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| Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Zhou Enlai |
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| Political Biography: Zhou Enlai |
(b. Huaian, Jiangsu Province, 5 Mar. 1898; d. 8 Jan. 1976) Chinese; Prime Minister, de facto director of Chinese foreign affairs 1949 – 76 Zhou Enlai was probably the most respected of all China's Communist leaders. Within China, he is remembered for his restraining influence on Mao, particularly during the later years of the Cultural Revolution. Outside China, he is remembered as the sophisticated diplomat who was personally responsible for "normalizing" Communist China's relations with many of her previous enemies after the 1949 revolution.
Zhou was born into a family with a long tradition of service in the imperial bureaucracy at a time when such families were becoming increasingly impoverished. Completing his middle school education at the prestigious Nankai Middle School in Tianjin, Zhou travelled to Japan in 1917 where he first became interested in Marxism whilst working to oppose Japanese encroachments on China. He returned to China in 1919, and continued his anti-colonialism campaigns by becoming a leading student activist in Tianjin, where he also met his future wife, Deng Yingchao, who also became an important post-1949 political leader in her own right. His political activity brought him to the attention of the Communist International, who sent him on a work-study tour to France in 1920, where Zhou organized Marxist study groups amongst Chinese students and workers in France and Germany.
During the period of Guomindang-Communist collaboration in 1924 – 5, Zhou was political director of the Nationalists' Whampoa Military Academy. Yet by 1927, Zhou was in conflict with his former allies, as the Nationalists moved to crush the April uprising of Shanghai workers that Zhou had organized and led. As the Nationalists stepped up their attacks, Zhou and Deng Yingchao abandoned their underground work in the cities, where Zhou soon became a key political figure and a crucial power broker. Despite initially opposing Mao Zedong's revolutionary strategy, Zhou's decision to support Mao at the Zunyi conference in the midst of the Long March in January 1935 was crucial in assuring Mao's ascension to party leadership.
Throughout the revolutionary years, Zhou acted as the Communists' chief negotiator. When northern warlords kidnapped Chiang Kai-shek in 1936, Zhou negotiated the Communists' role in the new United Front against the Japanese. He also spent much of the 1937 – 45 period in Chongqing as the Communists' representative in the exiled nationalist government, and held a number of talks with American and other foreign delegations. After the breakdown of talks with the Guomindang in 1946, he returned to the Communist base area in Yanan, where he helped formulate the successful revolutionary strategy, and laid the foundations for the post-revolutionary structure of political power. He was thus perhaps the natural choice to both take charge of China's international relations, and to oversee government administration as premier after 1949.
China was initially ostracized by the international community, with the Americans leading a trade embargo, and preventing the new People's Republic from taking China's seat at the United Nations. Conflict with the American-dominated UN forces in the Korean War did little to ease the tension. It was Zhou in April 1954 who made the first steps towards reconciliation at the Geneva conference convened to discuss a solution to the Franco-Vietnamese War. Despite being cold-shouldered by John Foster Dulles, Zhou impressed many the way he dealt with Dulles, as well as with his mediation skills.
The following year at the Bandung conference of African and Asian countries, Zhou made his first pitch for Chinese leadership of the Third World, claiming that the Americans were the main threat to instability in Asia. Despite continued revolutionary rhetoric, this marked the beginning of a process whereby China gradually became more a force for regime stability than for revolutionary insurgency in much of the Third World. Indeed, despite the continued shelling of the offshore islands occupied by the Taiwanese, Zhou persuaded his colleagues not to invade Quemoy and Matsu, and began to use the language of "peaceful reunification" as early as May 1955.
Zhou spent much of the 1950s and 1960s travelling the world in pursuit of his diplomatic initiatives. He was a regular visitor to Third World capitals, and also spent more time in Moscow than any other Chinese leader as Sino-Soviet relations declined to the point of a short border war (officially skirmishes) in 1969. These initiatives came to fruition in the 1970s. His "ping-pong" diplomacy with the United States (where the two traded sporting exchanges) laid the foundation for secret talks with Kissinger in July 1971. It is no mere coincidence that the United Nations admitted the People's Republic of China and gave Zhou his world stage, on 25 October 1971. This was followed by Nixon's visit to China the following February, and although Zhou died three years before the formal normalization of relations, the agreement that the two men signed on 28 February 1972 effectively took China's foreign relations into a new epoch, and was soon followed by the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations in September.
