipitated the looming October 1922 General Election. Churchill fell ill during the campaign, and had to have an appendicectomy. This made it difficult for him to campaign, and a further setback was the internal division that continued to beset the Liberal Party. He came only fourth in the poll for Dundee, losing to the prohibitionist Edwin Scrymgeour. Churchill later quipped that he left Dundee "without an office, without a seat, without a party and without an appendix".[63] He stood for the Liberals again in the 1923 general election, losing in Leicester, and then as an independent, first without success in a by-election in the Westminster Abbey constituency, and then successfully in the general election of 1924 for Epping. The following year, he formally rejoined the Conservative Party, commenting wryly that "anyone can rat, but it takes a certain ingenuity to re-rat."[63][95]
Churchill was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1924 under Stanley Baldwin and oversaw Britain's disastrous return to the Gold Standard, which resulted in deflation, unemployment, and the miners' strike that led to the General Strike of 1926.[96] His decision, announced in the 1924 Budget, came after long consultation with various economists including John Maynard Keynes, the Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, Sir Otto Niemeyer and the board of the Bank of England. This decision prompted Keynes to write The Economic Consequences of Mr. Churchill, arguing that the return to the gold standard at the pre-war parity in 1925 (£1=$4.86) would lead to a world depression. However, the decision was generally popular and seen as 'sound economics' although it was opposed by Lord Beaverbrook and the Federation of British Industries.[97]
Churchill later regarded this as the greatest mistake of his life. However in discussions at the time with former Chancellor McKenna, Churchill acknowledged that the return to the gold standard and the resulting 'dear money' policy was economically bad. In those discussions he maintained the policy as fundamentally political—a return to the pre-war conditions in which he believed.[98] In his speech on the Bill he said "I will tell you what it [the return to the Gold Standard] will shackle us to. It will shackle us to reality."[99]
The return to the pre-war exchange rate and to the Gold Standard depressed industries. The most affected was the coal industry. Already suffering from declining output as shipping switched to oil, as basic British industries like cotton came under more competition in export markets, the return to the pre-war exchange was estimated to add up to 10% in costs to the industry. In July 1925, a Commission of Inquiry reported generally favouring the miners, rather than the mine owners' position.[100] Baldwin, with Churchill's support proposed a subsidy to the industry while a Royal Commission prepared a further report.
That Commission solved nothing and the miners' dispute led to the General Strike of 1926, Churchill was reported to have suggested that machine guns be used on the striking miners. Churchill edited the Government's newspaper, the British Gazette, and, during the dispute, he argued that "either the country will break the General Strike, or the General Strike will break the country" and claimed that the fascism of Benito Mussolini had "rendered a service to the whole world," showing, as it had, "a way to combat subversive forces"—that is, he considered the regime to be a bulwark against the perceived threat of Communist revolution. At one point, Churchill went as far as to call Mussolini the "Roman genius... the greatest lawgiver among men."[101]
Later economists, as well as people at the time, also criticised Churchill's budget measures. These were seen as assisting the generally prosperous rentier banking and salaried classes (to which Churchill and his associates generally belonged) at the expense of manufacturers and exporters which were known then to be suffering from imports and from competition in traditional export markets,[102] and as paring the Armed Forces too heavily.[103]
The Conservative government was defeated in the 1929 General Election. Churchill did not seek election to the Conservative Business Committee, the official leadership of the Conservative MPs. Over the next two years, Churchill became estranged from the Conservative leadership over the issues of protective tariffs and Indian Home Rule and by his political views and by his friendships with press barons, financiers and people whose characters were seen as dubious. When Ramsay MacDonald formed the National Government in 1931, Churchill was not invited to join the Cabinet. He was at the low point in his career, in a period known as "the wilderness years".[104]
He spent much of the next few years concentrating on his writing, including Marlborough: His Life and Times—a biography of his ancestor John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough—and A History of the English Speaking Peoples (though the latter was not published until well after the Second World War),[104] Great Contemporaries and many newspaper articles and collections of speeches. He was one of the best paid writers of his time.[104] His political views, set forth in his 1930 Romanes Election and published as Parliamentary Government and the Economic Problem (republished in 1932 in his collection of essays "Thoughts and Adventures") involved abandoning universal suffrage, a return to a property franchise, proportional representation for the major cities and an economic 'sub parliament'.[105]
Churchill opposed Gandhi's peaceful disobedience revolt and the Indian Independence movement in the 1930s, arguing that the Round Table Conference "was a frightful prospect".[106] Later reports indicate that Churchill favoured letting Gandhi die if he went on a hunger strike.[107] During the first half of the 1930s, Churchill was outspoken in his opposition to granting Dominion status to India. He was a founder of the India Defence League, a group dedicated to the preservation of British power in India. Churchill brooked no moderation. "The truth is," he declared in 1930, "that Gandhi-ism and everything it stands for will have to be grappled with and crushed."[108] In speeches and press articles in this period he forecast widespread unemployment in Britain and civil strife in India should independence be granted.[109] The Viceroy Lord Irwin, who had been appointed by the prior Conservative Government, engaged in the Round Table Conference in early 1931 and then announced the Government's policy that India should be granted Dominion Status. In this the Government was supported by the Liberal Party and, officially at least, by the Conservative Party. Churchill denounced the Round Table Conference.
