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Zhao Ziyang

The Chinese politician Zhao Ziyang (Zhao Xiusheng; born 1919) was premier of the People's Republic of China from 1980 to 1989 and general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from 1987 to 1989. He championed a number of political and economic reforms but was ousted for his role in creating conditions which led to the student pro-democracy movement.

Born into a family of landlords in Huaxian County, Henan Province, in China, in 1919, Zhao Ziyang attended elementary school in his hometown and middle schools first in Kaifeng and later in Wuhan. He was married to Liang Bogi and had four sons and one daughter. Zhao joined the Communist Youth League in 1932 and became a member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1938. During the War of Resistance Against Japan (World War II) and the civil war against the Kuomingtang (KMT), Zhao served as a local party leader at the country and prefectural levels in central China, primarily engaged in land reform.

After the CCP took over power from the KMT of Chiang Kai-shek in 1949, Zhao was transferred to South China where he served as a member of the standing committee of the South China subbureau in the Central-South China Bureau of the CCP Central Committee (1950), secretary-general of the same subbureau (1952), director of the Rural Work Department in the same subbureau (1953), and third secretary in the same subbureau (1954). In 1955 he was elected a member of the People's Council of Guangdong Province and appointed deputy party secretary of Guangdong Province. In April 1965 he became the first party secretary of Guangdong Province. Under his leadership, Guangdong was among the first provinces to return to guaranteed private plots, free rural markets, and contracting output to households after the disastrous Great Leap Forward campaign of Mao Tse-Tung.

During the Cultural Revolution spearheaded by the Red Guards, Zhao was persecuted and exiled to a factory as a laborer because of his support for "revisionist" policies. In 1971 he reappeared in China's political arena and became the party secretary of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. One year later he served concurrently as chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.

In April 1972 Zhao returned to Guangdong where he was appointed vice-chairman of the Revolutionary Committee. In 1974 he was promoted to the first party secretary and chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of Guangdong Province. In Guangdong, Zhao reportedly played a crucial role in the release of Li Yi Zhe, the pseudonym of three dissident Red Guards who wrote wall posters that repudiated the theoretical justification of Mao's Cultural Revolution.

In 1976 Zhao was transferred and reassigned as first party secretary and chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of Szechwan Province, and first political commissar of Chengtu Military Region. In Szechwan, China's most populous province (more than 100 million people), Zhao championed the so called "household production responsibility system," which related peasants' performance with their remuneration and provided them with incentive for production, resulting in a big increase in grain supply.

His successful rural reform and other reform measures in Szechwan boosted his political career enormously, as he was co-opted by Deng Xiaoping into the reform camp. Zhao was elected an alternate member of the Politburo in the CCP 11th Congress in August 1977 and became a full member of the Politburo two years later. He was promoted to be vice premier in April 1980 and premier in September of the same year. After Hu Yaobang's ouster in the wake of student demonstrations in 1987, Zhao replaced Hu as CCP general secretary. As premier, Zhao traveled in numerous countries, including the United States in 1984. Two years later, like his predecessor, he was ousted for having sympathy for the students' prodemocracy movement, which reached a climax with the military assault on the students in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.

Zhao was widely considered a major architect of China's economic and political reforms as well as an outstanding administrator. In addition to the household production responsibility system, a highly successful reform measure which contributed largely to the economic growth in China's rural areas, Zhao initiated and implemented the following major reform programs: decentralization of power to local governments and to state enterprises; introduction of a market-oriented economy; and relaxation of the CCP's rigid control over the government, society, mass media, mass organizations, and people.

Although Zhao's political and economic reforms gave the Chinese people more freedom and democracy and significantly improved their living standard, these measures also brought about many problems. Among them were an unprecedented skyrocketing inflation, abuse of power in local governments and enterprises, "official racketeering," corruption, and bribery. These side effects of the reforms contributed to people's widespread dissatisfaction at the government, which in turn gave rise to the pro-democracy movement in the spring of 1989. Zhao was involved in an intra-CCP power struggle and chose to support the protest movement. "At this critical juncture involving the destiny of the party and state," Zhao was accused by Premier Li Peng, his major political enemy, of having "made the mistake of supporting the turmoil and splitting the party." Because of "his unshirkable responsibilities for the development of the turmoil" and of "the serious nature and consequences of his mistake," on June 24, 1989, the 13th CCP Central Committee, decided to "dismiss him as general secretary of the Central Committee, member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, and first vice chairman of the Military Commission of the CCP Committee, and decided to look further into his case."