In domestic politics, Zhou was credited for being a voice of reason and pragmatism, for defending the victims of the Cultural Revolution where possible, and for persuading Mao to make a partial retreat from extreme radicalism between 1969 and 1971. Some historians have suggested that if Zhou's influence was so important in 1969, why didn't he do more to stop the excesses of 1966 – 9? Nevertheless, Zhou not only survived the Cultural Revolution without being purged, but also enhanced his reputation in the process.
His popular reputation was even further improved by his actions between 1973 (when he played a crucial role in rehabilitating Deng Xiaoping) and his death in January 1976. Zhou shared the popular mistrust and hatred of the radical leftist Gang of Four who had risen to power during the Cultural Revolution. He was determined to block their influence (not least because of its potential damage to China's new found international respectability) and continued to control state affairs with his deputy Deng Xiaoping even after being hospitalized with terminal cancer in 1974.
After the radical left declined to attend Zhou's commemoration ceremony, the people of Beijing made their feelings clear by spontaneously massing in Tiananmen Square in support of Zhou (and by implication Deng Xiaoping) and against the left and the Gang of Four. If anything, the bloody suppression of this demonstration only served to raise Zhou's reputation higher still, and spawned an explosion of popular poems and eulogies in praise of the man that the Chinese still refer to as "the people's premier".
| US Military Dictionary: Zhou Enlai |
Zhou Enlai (1898-1976) born into the Chinese gentry, a leading figure in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), premier of China (1949-1976), and foreign minister of the People's Republic of China (1949-1958). He played a significant role in the Chinese revolution and one of the great negotiators of the twentieth century. Arrested in 1920 for dissent and political agitation, he went to France when he was released and, while there, made his commitment to Communism. He returned to China in 1924 and participated in the National Revolution, led by Sun Yat-sen's Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) with the collaboration of the CCP and Russian assisstance. He was appointed deputy director of the political department at the Whampoa Military Academy and, in 1927, became director of the military department of the CCP. After organizing the workers of Shanghai for Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists, he fled to Wu-han, the center of Communist power, when Chiang purged his Communist allies. He was elected to the CCP Central Committee and its Politburo during the Party's Fifth National Congress, and helped organize the Nan-ch'ang Uprising, a Communist insurrection, in August 1927. He retreated again, this time to Shanghai via Hong Kong, after the Nationalists recaptured Nan-ch'ang. He returned to China in 1928, and eventually left Shanghai for Kiangsi province, where he Zhu De and
See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.
| Biography: Chou En-lai |
Chou En-lai (1898-1976) was a Chinese Communist leader and premier of the People's Republic of China. From the 1920s on Chou was among the top leaders of the Chinese Communist party.
Chou En-lai was born in Huaian, Kiangsu Province, into a landed family. Both of his parents died while he was a child, and Chou was sent to live with an uncle in Mukden, where he was given a traditional primary education.
Early Foreign Travels
In 1917 Chou went to Japan to continue his education. He joined in the activities of a nationalistic Chinese student organization and was introduced to Marxist thought through Japanese sources. When the May Fourth student movement broke out in 1919, he returned to Tientsin to join in the active political ferment among Chinese students. He enrolled at Nank'ai University, where he became editor of a radical student newspaper. Early in 1920 he was arrested with other students after a demonstration and imprisoned for 4 months.
After his release from prison, Chou went to France on a work-study program and soon came under the influence of French and Chinese socialists active in France. He became a member of the Chinese Socialist Youth Corps, a young Communist organization, and founded its Berlin branch in 1922. In the same year he was elected to the executive committee of the European branch of the Chinese Communist party (CCP). As the Communist party was at that time allied with Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang (KMT), Chou also joined the KMT and served on the executive committee of its European headquarters. During these years he formed close attachments with many future leaders of the CCP, including Chu Teh and Ch'en Yi.