At a meeting of the West Essex Conservative Association specially convened so Churchill could explain his position he said, "It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well-known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Vice-regal palace... to parley on equal terms with the representative of the King-Emperor."[110] He called the Indian National Congress leaders "Brahmins who mouth and patter principles of Western Liberalism".[111]
Two incidents damaged Churchill's reputation greatly within the Conservative Party in this period. Both were taken as attacks on the Conservative front bench. The first was his speech on the eve of the St George by-election in April 1931. In a secure Conservative seat, the official Conservative candidate Duff Cooper was opposed by an independent Conservative. The independent was supported by Lord Rothermere, Lord Beaverbrook and their respective newspapers. Although arranged before the by-election was set,[112] Churchill's speech was seen as supporting the independent candidate and as a part of the press baron's campaign against Baldwin. Baldwin's position was strengthened when Duff Cooper won, and when the civil disobedience campaign in India ceased with the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. The second issue was a claim by Churchill that Sir Samuel Hoare and Lord Derby had pressured the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to change evidence it had given to the Joint Select Committee considering the Government of India Bill, and in doing so had breached Parliamentary privilege. He had the matter referred to the House of Commons Privilege Committee which after investigations, in which Churchill gave evidence, reported to the House that there had been no breach.[113] The report was debated on 13 June. Churchill was unable to find a single supporter in the House and the debate ended without a division.
Churchill permanently broke with Stanley Baldwin over Indian independence and never again held any office while Baldwin was prime minister. Some historians see his basic attitude to India as being set out in his book My Early Life (1930).[114] Another source of controversy about Churchill's attitude towards Indian affairs arises over what some historians term the Indian 'nationalist approach' to the Bengal famine of 1943, which has sought to place significant blame on Churchill's wartime government for the excessive mortality of up to three million people.[115][116][117] While some commentators point to the disruption of the traditional marketing system and maladministration at the provincial level,[118] Arthur Herman, author of Churchill and Gandhi, contends, 'The real cause was the fall of Burma to the Japanese, which cut off India's main supply of rice imports when domestic sources fell short...[though] it is true that Churchill opposed diverting food supplies and transports from other theatres to India to cover the shortfall: this was wartime.'[119] In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India, Leo Amery, and Viceroy of India, Wavell, to release food stocks for India, Churchill responded with a telegram to Wavell asking, if food was so scarce, "why Gandhi hadn't died yet."[120] In July 1940, newly in office, he welcomed reports of the emerging conflict between the Muslim League and the Indian Congress, hoping "it would be bitter and bloody".[108]
Beginning in 1932, when he opposed those who advocated giving Germany the right to military parity with France, Churchill spoke often of the dangers of Germany's rearmament.[121] He later, particularly in The Gathering Storm, portrayed himself as being for a time, a lone voice calling on Britain to strengthen itself to counter the belligerence of Germany.[122] However Lord Lloyd was the first to so agitate.[123] Churchill's attitude toward the fascist dictators was ambiguous. In 1931, he warned against the League of Nations opposing the Japanese in Manchuria "I hope we shall try in England to understand the position of Japan, an ancient state.... On the one side they have the dark menace of Soviet Russia. On the other the chaos of China, four or five provinces of which are being tortured under Communist rule".[124] In contemporary newspaper articles he referred to the Spanish Republican government as a Communist front, and Franco's army as the "Anti-red movement".[125] He supported the Hoare-Laval Pact and continued up until 1937 to praise Benito Mussolini.[126]
Speaking in the House of Commons in 1937, Churchill said "I will not pretend that, if I had to choose between communism and Nazism, I would choose communism".[127] In a 1935 essay titled "Hitler and his Choice", which was republished in his 1937 book Great Contemporaries, Churchill expressed a hope that Hitler, if he so chose, and despite his rise to power through dictatorial action, hatred and cruelty, might yet "go down in history as the man who restored honour and peace of mind to the great Germanic nation and brought it back serene, helpful and strong to the forefront of the European family circle."[128] Churchill's first major speech on defence on 7 February 1934 stressed the need to rebuild the Royal Air Force and to create a Ministry of Defence; his second, on 13 July urged a renewed role for the League of Nations. These three topics remained his themes until early 1936. In 1935, he was one of the founding members of The Focus, which brought together people of differing political backgrounds and occupations who were united in seeking "the defence of freedom and peace".[129] The Focus led to the formation of the much wider Arms and the Covenant Movement in 1936.