After Tiananmen Square, Zhao was replaced by Jiang Zemin as head of the Chinese Communist Party. Bao Tong, Zhao's right-hand man, was sentenced to seven years in jail for inciting counter-revolutionary activities. Zhao was officially disgraced and placed in retirement and rehabilitation (house arrest). In 1997 Tong was released from prison and Zhao, while still being rehabilitated, was reported well and playing golf regularly while under guard.

Further Reading

Additional information on Zhao Ziyang can be found in David L. Shambaugh's The Making of a Premier: Zhao Ziyang's Provincial Career (1984). For information on the student movement in the context of today's China see Lee Feigon's China Rising: The Meaning of Tiananmen (1990), and By Yi and Mark V. Thompson, Crisis at Tiananmen: Reform and Reality in Modern China (1990). Accounts of Ziyang during his rehabilitation can be found in Asia Week and similar news sources.

 
 
or Chao Tzu-yang (both: zhou zēyäng) , 1919–2005, Chinese Communist leader. Active as a local party leader during World War II, by the 1960s he was party secretary of Guangdong prov. Persecuted during the Cultural Revolution, he held a variety of party posts after 1971, and was known for reviving agricultural and industrial production in Sichuan prov. A member of the Communist Party Central Committee from 1973, he became premier in 1980 and joined the Standing Committee of the Politburo in 1982. Named general secretary of the party in 1987, he persisted in advocating economic reforms and an open foreign policy. Li Peng succeeded Zhao as premier in 1987. Opposing a policy of repression, Zhao called for dialogue with the students demonstrating in Tiananmen Square. Consequently, he was ousted from all posts on June 23, was placed under house arrest until Oct., 1989, and subsequently had his movements and visitors restricted until his death. Nonetheless, the economic reforms he promoted were ultimately adopted and led to sustained growth and development in China.
 
Quotes By: Zhao Ziyang

Quotes:

"Communists should be the first to be concerned about other people and country and the last to enjoy themselves."

 
Wikipedia: Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
赵紫阳
Zhao Ziyang

In office
1987 – 1989
Preceded by Hu Yaobang
Succeeded by Jiang Zemin

In office
June, 1983 – November, 1987
Preceded by Hua Guofeng
Succeeded by Li Peng

Born 17 October 1919(1919--)
Flag of the Republic of China Huaxian, Henan
Died 17 January 2005
Flag of the People's Republic of China Beijing
Nationality Chinese
Political party Communist Party of China

Zhao Ziyang (simplified Chinese: 赵紫阳; traditional Chinese: 趙紫陽; pinyin: Zhào Zǐyáng; Wade-Giles: Chao Tzu-yang) (October 17 1919January 17 2005) was a politician in the People's Republic of China. He was Premier of the People's Republic of China from 1980 to 1987, and General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1987 to 1989. As a high-ranking government official, he was a leading reformer who implemented market reforms that greatly increased production and sought measures to streamline the bloated bureaucracy and fight corruption. Once slated as Deng Xiaoping's successor, Zhao Ziyang was purged for his sympathetic stance toward the student demonstrators in the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 and spent the last fifteen years of his life under house arrest.

Rise to power

Zhao was born Zhao Xiuye (赵修业), but changed his given name to Ziyang while attending middle school. The son of a wealthy landlord in Hua County, Henan province, he joined the Communist Youth League in 1932 and worked underground as a Communist Party official during the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) and subsequent Chinese Civil War. His father was killed by party officials in the late 1940s. He rose to prominence in the party in Guangdong from 1951 and introduced numerous successful agricultural reforms. In 1962, Zhao began to disband the commune system in order to return private land to peasants while assigning production contracts to individual households. He also directed a harsh purge of cadres accused of corruption or having ties to the Kuomintang. By 1965 Zhao was the Party secretary of Guangdong province, despite not being a member of the Communist Party Central Committee.

