Of the many reasons the military developed as a male preserve, the first was human sexual dimorphism and the greater upper-body strength required to wield clubs and swords, to shoot an arrow with killing velocity, and to bear the weight of body armour. This is a sine qua non for relatively few tasks in the modern military. The second, emergent from this, was that women were prey, not predators, thus in time to be seen as part of the property men fought to preserve or to seize from the enemy. The modern cliché that rape is not a violent expression of sexuality but a sexual expression of violence is apposite. The third reason was the belief that women were naturally softer and gentler by nature, in fact a culturally defined assumption by no means common to all human societies over time. Western chivalry combined these factors, the putting of (upper-class) women on a pedestal going hand in hand with denying them freedom and the rights enjoyed by men. The fact that until very recently there could be no way of knowing who the biological father of a child might be has undoubtedly contributed to this.
This remained little changed until the 20th century, and especially its last three decades, during which time women's role in armed forces has become transformed. In many countries, from playing key roles in the non-combatant support arms and services (for example, during WW II), women now serve in an increasingly wide range of mainstream military jobs. These include combat roles in some air forces and navies, as illustrated by the employment of women combat pilots in the RAF and the USAF, and in the Royal Navy (which does not in any case distinguish combat from non-combat ships). However, there is still a powerful norm that women are excluded from the combat arms of armies; that is, the infantry, armour, and artillery (except in administrative supporting roles). Even in the USSR, where during WW II women played active roles as combat pilots, tank crew, and even in the highly specialized killing role of snipers, once the emergency was over the military reverted to using women primarily in supporting arms, as in the West.
This last example suggests that the driving force for women's full integration into the armed forces has been manpower shortage. This was an imperative for the USSR facing the German onslaught (although the Germans themselves were culturally inhibited from tapping into womanpower resources even at the bitter end), and remains a relative consideration for modern volunteer armies trying to recruit from a population that no longer greatly respects martial values. According to this argument, the reduction of standards of physical strength and endurance now required, for example, in the US armed forces, is not so much a function of ideologically suspect legislation as of a pragmatic need to find the numbers necessary to maintain institutions that have become just one bureaucracy among many. Despite the film GI Jane, not only are the units most likely to get involved in serious hand-to-hand fighting resistant to the admission of women, women themselves seem to find little attraction in military specializations that combine extremes of hardship in training with a higher probability of getting killed in war.
There remains a great variation among nations, even among the nations of NATO, in the extent to which women serve in the armed forces. In some countries women are excluded, or have limited involvement, as in Germany and Spain. In others all or almost all military positions (including, in some cases, those with direct combat functions) are open to them, as in Canada, the Netherlands, Norway, and, more recently, the USA and the UK. Women were still excluded from infantry and armour in the USA and the UK in 1999 and will remain so until the results of further study. Israel today still conscripts women but excludes them from combat operations. During the early Arab-Israeli wars, the IDF discovered not only that despite their gender-neutral training, women casualties caused whole units to cease operations while they were recovered, as well as disproportionate demoralization, but also that the knowledge that they were fighting against women decreased the willingness to surrender among bypassed enemy units.
This variety poses a number of questions such as why countries vary in their employment of women in the military, how exclusion or inclusion policies are justified, and how far the process of gender integration can be taken. In order to answer such questions one must first of all recognize that the military is a unique institution. The functional imperatives of war and military operations ensure that the armed forces stand apart from civilian society. The military is unique in the nature and extent of the demands it places upon its personnel. These include the obligation to train to kill and to sacrifice self; to participate in a military community where one works, lives, and socializes with other service personnel; and, when necessary, a 24-hour commitment with the risk of separation from family at short notice.
It is the obligation to kill while others are seeking to kill you and, if necessary, to sacrifice one's own life that has provided the main basis for limiting the widening of employment opportunities for women in the military to non-combatant roles or only to certain kinds of combat role. It is not simply that in combat roles one is exposed to the risk of death or injury by hostile fire—in modern warfare non-combatant support personnel will increasingly be exposed in this manner. Rather, in a combatant role—in a warship, combat aircraft, and in the infantry, armour, and artillery—one is required to engage the enemy with offensive fire. In the army there is a requirement to close with and kill the enemy in comparison with the greater ‘action at a distance’ characteristic of the other services. It is here that the barrier excluding women from the military is, in many countries, at its firmest.
In contrast, women's role as childbearers makes them givers not takers of life. Their physical weakness in comparison to men means that the latter have a comparative advantage in the field of combat, while women can play an equal role in other military occupations. Such arguments have not gone unchallenged, for they underestimate the extent to which the fighting qualities required of effective combat performance are not inherent in all men but need to be built up through training. Furthermore, some of the supposed physical weakness in women can be overcome through training and by recognizing the need to challenge the long-term impact of gender stereotypes about what is appropriate for men's and women's work (both in the military and other civilian occupations) inherited from the past. The cases of guerrilla armies and the employment of women in the Soviet armed forces show that in extremis women can and have served successfully in offensive land operations.