Churchill was holidaying in Spain when the Germans reoccupied the Rhineland in February 1936, and returned to a divided Britain. The Labour opposition was adamant in opposing sanctions and the National Government was divided between advocates of economic sanctions and those who said that even these would lead to a humiliating backdown by Britain as France would not support any intervention.[130] Churchill's speech on 9 March was measured, and praised by Neville Chamberlain as constructive. But within weeks Churchill was passed over for the post of Minister for Co-ordination of Defence in favour of the Attorney General Sir Thomas Inskip.[131] Alan Taylor called this "an appointment rightly described as the most extraordinary since Caligula made his horse a consul".[132] In June 1936, Churchill organised a deputation of senior Conservatives who shared his concern to see Baldwin, Chamberlain and Halifax. He had tried to have delegates from the other two parties and later wrote, "If the leaders of the Labour and Liberal oppositions had come with us there might have been a political situation so intense as to enforce remedial action".[133] As it was the meeting achieved little, Baldwin arguing that the Government was doing all it could, given the anti-war feeling of the electorate.[citation needed]
On 12 November Churchill returned to the topic. Speaking in the Address in Reply debate, after giving some specific instances of Germany's war preparedness, he said "The Government simply cannot make up their mind or they cannot get the prime minister to make up his mind. So they go on in strange paradox, decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all powerful for impotency. And so we go on preparing more months more years precious perhaps vital for the greatness of Britain for the locusts to eat."[citation needed]
R. R. James called this one of Churchill's most brilliant speeches in this period, Baldwin's reply sounding weak and disturbing the House. The exchange gave new encouragement to the Arms and the Covenant Movement.[134]
In June 1936, Walter Monckton told Churchill that the rumours that King Edward VIII intended to marry Mrs Wallis Simpson were true. Churchill then advised against the marriage and said he regarded Mrs Simpson's existing marriage as a 'safeguard'.[135] In November, he declined Lord Salisbury's invitation to be part of a delegation of senior Conservative backbenchers who met with Baldwin to discuss the matter. On 25 November he, Attlee and Liberal leader Archibald Sinclair met with Baldwin, were told officially of the King's intention, and asked whether they would form an administration if Baldwin and the National Government resigned should the King not take the Ministry's advice. Both Attlee and Sinclair said they would not take office if invited to do so. Churchill's reply was that his attitude was a little different but he would support the government.[136]
The Abdication crisis became public, coming to a head in the first fortnight of December 1936. At this time Churchill publicly gave his support to the King. The first public meeting of the Arms and the Covenant Movement was on 3 December. Churchill was a major speaker and later wrote that in replying to the Vote of Thanks he made a declaration 'on the spur of the moment' asking for delay before any decision was made by either the King or his Cabinet.[137] Later that night Churchill saw the draft of the King's proposed wireless broadcast and spoke with Beaverbrook and the King's solicitor about it. On 4 December, he met with the King and again urged delay in any decision about abdication. On 5 December, he issued a lengthy statement implying that the Ministry was applying unconstitutional pressure on the King to force him to make a hasty decision.[138] On 7 December he tried to address the Commons to plead for delay. He was shouted down. Seemingly staggered by the unanimous hostility of all Members he left.[139]
Churchill's reputation in Parliament and England as a whole was badly damaged. Some such as Alistair Cooke saw him as trying to build a King's Party.[140] Others like Harold Macmillan were dismayed by the damage Churchill's support for the King had done to the Arms and the Covenant Movement.[141] Churchill himself later wrote "I was myself smitten in public opinion that it was the almost universal view that my political life was ended."[142] Historians are divided about Churchill's motives in his support for Edward VIII. Some such as A J P Taylor see it as being an attempt to 'overthrow the government of feeble men'.[143] Others such as Rhode James see Churchill's motives as entirely honourable and disinterested, that he felt deeply for the King.[144]
Churchill later sought to portray himself as (to some extent) an isolated voice warning of the need to rearm against Germany. While it is true that he had a small following in the House of Commons during much of the 1930s he was given privileged information by some elements within the Government, particularly by disaffected civil servants in the War Ministry. The "Churchill group" in the later half of the decade consisted only of himself, Duncan Sandys and Brendan Bracken. It was isolated from the other main factions within the Conservative Party pressing for faster rearmament and a stronger foreign policy.[145] Churchill continued to be consulted on many matters by the Government or seen as an alternative leader.[146]
Even during the time Churchill was campaigning against Indian independence, he received official and otherwise secret information. From 1932, Churchill's neighbour, Major Desmond Morton with Ramsay MacDonald's approval, gave Churchill information on German air power.[147] From 1930 onwards Morton headed a department of the Committee of Imperial Defence charged with researching the defence preparedness of other nations. Lord Swinton as Secretary of State for Air, and with Baldwin's approval, in 1934 gave Churchill access to official and otherwise secret information.
Swinton did so, knowing Churchill would remain a critic of the government, but believing that an informed critic was better than one relying on rumour and hearsay.[148] Churchill was a fierce critic of Neville Chamberlain's appeasement of Adolf Hitler[149] and in a speech to the House of Commons, he bluntly and prophetically stated, "You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour, and you will have war."[150]
After the outbreak of the Second World War on 3 September 1939, the day Britain declared war on Germany, Churchill was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty and a member of the War Cabinet, as he had been during the first part of the First World War. When they were informed, the Board of the Admiralty sent a signal to the Fleet: "Winston is back".[151][152] In this job, he proved to be one of the highest-profile ministers during the so-called "Phoney War", when the only noticeable action was at sea. Churchill advocated the pre-emptive occupation of the neutral Norwegian iron-ore port of Narvik and the iron mines in Kiruna, Sweden, early in the war. However, Chamberlain and the rest of the War Cabinet disagreed, and the operation was delayed until the successful German invasion of Norway.