As a supporter of the reforms of Liu Shaoqi, he was dismissed as Guangdong party leader in 1967 during the Cultural Revolution, paraded through Guangzhou in a dunce cap and denounced as "a stinking remnant of the landlord class". He spent four years in forced labor at a factory. In 1971 he was assigned to work as an official in Inner Mongolia and then returned to Guangdong in 1972.

Zhao was rehabilitated by Zhou Enlai in 1973, appointed to the Central Committee, and sent to China's largest province, Sichuan, as first party secretary in 1975. Sichuan had been economically devastated by the Great Leap Forward, and the consequent Cultural Revolution. Zhao turned the province around by introducing radical and successful Market-oriented rural reforms, which led to an increase in industrial production by 81% and agricultural output by 25% within three years. Deng Xiaoping saw the "Sichuan Experience" as the model for Chinese economic reform and had Zhao inducted into the Politburo as an alternate member in 1977 and as a full member in 1979. He joined the Politburo Standing Committee in 1982.

Survived Assassination Attempts

Since Sichuan province was a strong base of Radicalism during the Cultural Revolution, the ardent followers of the Gang of Four vehemently opposed Zhao's reforms. However, Zhao's policy had huge popular support and the supporters of the Gang of Four turned to assassination after all other supposedly legal means failed. Over the years in Sichuan during the Cultural Revolution, there were no fewer than half a dozen attempts on Zhao's life, and the most serious one happened when Zhao's jeep was ambushed in a valley during one of his trips, where he narrowly escaped death, but in an attempt to save Zhao's life, his driver/secretary was crushed and buried by an artificially induced landslide. Although attempts on Zhao's only resulted in this single loss of life, the last culprits were not caught until 1983, well after the end of the Cultural Revolution.

Reformist leader

After six months as vice-premier, Zhao was appointed premier in 1980 to replace Hua Guofeng, Mao's designated successor, who was being pushed out of power by Deng Xiaoping. He developed "preliminary stage theory," a course for transforming the socialist system that set the stage for much of the later Chinese economic reform. As premier, he implemented many of the policies that were successful in Sichuan, including giving limited self-management to industrial enterprises and increased control over production to peasants. Zhao sought to develop coastal provinces with special economic zones that could lure foreign investment and create export hubs. This led to rapid increases in both agricultural and light-industrial production throughout the 1980s, but his economic reforms were criticized for causing inflation. Zhao also persisted in advocating an open foreign policy, fostering good relations with western nations that could aid China's economic development.

Zhao was a solid believer in the party, but he defined socialism much differently than party conservatives. Zhao called political reform "the biggest test facing socialism." He believed economic progress was inextricably linked to democratization. As early as 1986, Zhao became the first high-ranking Chinese leader to call for change, by offering a choice of election candidates from the village level all the way up to membership in the Central Committee.

In the 1980s, Zhao was branded by many as a revisionist of Marxism. He advocated government transparency and a national dialogue that included ordinary citizens in the policymaking process, which made him popular with the masses. In Sichuan, where Zhao implemented economic restructuring in the 1970s, there was a saying: "要吃粮,找紫阳 (yao chi liang, zhao Ziyang)." The wordplay on his name, loosely translated, means "if you want to feed yourself, follow Ziyang."

In January 1987, Deng forced reformist leader Hu Yaobang to resign for being too lenient to student protestors; Zhao replaced him as CPC General Secretary, whose vacated premiership was in turn filled by Li Peng. This put Zhao in the position to succeed Deng as paramount leader. While General Secretary Zhao favored loosening government controls over industry and creating free-enterprise zones in the coastal regions, Premier Li favored a cautious approach that relied more on central planning and guidance.