In reply to these claims, one can argue that in certain fields of combat (notably infantry warfare) the continuing physical demands are such as to be beyond all but a small minority of women who would have the capacity (and inclination) to pass the exacting standards required. It is a mistake to assume that the era of so-called ‘push-button warfare’ renders irrelevant the physical courage and strength rooted in traditional hand-to-hand combat skills on the battlefield, let alone the demands of the exhausting ‘24-hour warfare’ itself made possible by modern technology. By contrast, the different demands of naval and aerial warfare make it possible to train and employ both men and women. This is evident in the recent trends towards gender integration in surface ships of the Royal Navy and of pilots in the air forces of the UK, USA, and other countries.
However, the case for inclusion and exclusion of women from certain areas of military employment rests not only on an argument based on physical or psychological weakness. There is also a case to be made that women per se undermine the cohesion of previously all-male combat units. Thus even assuming their physical and psychological aptitude for combat roles, their presence will introduce sexual tensions in the group, either passively just by being there, or actively in competition for advancement by attracting the non-military favour of their NCOs and officers. This would undermine the effectiveness of the combat group or at the very least add a distraction and risk that a military commander could well do without. The matter of distinct hygiene and medical requirements may add somewhat to logistical demands, but is not significant outside this general consideration.
It would be foolish to believe that sexual tensions are unlikely to arise in gender-integrated military teams, not least because of the presence of young physically active people who are required to work in close contact with each other. These have been evident, for example, in ships' crews of both the US and UK navies. However, it would also be unwise to assume that discipline and working procedures cannot be devised to reduce these to a manageable level. In addition, there are other considerations to be taken into account when considering the employment of women in the military. Those countries which have, in recent years, widened employment opportunities for women in the armed forces sought to address male recruitment and retention difficulties by widening the pool of skilled labour from which they draw and for whose services they compete ever more intensely with other civilian employers. Given the success of females in educational performance there are good labour-market reasons to widen the military employment pool as far as is practicable (and this point applies not just to women but also other under-represented groups such as minority ethnic communities in the case of the UK). It has been argued that there are costs of relying more upon female personnel, for example their leaving the services to have children. However, others point out that these have to be offset by the costs accruing to employing males as, for example, in their rates of alcoholism and non-military injuries.
In addition to this ‘business case’ for widening employment opportunities for women, there are also considerations of equality and citizenship rights. The role of women in military and civilian employment has been transformed by changing conceptions of men's and women's work and the enforcement of women's (and other groups') claims for equality of opportunity through legislation. Yet in many countries it remains unclear whether public opinion is convinced that gender equality should be extended to all combat roles, especially the ‘teeth’ arms. This is even assuming that some females are technically able to perform them and that the combat effectiveness of the team would not suffer by their presence. The image of a woman engaged in bayonet practice is, rightly or wrongly, one that would still not command widespread public acceptance in the UK and the USA, for example. The issue of public acceptability is an important factor in the overall effectiveness of military operations. This is because of the capacity of the modern media to convey (often distressing) images of war—refugees, the opponent's civilian casualties, and one's own casualties—which can constrain political leaders to act or to withdraw from action.
It is not yet clear what the impact of significant female casualties would have on public opinion in the industrial democracies. However, it would be unwise to presume that this situation will not change especially now that women are in combat roles in other services. This is likely to lead to the view that, if women are to serve in any and all military employments, assuming they have volunteered to serve, then they should meet the same fitness standards and accept the same risks as their male counterparts. For the armed services of the industrial democracies citizenship trends, shortages of skilled manpower, and changing gender roles will lead to an increasing participation of women in the military. Much work still needs to be done to provide more flexible working conditions and to recognize that women are no longer prepared to place their own career second to that of their military partners. In the UK, it is likely that the remaining rules excluding them from the front-line positions will be removed, although whether this would, in fact, lead to more than a small minority of women with the inclination and ability to meet the standards demanded of infantry roles remains doubtful. Controversial issues connected with the training and working relations of gender-integrated units will remain.
Bibliography
- Dandeker, Christopher, and Segal, M. W., ‘Gender Integration in Armed Forces: Recent Policy Developments in the United Kingdom’, Armed Forces and Society (Fall, 1996).
- Gal, Reuven, A Portrait of the Israeli Soldier (New York, 1989).
- Moskos, C., Williams, J., and Segal, D. R., The Postmodern Military (Oxford, forthcoming).
- —— and Wood, F. R., The Military: More than Just a Job (London, 1988).
- O'Connell, Robert, Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons and Aggression (London, 1989)
— Christopher Dandeker