Work with the Kuomintang
Late in 1924 Chou returned to China and began working in Canton at the joint Communist-KMT revolutionary headquarters established there by Sun. Chou soon became deputy director (and in effect acting director) of the political department of the Whampoa Military Academy, just established with Chiang Kai-shek as its commander. In this capacity Chou formed connections with many cadets who were later to form the core officer group of the Red Army, among them Lin Piao.
In August 1925 Chou was made political commissar to the 1st Division of the 1st Army of the KMT, which was the chief military force under Chiang Kai-shek's control at the time. In the winter of 1925 he became special commissioner of the recently captured East River District of Kwangtung Province. Chou lost both these posts, however, after the Chung-shan gunboat incident of March 1926, when Chiang Kai-shek seized control of the KMT by a military coup.
When the Kuomintang armies began the Northern Expedition against the warlords in the summer of 1926, Chou went to Shanghai and worked to organize a labor revolt in the city. Chou then directed the general strike that captured Shanghai just before Chiang's troops entered the city. Chou, however, escaped the terror instituted by Chiang and fled to Wuhan, where the official leadership of the KMT still supported the Communist alliance. At the Fifth National Congress of the Communist party there in April, he was elected for the first time to the Central Committee and the Politburo and became head of the Military Committee. When the KMT at Wuhan also broke with the Communists in the summer of 1927, Chou fled again. He took charge of a small military force created by the defection of Communist officers and led the Nanchang uprising on August 1. After the failure of this insurrection Chou remained with the Communist forces through a series of abortive campaigns aimed at setting up a base in Kwangtung Province.
With the Communist party in disarray as a result of these events, Chou went to Moscow for the Sixth National Congress of the Communist party and was reelected to his positions. He returned to China in 1929 and created the Red Guards, a secret police that tried to protect the party leadership in Shanghai. In the spring of 1931 Chou was sent to Ch'ingkan Mountain Soviet, controlled by Mao Tse-tung and Chu Teh, to establish a closer connection with the party headquarters. There he became political commissar of Chu Teh's army. When this base had to be abandoned in 1934, Chou served as a military officer on the Long March to Yenan in the northwest.
In Yenan, Chou began to emerge as a major negotiator for the Communist party. He worked out cease-fire arrangements with Gen. Chang Hsüeh-liang that eventuated in Chang's kidnaping of Chiang Kai-shek at Sian in December 1936. As leader of the Communist delegation summoned to Sian, Chou is widely believed to have saved Chiang Kaishek's life. From this point to the end of the Sino-Japanese war, Chou was largely involved in negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek and his government over common anti-Japanese issues. Chou spent much of the war period in Chungking, the Nationalist capital, where his personal charm, intelligence, and tact made him an effective spokesman for the Communist position to the press, foreign diplomats, and uncommitted Chinese.
From November 1944 Chou was regularly involved in negotiations between U.S. ambassador Patrick J. Hurley, the Nationalist government, and the Communists. Early in 1946 he headed the Communist team in negotiations with Gen. George Marshall over the future of China. When these discussions broke down, Chou returned to Yenan.
People's Republic of China
After the Communist victory in 1949, Chou became premier of the People's Republic. He was largely responsible for the creation and guidance of the new governmental bureaucracy and until 1958 was also foreign minister. After 1949 he was also largely responsible for maintaining relations with the non-Communist political groups that supported the People's Republic.
Early in 1950 Chou negotiated in Moscow a treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union, and in 1952 he again went to Moscow, where he negotiated further agreements. In 1957 he played a significant role in negotiating settlements of issues arising from Polish and Hungarian conflicts with the Soviet Union. After Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated, he led the Chinese delegation that walked out of the Twenty-second Congress of the Soviet party in October 1961.
Chou also had to deal with acute crises in Sino-American relations that arose largely as a result of the Korean War. On Oct. 2, 1950, he delivered through the Indian ambassador a warning that China would intervene in the war if American troops crossed the 38th parallel. The American rejection of this warning brought a direct confrontation of American and Chinese troops in Korea. However, on Chou's initiative in 1955, Sino-American ambassadorial talks began in Warsaw.