In the 1987 Communist Party Congress Zhao declared that China was in "a primary stage of socialism" that could last 100 years. Under this premise, China needed to experiment with a variety of economic systems to stimulate production. Zhao proposed to separate the roles of the party and state, a proposal that has since become taboo. According to western observers, the two years Zhao served as General Secretary were the most open in modern Chinese history—many limitations on freedom of speech and freedom of press were relaxed, allowing intellectuals to freely propose improvements for the country.

Equally important, in the economic arena, Zhao was one of the first leaders that advocate the reduction of state control in enterprises by increasing private ownership via stock. Although the idea also became taboo during Zhao's era, it did begin to become a reality since 1990s.

Zhao's proposal in May 1988 to accelerate price reform led to widespread popular complaints about rampant inflation and gave opponents of rapid reform the opening to call for greater centralization of economic controls and stricter prohibitions against Western influence. This precipitated a political debate, which grew more heated through the winter of 1988 to 1989.

The second half of 1988 saw the increasing deterioration of Zhao's political environment. In fact, Zhao found himself in multi-front turf battles with the party elders, who grew increasingly dissatisfied with Zhao's hands-off approach to ideological matters, as well as the conservative faction in the politiburo led by Li Peng and Yao Yilin, who were constantly at odds with him in economic and fiscal policy making. In the mean time, Zhao was under growing pressure to combat the runaway corruption by the rank-and-file officials and their family members. As the year of 1989 kicked off, it was evident that Zhao was faced with an increasingly difficult uphill battle, to some extent he was fighting for his own political survival. If he was unable to turn things around rapidly, a showdown with the party conservatives would be all but inevitable. As it happened, the student protests triggered by the sudden death of former CCP Genereal Secretary Hu Yaobang, widely seen as a reform-minded leader, provided Zhao with a golden opportunity to regain political upperhand and to advance his reform agenda.

Purged after Tiananmen Square Protests

Zhao Ziyang (accompanied by then-Chief of Staff Wen Jiabao) addressed the student protestors at Tiananmen on May 19, 1989. He apologized to the students, saying "Students, we came too late. We are sorry."
Zhao Ziyang (accompanied by then-Chief of Staff Wen Jiabao) addressed the student protestors at Tiananmen on May 19, 1989. He apologized to the students, saying "Students, we came too late. We are sorry."

The death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989, coupled with growing economic hardship caused by high inflation, provided the backdrop for the large-scale protest of 1989 by students, intellectuals, and other parts of a disaffected urban population. Student demonstrators, taking advantage of the loosening political atmosphere, reacted to a variety of causes of discontent, which they attributed to the slow pace of reform. Ironically, some of the original invective was also directed against Zhao. The party hardliners increasingly came to the opposite conclusion, regretting an excessively rapid pace of change for causing the mood of confusion and frustration rife among college students. The protesters called for an end to official corruption and for defense of freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. Protests also spread through many other cities, including Shanghai and Guangzhou.

The tragic events of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 sealed Zhao's fate and rendered impossible any further democratic movement. While he was paying an official visit to Pyongyang, the party hard-liners exploited the opportunity to declare the ongoing protests "counter-revolutionary." Upon returning from Pyongyang, Zhao made several attempts to steer the course toward what he called "a track based upon democracy and the rule of law". He opened up channels for direct dialogues between students and the government at multiple levels. He also ordered the news media to cover the student demonstrations with unprecedented openness. A number of legislative initiatives aimed at the reform of press, news media and education were also under way. However, Zhao's initiatives, along with his conciliatory attitude toward the students, were seen by the elders and other party hard-liners as hastened steps toward breaking free the party control, therefore a recipe for ultimate disaster. The evening of May 16 marked the point of no return of Zhao's political career. At the onset of his meeting with the visiting Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhao made a stunning announcement declaring that Deng Xiaoping, though officially no longer a member of the party central committee, was still having final say in major decision-making. Zhao's move was viewed as an unmistakable sign of departing company with the party leadership, especially the aging paramount leader. It was at this point that Zhao completely lost the trust of Deng Xiaoping, his long-time political patron and mentor. On the night of May 18, Zhao was summoned to Deng's residence and a hastily called Politburo Standing Committee was called to endorse martial law with Zhao casting the lone dissenting vote.