On 10 May 1940, hours before the German invasion of France by a lightning advance through the Low Countries, it became clear that, following failure in Norway, the country had no confidence in Chamberlain's prosecution of the war and so Chamberlain resigned. The commonly accepted version of events states that Lord Halifax turned down the post of prime minister because he believed he could not govern effectively as a member of the House of Lords instead of the House of Commons. Although the prime minister does not traditionally advise the King on the former's successor, Chamberlain wanted someone who would command the support of all three major parties in the House of Commons. A meeting between Chamberlain, Halifax, Churchill and David Margesson, the government Chief Whip, led to the recommendation of Churchill, and, as a constitutional monarch, George VI asked Churchill to be prime minister. Churchill's first act was to write to Chamberlain to thank him for his support.[153]
Churchill had been among the first to recognise the growing threat of Hitler long before the outset of the Second World War, and his warnings had gone largely unheeded. Although there was an element of British public and political sentiment favouring negotiated peace with a clearly ascendant Germany, among them the Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax, Churchill nonetheless refused to consider an armistice with Hitler's Germany.[154] His use of rhetoric hardened public opinion against a peaceful resolution and prepared the British for a long war.[155] Coining the general term for the upcoming battle, Churchill stated in his "finest hour" speech to the House of Commons on 18 June 1940, "I expect that the Battle of Britain is about to begin."[156] By refusing an armistice with Germany, Churchill kept resistance alive in the British Empire and created the basis for the later Allied counter-attacks of 1942–45, with Britain serving as a platform for the supply of Soviet Union and the liberation of Western Europe.
In response to previous criticisms that there had been no clear single minister in charge of the prosecution of the war, Churchill created and took the additional position of Minister of Defence. He immediately put his friend and confidant, the industrialist and newspaper baron Lord Beaverbrook, in charge of aircraft production. It was Beaverbrook's business acumen that allowed Britain to quickly gear up aircraft production and engineering that eventually made the difference in the war.[157]
Churchill's speeches were a great inspiration to the embattled British. His first speech as prime minister was the famous "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat". He followed that closely with two other equally famous ones, given just before the Battle of Britain. One included the words:
... we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.[158]
The other:
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, 'This was their finest hour'.[159]
At the height of the Battle of Britain, his bracing survey of the situation included the memorable line "Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few", which engendered the enduring nickname The Few for the RAF fighter pilots who won it.[160] He first spoke these famous words upon his exit from No. 11 Group's underground bunker at RAF Uxbridge, now known as the Battle of Britain Bunker on 16 August 1940. One of his most memorable war speeches came on 10 November 1942 at the Lord Mayor's Luncheon at Mansion House in London, in response to the Allied victory at the Second Battle of El Alamein. Churchill stated:
This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.[161]
Without having much in the way of sustenance or good news to offer the British people, he took a risk in deliberately choosing to emphasise the dangers instead.
"Rhetorical power", wrote Churchill, "is neither wholly bestowed, nor wholly acquired, but cultivated." Not all were impressed by his oratory. Robert Menzies, prime minister of Australia and himself a gifted phrase-maker, said of Churchill during the Second World War: "His real tyrant is the glittering phrase so attractive to his mind that awkward facts have to give way."[162] Another associate wrote: "He is... the slave of the words which his mind forms about ideas.... And he can convince himself of almost every truth if it is once allowed thus to start on its wild career through his rhetorical machinery."[163]
Churchill's good relationship with Franklin D. Roosevelt secured vital food, oil and munitions via the North Atlantic shipping routes.[164] It was for this reason that Churchill was relieved when Roosevelt was re-elected in 1940. Upon re-election, Roosevelt immediately set about implementing a new method of providing military hardware and shipping to Britain without the need for monetary payment. Put simply, Roosevelt persuaded Congress that repayment for this immensely costly service would take the form of defending the US; and so Lend-lease was born. Churchill had 12 strategic conferences with Roosevelt which covered the Atlantic Charter, Europe first strategy, the Declaration by the United Nations and other war policies. After Pearl Harbor was attacked, Churchill's first thought in anticipation of US help was, "We have won the war!"[165] On 26 December 1941, Churchill addressed a joint meeting of the US Congress, asking of Germany and Japan, "What kind of people do they think we are?"[166] Churchill initiated the Special Operations Executive (SOE) under Hugh Dalton's Ministry of Economic Warfare, which established, conducted and fostered covert, subversive and partisan operations in occupied territories with notable success; and also the Commandos which established the pattern for most of the world's current Special Forces. The Russians referred to him as the "British Bulldog".