Chou also was prominent in forming and implementing Chinese policy toward the Afro-Asian nations. He made extensive tours of Asia and Africa. In 1954 he led the Chinese delegation at the Geneva Conference and was instrumental in drawing up terms for the French evacuation of Indo-China. In 1960 he played a leading role in negotiating treaties delimiting Chinese frontiers with Burma, Nepal, Mongolia, Pakistan, and Afghanistan but failed to resolve the Indian frontier question despite a visit to New Delhi for talks with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.
Domestically, Chou played an essential role both as head of the administrative system and as peacemaker in the party. He actively supported Mao Tse-tung during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that developed in 1965, the major objective being to reinfuse revolutionary enthusiasm into Chinese society. At the end of this movement in 1969, Chou was the third-ranking member of the Chinese leadership, and later, after Lin Piao disappeared, the second-ranking member.
In 1975, Chou was dying of cancer, but he continued to serve China. In January, his report to the Fourth National People's Congress justified the Cultural Revolution as a battle against bourgeois tendencies and at the same time proposed the Four Modernizations (of agriculture, industry, national defense and technology). Chou died on January 8, 1976.
His Family
In 1925 Chou married Teng Ying-ch'ao, whom he had met in 1919 when they were both active in student demonstrations in Tientsin. She remained an active revolutionary leader and was one of the few women who made the Long March. When she was trapped in Peking by the Japanese occupation of the city, she was smuggled through Japanese lines by Edgar Snow. She was deputy chairman of the All-China Federation of Women. They had no children.
Further Reading
The best account of Chou's life is Hsu Kai-yu, Chou En-lai:China's Gray Eminence (1968). Hsu tends to exaggerate Chou's importance but presents a convincing picture of his character-his human warmth versus his devotion to revolution. See also Edgar Snow, The Other Side of the River: Red China Today (1962), which contains interviews with Chou En-lai, as well as other Chinese leaders; Donald S. Zagoria, The Sino-Soviet Conflict, 1956-1961 (1962); and Franz Schurmann and Orville Schell, eds., The China Reader (3 vols., 1967), especially volume 3.
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Zhou Enlai |
In 1949, with the establishment of the People's Republic of China at Beijing, Zhou became premier and foreign minister. He headed the Chinese Communist delegation to the Geneva Conference of 1954 and to the Bandung Conference (1955). In 1958 he relinquished the foreign ministry but retained the premiership. A practical-minded administrator, Zhou maintained his position through all of Communist China's ideological upheavals, including the Great Leap Forward (1958) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-76). Initially supportive of the latter, he was periodically attacked by Red Guards for attempting to shelter its victims. He was largely responsible for China's reestablishing contacts with the West in the early 1970s before becoming ill.
Bibliography
See biographies by D. W. Chang (1984), D. Wilson (1984), and G. Wenqian (2003, tr. 2007).
| History Dictionary: Zhou En-lai |
A Chinese political leader of the twentieth century. Zhou was a founder of the Chinese Communist party and an ally of Mao Zedong. As China's premier, he helped establish closer relations between his country and Western nations in the 1970s.
| Wikipedia: Zhou Enlai |
| This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2009) |
| 周恩来 Zhou Enlai |
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| In office 1 October 1949 - 8 January 1976 |
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| Preceded by | None |
| Succeeded by | Hua Guofeng |
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| In office 1949 - 1958 |
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| Preceded by | None |
| Succeeded by | Chen Yi |
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| In office December 1954 - January 8, 1976 |
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| Preceded by | Mao Zedong |
| Succeeded by | vacant (1976-1978) Deng Xiaoping |
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| Born | March 5, 1898 Zhejiang, Qing Dynasty |
| Died | January 8, 1976 (aged 77) Beijing, People's Republic of China |
| Nationality | Chinese |
| Political party | Communist Party of China |
| Spouse(s) | Deng Yingchao |
| Religion | Atheist |
| Military service | |
| Battles/wars | Zhongshan Warship Incident Nanchang Uprising Fourth Encirclement Campaign Chinese Civil War Second Sino-Japanese War |
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| Traditional Chinese | 周恩來 | ||||||||||||
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Zhou Enlai (simplified Chinese: 周恩来; traditional Chinese: 周恩來; pinyin: Zhōu Ēnlái; Wade-Giles: Chou En-lai) (5 March 1898 – 8 January 1976) was the first Premier of the People's Republic of China, serving from October 1949 until his death in January 1976. Zhou was instrumental in the Communist Party's rise to power, and subsequently in the development of the Chinese Communist economy and restructuring of Chinese society.