Shortly before 5 A.M. on the morning of May 19, Zhao appeared in Tiananmen Square and wandered among the crowd of protesters. Using a bullhorn, he had the following famous speech with the students at the square. It was first broadcast through China Central Television nationwide.

"Students, we came too late. We are sorry. You talk about us, criticize us, it is all necessary. The reason that I came here is not to ask you to forgive us. All I want to say is that students are getting very weak, it is the 7th day since you went on hunger strike, you can't continue like this. As the time goes on, it will damage your body in an unrepairable way, it could be very dangerous to your life. Now the most important thing is to end this strike. I know, your hunger strike is to hope that the Party and the government will give you a satisfying answer. I feel that our communication is open. Some of the problem can only be solved by certain procedures. For example, you have mentioned about the nature of the incident, the question of responsibility, I feel that those problems can be resolved eventually, we can reach a mutual agreement in the end. However, you should also know that the situation is very complicated, it is going to be a long process. You can't continue the hunger strike for the 7th day, and still insist for a satisfying answer before ending the hunger strike.

You are still young, there are still many days yet to come, you must live healthy, and see the day when China accomplishes the four modernizations. You are not like us, we are already old, it doesn't matter to us any more. It is not easy that this nation and your parents support you to study in colleges. Now you are all about early 20's, and want to sacrifice lives so easily, students, can't you think logically? Now the situation is very serious, you all know, the Party and the nation is very antsy, the whole society is very worried. Besides, Beijing is the capital, the situation is getting worse and worse from everywhere, this can not be continued. Students all have good will, and are for the good of our nation, but if this situation continues, loses control, it will cause serious consequences at many places.

In conclusion, I have only one wish. If you stop hunger strike, the government won't close the door for dialogue, never! The questions that you have raised, we can continue to discuss. Although it is a little slow, but we are reaching some agreement on some problems. Today I just want to see the students, and express our feelings. Hopefully students will think about this question calmly. This thing can not be sorted out clearly under illogical situations. You all have that strength, you are young after all. We were also young before, we protested, lied our bodies on the rail tracks, we never thought about what will happen in the future at that time. Finally, I beg the students once again, think about the future calmly. There are many things that can be solved. I hope that you will all end the hunger strike soon, thank you."

[citation needed][1]

"We are already old, it doesn't matter to us any more." became a famous quote after that. That was his last public appearance.

House arrest until death

The protesters did not disperse. A day after Zhao's May 19 visit to Tiananmen Square, Premier Li Peng publicly declared martial law. In the power struggle that ensued, Zhao was stripped of all his positions. What motivated Zhao remains, even today, a topic of debate by many. Some say he went into the square hoping a conciliatory gesture would gain him leverage against hard-liners like Premier Li Peng. Others believe he supported the protesters and did not want to see them hurt when the military was called in. After the incident, Zhao was placed under house arrest and replaced as General Secretary by Jiang Zemin, who had suppressed similar protests in Shanghai without much bloodshed.

Zhao remained under tight supervision and was allowed to leave his courtyard compound or receive visitors only with permission from the highest echelons of the party. There were occasional reports of him attending the funeral of a dead comrade, visiting other parts of China or playing golf at Beijing courses, but the government rather successfully kept him hidden from news reports and history books. Over that period, only a few snapshots of a gray-haired Zhao leaked out to the media. On at least two occasions Zhao wrote letters, addressed to the Chinese government, in which he put forward the case for a reassessment of the Tiananmen Massacre. One of those letters appeared on the eve of the Communist Party's 15th National Congress. The other came during a 1998 visit to China by U.S. President Bill Clinton. Neither was ever published in mainland China.

Death and muted response

In February 2004, Zhao had a pneumonia attack that led to a severe lung malfunctioning and was hospitalized for three weeks. Zhao was hospitalized again with pneumonia on December 5, 2004. Reports of his death were officially denied in early January 2005. Later, on January 15, he was reported to be in a coma after multiple strokes. According to activist Frank Lu, Vice President Zeng Qinghong visited Zhao in the hospital. Zhao died on January 17 in a Beijing hospital at 07:01 at the age of 85. He is survived by his second wife, Liang Boqi, and five children (a daughter and four sons).