Churchill's health was fragile, as shown by a mild heart attack he suffered in December 1941 at the White House and also in December 1943 when he contracted pneumonia. Despite this, he travelled over 100,000 miles (160,000 km) throughout the war to meet other national leaders. For security, he usually travelled using the alias Colonel Warden.[167]
Churchill was party to treaties that would redraw post-Second World War European and Asian boundaries. These were discussed as early as 1943. At the Second Quebec Conference in 1944 he drafted and, together with US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, signed a toned-down version of the original Morgenthau Plan, in which they pledged to convert Germany after its unconditional surrender "into a country primarily agricultural and pastoral in its character."[168] Proposals for European boundaries and settlements were officially agreed to by Harry S. Truman, Churchill, and Joseph Stalin at Potsdam. Churchill's strong relationship with Harry Truman was also of great significance to both countries. While he clearly regretted the loss of his close friend and counterpart Roosevelt, Churchill was enormously supportive of Truman in his first days in office, calling him, "the type of leader the world needs when it needs him most."[169]
When Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, Winston Churchill, a vehement anti-Communist, famously stated "If Hitler invaded Hell, I would at least make a favourable reference to the Devil in the House of Commons," regarding his policy toward Stalin.[170] Soon, British supplies and tanks were flowing to help the Soviet Union.[171]
A meeting of Allied powers held in Casablanca, Morocco, 14–23 January 1943, produced what was to be known as the “Casablanca Declaration.” In attendance were Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt and Charles de Gaulle. Joseph Stalin had bowed out, citing the need for his presence in the Soviet Union to attend to the Stalingrad crisis. It was in Casablanca that it was announced that the Allies would accept nothing less than “unconditional surrender” from the Axis powers.
The settlement concerning the borders of Poland, that is, the boundary between Poland and the Soviet Union and between Germany and Poland, was viewed as a betrayal in Poland during the post-war years, as it was established against the views of the Polish government in exile. It was Winston Churchill, who tried to motivate Mikołajczyk, who was prime minister of the Polish government in exile, to accept Stalin's wishes, but Mikołajczyk refused. Churchill was convinced that the only way to alleviate tensions between the two populations was the transfer of people, to match the national borders.
As he expounded in the House of Commons on 15 December 1944, "Expulsion is the method which, insofar as we have been able to see, will be the most satisfactory and lasting. There will be no mixture of populations to cause endless trouble... A clean sweep will be made. I am not alarmed by these transferences, which are more possible in modern conditions."[172][173] However the resulting expulsions of Germans were carried out in a way which resulted in much hardship and, according to a 1966 report by the West German Ministry of Refugees and Displaced Persons, the death of over 2.1 million. Churchill opposed the effective annexation of Poland by the Soviet Union and wrote bitterly about it in his books, but he was unable to prevent it at the conferences.[174]
During October 1944, he and Eden were in Moscow to meet with the Russian leadership. At this point, Russian forces were beginning to advance into various eastern European countries. Churchill held the view that until everything was formally and properly worked out at the Yalta conference, there had to be a temporary, war-time, working agreement with regard to who would run what.[175] The most significant of these meetings was held on 9 October 1944 in the Kremlin between Churchill and Stalin. During the meeting, Poland and the Balkan problems were discussed.[176] Churchill told Stalin:
Let us settle about our affairs in the Balkans. Your armies are in Rumania and Bulgaria. We have interests, missions, and agents there. Don't let us get at cross-purposes in small ways. So far as Britain and Russia are concerned, how would it do for you to have ninety per cent predominance in Rumania, for us to have ninety per cent of the say in Greece, and go fifty-fifty about Yugoslavia?[175]
Stalin agreed to this Percentages Agreement, ticking a piece of paper as he heard the translation. In 1958, five years after the account of this meeting was published (in The Second World War), authorities of the Soviet Union denied that Stalin accepted the "imperialist proposal".[176]
One of the conclusions of the Yalta Conference was that the Allies would return all Soviet citizens that found themselves in the Allied zone to the Soviet Union. This immediately affected the Soviet prisoners of war liberated by the Allies, but was also extended to all Eastern European refugees.[177] Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn called the Operation Keelhaul "the last secret of World War II."[178] The operation decided the fate of up to two million post-war refugees fleeing eastern Europe.[179]
Between 13–15 February 1945, British and US bombers attacked the German city of Dresden, which was crowded with German wounded and refugees.[180] Because of the cultural importance of the city, and of the number of civilian casualties close to the end of the war, this remains one of the most controversial Western Allied actions of the war. Following the bombing Churchill stated in a top secret telegram:
It seems to me that the moment has come when the question of bombing of German cities simply for the sake of increasing the terror, though under other pretexts, should be reviewed... I feel the need for more precise concentration upon military objectives such as oil and communications behind the immediate battle-zone, rather than on mere acts of terror and wanton destruction, however impressive.[181]
On reflection, under pressure from the Chiefs of Staff and in response to the views expressed by Sir Charles Portal (Chief of the Air Staff) and Sir Arthur Harris (AOC-in-C of RAF Bomber Command), among others, Churchill withdrew his memo and issued a new one.[182][183] This final version of the memo completed on 1 April 1945, stated:
It seems to me that the moment has come when the question of the so called 'area-bombing' of German cities should be reviewed from the point of view of our own interests. If we come into control of an entirely ruined land, there will be a great shortage of accommodation for ourselves and our allies... We must see to it that our attacks do no more harm to ourselves in the long run than they do to the enemy's war effort.[182][183]
Ultimately, responsibility for the British part of the attack lay with Churchill, which is why he has been criticised for allowing the bombings to occur. The German historian Jörg Friedrich claims that "Winston Churchill's decision to [area] bomb a shattered Germany between January and May 1945 was a war crime",[184] and writing in 2006 the philosopher A. C. Grayling questioned the whole strategic bombing campaign by the RAF, presenting the argument that although it was not a war crime it was a moral crime that undermines the Allies' contention that they fought a just war.[185] On the other hand, it has also been asserted that Churchill's involvement in the bombing of Dresden was based on the strategic and tactical aspects of winning the war. The destruction of Dresden, while immense, was designed to expedite the defeat of Germany. As the historian and journalist Max Hastings said in an article subtitled "the Allied Bombing of Dresden": "I believe it is wrong to describe strategic bombing as a war crime, for this might be held to suggest some moral equivalence with the deeds of the Nazis. Bombing represented a sincere, albeit mistaken, attempt to bring about Germany's military defeat." British historian Frederick Taylor asserts that "All sides bombed each other's cities during the war. Half a million Soviet citizens, for example, died from German bombing during the invasion and occupation of Russia. That's roughly equivalent to the number of German citizens who died from Allied raids. But the Allied bombing campaign was attached to military operations and ceased as soon as military operations ceased."[186]
In June 1944, the Allied Forces invaded Normandy and pushed the Nazi forces back into Germany on a broad front over the coming year. After being attacked on three fronts by the Allies, and in spite of Allied failures, such as Operation Market Garden, and German counter-attacks, including the Battle of the Bulge, Germany was eventually defeated. On 7 May 1945 at the SHAEF headquarters in Rheims the Allies accepted Germany's surrender. On the same day in a BBC news flash John Snagge announced that 8 May would be Victory in Europe Day.[187] On Victory in Europe Day, Churchill broadcast to the nation that Germany had surrendered and that a final cease fire on all fronts in Europe would come into effect at one minute past midnight that night.[188][189] Afterwards, Churchill told a huge crowd in Whitehall: "This is your victory." The people shouted: "No, it is yours", and Churchill then conducted them in the singing of Land of Hope and Glory. In the evening he made another broadcast to the nation asserting the defeat of Japan in the coming months.[52] The Japanese later surrendered on 15 August 1945.
As Europe celebrated peace at the end of six years of war, Churchill was concerned with the possibility that the celebrations would soon be brutally interrupted.[190] He concluded that the UK and the US must anticipate the Red Army ignoring previously agreed frontiers and agreements in Europe, and prepare to "impose upon Russia the will of the United States and the British Empire."[191] According to the Operation Unthinkable plan ordered by Churchill and developed by the British Armed Forces, the Third World War could have started on 1 July 1945 with a sudden attack against the allied Soviet troops. The plan was rejected by the British Chiefs of Staff Committee as militarily unfeasible.
Although Churchill's role in the Second World War had generated much support for him amongst the British population, he was defeated in the 1945 election.[192] Many reasons for this have been given, key among them being that a desire for post-war reform was widespread amongst the population and that the man who had led Britain in war was not seen as the man to lead the nation in peace.[193] It was anticipated that Churchill would step down and hand over the leadership to Anthony Eden, who became his deputy after the election defeat, but Churchill (despite now being in his seventies) was determined to fight on as leader and Eden was too loyal to challenge his leadership. It would be another decade before Churchill finally did hand over the reins to Eden.[194]
For six years he was to serve as the Leader of the Opposition. During these years Churchill continued to have an impact on world affairs. During his 1946 trip[195] to the United States, Churchill famously lost a lot of money in a poker game with Harry Truman and his advisors.[196] (He also liked to play Bezique, which he learned while serving in the Boer War.)