A skilled and able diplomat, Zhou served as the Chinese foreign minister from 1949 to 1958. Advocating peaceful coexistence with the West, he participated in the 1954 Geneva Conference and helped orchestrate Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China. Due to his expertise, Zhou was largely able to survive the purges of high-level Chinese Communist Party officials during the Cultural Revolution. His attempts at mitigating the Red Guard's damage and his efforts to protect others from their wrath made him immensely popular in the Revolution's later stages.
As Mao Zedong's health began to decline in 1971 and 1972, Zhou and the Gang of Four struggled internally over leadership of China. Zhou's health was also failing however, and he died eight months before Mao on 8 January 1976. The massive public outpouring of grief in Beijing turned to anger towards the Gang of Four, leading to the Tiananmen Incident. Deng Xiaoping, Zhou's ally and successor as Premier, was able to outmaneuver the Gang of Four politically and eventually take Mao's place as Paramount Leader.
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Zhou Enlai was born to a well-educated couple in 1898 or 1899[1] , and spent most of his early years in Huai'an, Jiangsu. His education included the Chinese Classics and, later, the prestigious Tianjin Nankai High School. At the age of 17, he moved to Japan and entered a high school in Tokyo. He then studied at Meiji University in Tokyo, and later audited in Kyoto University.
Zhou first came to national prominence as an activist during the May Fourth Movement. He had enrolled as a student in the literature department of Nankai University, which enabled him to visit the campus, but he never attended classes. He became one of the organizers of the Tianjin Students Union, whose avowed aim was “to struggle against the warlords and against imperialism, and to save China from extinction." Zhou became the editor of the student union’s newspaper, Tianjin Student. In September, he founded the Awareness Society with twelve men and eight women. Fifteen year old Deng Yingchao, Enlai’s future wife, was one of the founding female members. (They were married on 8 August 1925.) Zhou was instrumental in the merger between the all male Tianjin Students Union and the all female Women’s Patriotic Association.
In January 1920, the police raided the printing press and arrested several members of the Awareness Society. Zhou led a group of students to protest the arrests, and was himself arrested along with 28 others. After the trial in July, they were found guilty of a minor offense and released. An attempt was made by the Comintern to induct Zhou into the Communist Party of China, but although he was studying Marxism he remained uncommitted. Instead of being selected to go to Moscow for training, he was chosen to go to France as a student organizer. Deng Yingchao was left in charge of the Awareness Society in his absence.
On 7 November 1920, Zhou Enlai and 196 other Chinese students sailed from Shanghai for Marseilles, France. At Marseilles they were met by a member of the Sino-French Education Committee and boarded a train to Paris. Almost as soon as he arrived Zhou became embroiled in a wrangle between the students and the education authorities running the “work and study” program. The students were supposed to work in factories part time and attend class part time. Because of corruption and graft in the Education Committee, however, the students were not paid. As a result they simply provided cheap labour for the French factory owners and received very little education in return. Zhou wrote to newspapers back in China denouncing the committee and the corrupt government officials.[citation needed]
Zhou traveled to Britain in January; he applied for and was accepted as a student at Edinburgh University. But the university term didn’t start until October so he returned to France, moving in with Liu Tsingyang and Zhang Shenfu, who were setting up a Communist cell. Zhou joined the group and was entrusted with political and organizational work. There is some controversy over the date Zhou joined the Communist Party of China. For secrecy reasons members did not carry membership cards. Zhou himself wrote "autumn, 1922" at a verification carried out at the Party's Seventh Congress in 1945.