The government's response to Zhao's death was notably muted, probably out of fear that mass mourning would spark national protests as had occurred after the deaths of Zhou Enlai and Hu Yaobang. The official government Xinhua News Agency reported as "Zhao Ziyang died at 85" in the English version,[2] while the Chinese title was "Comrade Zhao Ziyang died." It did not make any note of his official titles or legacy as a leader. This is considered unusual, because people who have lower ranks than he did would usually get lots of titles, such as the great revolutionist, loved by the people, etc. Zhao's death was not mentioned on state-run television and radio programs. All Chinese newspapers carried the exact same 59-word obituary on the day following his death, leaving the main means of mass dissemination through the Internet.[3] Internet forums, such as the Strong Nation Forum and the SINA.com Forum were flooded with messages expressing condolences for Zhao, but these messages were promptly deleted by moderators, leading to more postings attacking the moderators for deleting the postings.

In Hong Kong, 10,000–15,000 people attended the candlelight vigil in remembrance of Zhao. Mainlanders such as Chen Juoyi said that it was illegal for Hong Kong legislators to join any farewell ceremony, stating "...under the 'one country, two systems' a Hong Kong legislator cannot care anything about mainland China." The statement caused a political storm in Hong Kong that continued for three days after his speech. Szeto Wah, the chairman of The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, said that it was not right for the Communists to suppress the memorial ceremony. The twenty-four pan-democrat legislators went against the chairperson of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, insisting that security be tightened at Tiananmen Square and at Zhao's house, and that the authorities try to prevent any public displays of grief.

Similar memorials were held around the world, notably in New York City and Washington, DC where American government officials and exiled political dissidents attended.

Zhao's positions would have normally entitled him to a state funeral, but the PRC government stated that the funerary arrangements for past leaders had been streamlined and state funerals were no longer held. Skeptics have questioned whether future funerals of Chinese ex-leaders will be as muted as Zhao's.

On January 29, 2005 the government held a funeral ceremony for him at the Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery, a place reserved for revolutionary heroes and high government officials, that was attended by some 2,000 mourners that had been pre-approved to attend. Several dissidents, including Zhao's secretary Bao Tong and Tiananmen Mothers leader Ding Zilin, were kept under house arrest to prevent them from attending. The most senior official to attend the funeral was Jia Qinglin, fourth in the party hierarchy. Mourners were allowed five at a time to view Zhao's flag-covered body and to pay respect to his family. They were forbidden to bring flowers or to inscribe their own messages on the government-issued flowers. There was no eulogy at the ceremony because the government and Zhao's family could not agree on its content: while the government wanted to say he made mistakes, his family refused to accept he did anything wrong. On the day of his funeral, state television mentioned Zhao's death for the first time and issued a short obituary acknowledging his contribution to economic reforms, but saying he made "serious mistakes" during the 1989 protests. After the ceremony, Zhao was cremated. His ashes were taken to his Beijing home as the government denied him a place at Babaoshan.

Push for rehabilitation

In 2005, former NPC Chairman Wan Li joined more than 20 retired Politburo members, including Tian Jiyun, former Vice Premier, in asking the Central Government to rehabilitate Zhao’s name and hold memorial services for him for his many important contributions to China. The Chinese government agreed to hold a ceremony to honor the late Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang, but the response fell far short of satisfying the requests from both inside and outside the CPC.

See also

References

  1. ^ Zhao Ziyang's Speech at Tiananmen[1]
  2. ^ [2]

[4]

External links


Preceded by
Hua Guofeng
Premier of the State Council
1980–1987
Succeeded by
Li Peng
Preceded by
Hu Yaobang
General Secretary of the Communist Party of China
1987–1989
Succeeded by
Jiang Zemin

cdo:Diêu Ciē-iòng


 
 

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