During this trip he gave his Iron Curtain speech about the USSR and the creation of the Eastern Bloc. Speaking on 5 March 1946 at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, he declared:
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an Iron Curtain has descended across the continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere.[197]
Churchill also argued strongly for British independence from the European Coal and Steel Community, which he saw as a Franco-German project. He saw Britain's place as separate from the continent, much more in-line with the countries of the Commonwealth and the Empire, and with the United States, the so-called Anglosphere.[198][199]
Churchill held the office of Deputy Lieutenant (DL) of Kent in 1949.[200]
After the General Election of 1951, Churchill again held the office of Minister of Defence between October 1951 and January 1952. He also became prime minister in October 1951, and his third government—after the wartime national government and the brief caretaker government of 1945—lasted until his resignation in April 1955. In domestic affairs, various reforms were introduced such as the Mines and Quarries Act of 1954 and the Housing Repairs and Rent Act of 1955. The former measure consolidated legislation dealing with the employment of young persons and women in mines and quarries, together with safety, health, and welfare. The latter measure extended previous housing Acts, and set out details in defining housing units as “unfit for human habitation.”[201] In addition, tax allowances were raised,[202] construction of council housing was accelerated, and pensions and national assistance benefits were increased.[203] Controversially, however, charges for prescription medicines were introduced.[204]
Housing was an issue the Conservatives were widely recognised to have made their own, after the Churchill government of the early 1950s, with Harold Macmillan as Minister for Housing, gave housing construction far higher political priority than it had received under the Attlee administration (where housing had been attached to the portfolio of Health Minister Aneurin Bevan, whose attention was concentrated on his responsibilities for the National Health Service). Macmillan had accepted Churchill's challenge to meet the latter's ambitious public commitment to build 300,000 new homes a year, and achieved the target a year ahead schedule.[citation needed]
Churchill's domestic priorities in his last government were overshadowed by a series of foreign policy crises, which were partly the result of the continued decline of British military and imperial prestige and power. Being a strong proponent of Britain as an international power, Churchill would often meet such moments with direct action. One example was his dispatch of British troops to Kenya to deal with the Mau Mau rebellion.[205] Trying to retain what he could of the Empire, he once stated that, "I will not preside over a dismemberment."[205]
This was followed by events which became known as the Malayan Emergency. In Malaya, a rebellion against British rule had been in progress since 1948.[206] Once again, Churchill's government inherited a crisis, and Churchill chose to use direct military action against those in rebellion while attempting to build an alliance with those who were not.[52][207] While the rebellion was slowly being defeated, it was equally clear that colonial rule from Britain was no longer sustainable.[206][208]
Churchill also devoted much of his time in office to Anglo-American relations and, although Churchill did not always agree with President Dwight D. Eisenhower,[209] Churchill attempted to maintain the Special Relationship with the United States. He made four official transatlantic visits to America during his second term as prime minister.[210]
Churchill had suffered a mild stroke while on holiday in the south of France in the summer of 1949. In June 1953, when he was 78, Churchill suffered a more severe stroke at 10 Downing Street. News of this was kept from the public and from Parliament, who were told that Churchill was suffering from exhaustion. He went to his country home, Chartwell, to recuperate from the effects of the stroke which had affected his speech and ability to walk.[52] He returned to public life in October to make a speech at a Conservative Party conference at Margate.[52][211] However, aware that he was slowing down both physically and mentally, Churchill retired as prime minister in 1955 and was succeeded by Anthony Eden. He suffered another mild stroke in December 1956.
Elizabeth II offered to create Churchill Duke of London, but this was declined due to the objections of his son Randolph, who would have inherited the title on his father's death.[212] After leaving the premiership, Churchill spent less time in parliament until he stood down at the 1964 General Election. As a mere "back-bencher," Churchill spent most of his retirement at Chartwell and at his home in Hyde Park Gate, in London.[52]
In the 1959 General Election Churchill's majority fell by more than a thousand, since many young voters in his constituency did not support an 85-year-old who could only enter the House of Commons in a wheelchair. As his mental and physical faculties decayed, he began to lose the battle he had fought for so long against the "black dog" of depression.[52]
There was speculation that Churchill may have had Alzheimer's disease in his last years, although others maintain that his reduced mental capacity was merely the result of a series of strokes. In 1963, US President John F. Kennedy, acting under authorisation granted by an Act of Congress, proclaimed him an Honorary Citizen of the United States,[213] but he was unable to attend the White House ceremony.[214]
Despite poor health, Churchill still tried to remain active in public life, and on St George's Day 1964, sent a message of congratulations to the surviving veterans of the 1918 Zeebrugge Raid who were attending a service of commemoration in Deal, Kent, where two casualties of the raid were buried in the Hamilton Road Cemetery. On 15 January 1965, Churchill suffered a severe stroke that left him gravely ill. He died at his London home nine days later, at age 90, on the morning of Sunday 24 January 1965, 70 years to the day after his father's death.[214]
By decree of the Queen, his body lay in state for three days and a state funeral service was held at St Paul's Cathedral on 30 January 1965.[215] Unusually, the Queen attended the funeral.[216] As his lead-lined coffin passed up the River Thames from Tower Pier to Festival Pier on the MV Havengore, dockers lowered their crane jibs in a salute.[217]
The Royal Artillery fired the 19-gun salute due a head of government, and the RAF staged a fly-by of sixteen English Electric Lightning fighters. The coffin was then taken the short distance to Waterloo station where it was loaded onto a specially prepared and painted carriage as part of the funeral train for its rail journey to Handborough,[218] seven miles north-west of Oxford. The funeral also saw one of the largest assemblages of statesmen in the world.[1]
The funeral train of Pullman coaches carrying his family mourners was hauled by Battle of Britain class steam locomotive No. 34051 Winston Churchill. In the fields along the route, and at the stations through which the train passed, thousands stood in silence to pay their last respects. At Churchill's request, he was buried in the family plot at St Martin's Church, Bladon, near Woodstock, not far from his birthplace at Blenheim Palace. Churchill's funeral van—Southern Railway van S2464S—is now part of a preservation project with the Swanage Railway, having been repatriated to the UK in 2007 from the US, to where it had been exported in 1965.[219]
Later in 1965 a memorial to Churchill, cut by the engraver Reynolds Stone, was placed in Westminster Abbey.