There were 2,000 Chinese students in France, some 200 each in Belgium and England and between 300 and 400 in Germany. For the next four years Zhou was the chief recruiter, organizer and coordinator of activities of the Socialist Youth League. He traveled constantly between Belgium, Germany and France, safely conveying party members through Berlin to entrain for Moscow, to be taught the art[citation needed] of revolution.
Zhou returned to China as a seasoned party organizer in 1924. He was appointed Director of the CCP Guangdong Military Affairs Department, Director of Training at the National Revolutionary Army Political Training Department and Acting Director of the Whampoa Military Academy's Political Department. The latter role made Zhou political commissar of the 1st Division, 1st Corp during the Eastern Campaign of 1925.[2] At the end of that successful campaign, he was named CCP Secretary of Guangdong Province, one of the highest jobs in the party. A year later, at the age of 28 or 29, Zhou Enlai was elected to the CCP Politburo and placed in charge of military affairs.
In January 1924 Sun Yat-sen had officially proclaimed an alliance between the Kuomintang and the Communists, and a plan for a military expedition to unify China and destroy the warlords. The Whampoa Military Academy was set up in March to train officers for the armies that would march against the warlords. Russian ships unloaded crates of weapons at the Guangzhou docks. Comintern advisers from Moscow joined Sun’s entourage. In October, shortly after he arrived back from Europe, Zhou Enlai was appointed Director of the political department at the Whampoa Military Academy in Guangzhou.[3]
Zhou soon realized the Kuomintang was riddled with intrigue. The powerful right wing of the Kuomintang was bitterly opposed to the Communist alliance. Zhou was convinced that the CCP, in order to survive must have an army of its own. "The Kuomintang is a coalition of treacherous warlords" he told his friend Nie Rongzhen, recently arrived from Moscow and named a vice director of the academy. Together they set about to organize a nucleus of officer cadets who were CCP members and who would follow the principles of Karl Marx. For a while they met no hindrance, not even from Chiang Kai-Shek, the director of the academy.
Sun Yat-sen died on 12 March 1925. No sooner was Sun dead than trouble broke out in Guangzhou. A warlord named Chen Jiongming made a bid to take the city and province. The East Expedition, led by Zhou, was organized as a military offensive against Chen. Using the disciplined core of CCP cadets they met with resounding success. Zhou was promoted to head Whampoa’s martial law bureau. Zhou quickly crushed an attempted coup by another warlord within the city. Chen Chiungming once again took the field in October 1925. Once again Zhou defeated him and this time captured the important city of Shantou on the South China coast. Zhou was appointed special commissioner of Shantou and surrounding region. Zhou began to build up a party branch in Shantou whose membership he would keep secret.
On 8 August 1925, he and Deng Yingchao were finally married after a long-distance courtship of nearly five years. The couple remained childless, but adopted many orphaned children of "revolutionary martyrs"; one of the more famous was future Premier Li Peng.
After Sun's death the Kuomintang was run by a triumvirate composed of Chiang Kai-Shek, Liao Zhongkai and Wang Jingwei, but in August 1925 Liao (father of Liao Chengzhi and grandfather to Liao Hui, both prominent PRC politicians), was assassinated by a Nationalist assassin. Chiang Kai-shek used this assassination to declare martial law and consolidate right wing control of the Nationalists. On 18 March 1926, while Mikhail Borodin, the Russian comintern advisor to the United Front, was in Shanghai. Chiang created a further incident to usurp power over the communists. The commander and crew of a Kuomintang gunboat was arrested at the Whampoa docks (see Zhongshan Warship Incident). This was followed by raids on the First Army Headquarters and Whampoa Military Academy. Altogether 65 communists were arrested, including Nie Rongzhen. A state of emergency was declared and curfews were imposed. Zhou had just returned from Shantou and was also detained for 48 hours. On his release he confronted Chiang and accused him of undermining the United Front but Chiang argued that he was only breaking up a plot by the communists. When Borodin returned from Shanghai he believed Chiang’s version and rebuked Zhou. At Chiang's request Borodin turned over a list of all the members of the CCP who were also members of the Kuomintang. The only omissions from this list were the members Zhou had secretly recruited. Chiang dismissed all the rest of the CCP officers from the First Army. Wang Jingwei, considered too sympathetic to the communists, was persuaded to leave on a “study tour” in Europe. Zhou Enlai was relieved of all his duties associated with the First United front, effectively giving complete control of the United Front to Chiang Kai-Shek.