Winston Churchill was an accomplished artist and took great pleasure in painting, especially after his resignation as First Lord of the Admiralty in 1915.[220] He found a haven in art to overcome the spells of depression which he suffered throughout his life. As William Rees-Mogg has stated, "In his own life, he had to suffer the 'black dog' of depression. In his landscapes and still lives there is no sign of depression."[221] Churchill was persuaded and taught to paint by his artist friend, Paul Maze, whom he met during the First World War. Maze was a great influence on Churchill's painting and became a lifelong painting companion.[222]
Churchill is best known for his impressionist scenes of landscape, many of which were painted while on holiday in the South of France, Egypt or Morocco.[221] He continued his hobby throughout his life and painted hundreds of paintings, many of which are on show in the studio at Chartwell as well as private collections.[223] Most of his paintings are oil-based and feature landscapes, but he also did a number of interior scenes and portraits. In 1925 Lord Duveen, Kenneth Clark, and Oswald Birley selected his Winter Sunshine as the prize winner in a contest for anonymous amateur artists.[33]:46–47 Due to obvious time constraints, Churchill attempted only one painting during the Second World War. He completed the painting from the tower of the Villa Taylor in Marrakesh.[224]
Some of his paintings can today be seen in the Wendy and Emery Reves Collection at the Dallas Museum of Art. Emery Reves and Winston Churchill indeed were close friends[225] and Churchill often visited Emery and his wife in their villa in the South of France (villa La Pausa, originally built in 1927 for Gabrielle "Coco" Chanel). The villa was rebuilt within the museum in 1985 with a gallery of Churchill paintings and memorabilia.[226][227]
Despite his lifelong fame and upper-class origins, Churchill always struggled to keep his income at a level that would fund his extravagant lifestyle. MPs before 1946 received only a nominal salary (and in fact did not receive anything at all until the Parliament Act 1911) so many had secondary professions from which to earn a living.[228] From his first book in 1898 until his second stint as Prime Minister, Churchill's income was almost entirely made from writing books and opinion pieces for newspapers and magazines. The most famous of his newspaper articles are those that appeared in the Evening Standard from 1936 warning of the rise of Hitler and the danger of the policy of appeasement.
Churchill was also a prolific writer of books, writing a novel, two biographies, three volumes of memoirs, and several histories in addition to his many newspaper articles. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1953 "for his mastery of historical and biographical description as well as for brilliant oratory in defending exalted human values".[229] Two of his most famous works, published after his first premiership brought his international fame to new heights, were his six-volume memoir The Second World War and A History of the English-Speaking Peoples; a four-volume history covering the period from Caesar's invasions of Britain (55 BC) to the beginning of the First World War (1914).[230]
He was also an amateur bricklayer, building garden walls and even a cottage at Chartwell. As part of this hobby he joined the Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers.[231]
In addition to the honour of a state funeral, Churchill received a wide range of awards and other honours. For example, he was the first person to become an Honorary Citizen of the United States.[232]
In 1945, while Churchill was mentioned by Halvdan Koht as one of seven appropriate candidates for the Nobel Prize in Peace, the nomination went to Cordell Hull.[233]
Churchill received the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1953 for his numerous published works, especially his six-volume set The Second World War. In a 2002 BBC poll of the "100 Greatest Britons", he was proclaimed "The Greatest of Them All" based on approximately a million votes from BBC viewers.[234] Churchill was also rated as one of the most influential leaders in history by TIME.[235] Churchill College, Cambridge was founded in 1958 to memorialise him.
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Churchill has been portrayed in film and television on more than 100 occasions. Portrayals of Churchill include Dudley Field Malone (An American in Paris, 1951), Peter Sellers (The Man Who Never Was, 1956), Richard Burton (Winston Churchill: The Valiant Years, 1961), Simon Ward ("Young Winston", 1972), Warren Clarke (Jennie: Lady Randolph Churchill, 1974), Wensley Pithey (Edward and Mrs Simpson, 1978), William Hootkins (The Life and Times of David Lloyd George, 1981), Robert Hardy (War and Remembrance, 1989), Albert Finney ("The Gathering Storm", 2002), Ian Mune ("Ike: Countdown to D-Day", 2004), Rod Taylor (Inglourious Basterds, 2009), Brendan Gleeson (Into the Storm, 2009), Ian McNeice (Doctor Who "Victory of the Daleks", "The Pandorica Opens", and "The Wedding of River Song" in 2010 and 2011), and Timothy Spall (The King's Speech, 2010).[238]
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