After the Northern Expedition began, he worked as a labour agitator. In 1926, he organized a general strike in Shanghai, opening the city to the Kuomintang. When the Kuomintang broke with the Communists, Zhou managed to escape the white terror. Zhou attended a July 1927 meeting with Zhu De, He Long, Ye Jianying, Liu Bocheng, – all future marshals of the army – and Mao to decide a response to Chiang’s blood purge. Their move was the Nanchang Uprising, led by Liu and Zhou.[4]
After that attempt failed, Zhou left China for the Soviet Union to attend the Chinese Communist Party's 6th National Party Congress in Moscow, in June-July 1928.[5] He was elected Director of the Central Committee Organization Department; his ally, Li Lisan took over propaganda work. Zhou finally returned to China, after more than a year away, in 1929.
In Shanghai, Zhou began to disagree with the timing of Li Lisan's strategy of favoring rich peasants and concentrating military forces for attacks on urban centers sometime in early 1930. Zhou did not openly break with these more orthodox notions, and even tried to implement them later, in 1931, in Jiangxi. [6]
Zhou moved to the Jiangxi base area and shook up the propaganda-oriented approach to revolution by demanding that the armed forces under communist control actually be used to expand the base, rather than just to control and defend it. In December 1931, he replaced Mao as Secretary of the 1st Front Army with Xiang Ying, and made himself political commissar of the Red Army, in place of Mao. Liu Bocheng, Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai all criticized Mao's tactics at the August 1932 Ningdu Conference. [7] Under Zhou, the Red Army defeated four attacks by Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist troops.[8] Only when the Nationalists were forced to change their tactics did Zhou endorse withdrawal. Zhou Enlai was thus one of the major beneficiaries of the 1931-34 side-lining of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Tan Zhenlin, Deng Zihui, Lu Dingyi and Xiao Qingguang.
In early 1933, Bo Gu arrived with German Comintern adviser Otto Braun (aka Li De) and took control of party affairs. Zhou at this time, apparently with strong support from party and military colleagues, undertook to reorganize and standardize the Red Army. The results were the structure that led the communists to victory:
| Leaders | Unit Designation |
|---|---|
| Lin Biao, Nie Rongzhen | 1st Corps |
| Peng Dehuai, Yang Shangkun | 3rd Corps |
| Xiao Qingguang | 7th Corps |
| Xiao Ke | 8th Corps |
| Luo Binghui | 9th Corps |
| Fang Zhimin | 10th Corps |
In the Yan'an years, Zhou was active in promoting a united anti-Japanese front. As a result, he played a major role in the Xi'an Incident, helped to secure Chiang Kai-shek's release, and negotiated the Second CCP-KMT United Front, and coining the famous phrase "Chinese should not fight Chinese but a common enemy: the invader". Zhou spent the Sino-Japanese War as CCP ambassador to Chiang's wartime government in Chongqing and took part in the failed negotiations following World War II.
In 1949, with the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Zhou assumed the role of Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. In June 1953, he declared the five principles for peaceful coexistence. He headed the Communist Chinese delegation to the Geneva Conference and to the Bandung Conference (1955). He survived a covert proxy assassination attempt by the nationalist Kuomintang under the government of Chiang Kai-shek on his way to Bandung. A time bomb with an American-made MK-7 detonator was planted on a charter plane Kashmir Princess scheduled for Zhou's trip. Zhou changed planes but the rest of his crew of 16 people died. Zhou was a moderate force and a new influential voice for non-aligned states in the Cold War; his diplomacy strengthened regional ties with India, Burma, and many southeast Asian countries, as well as African states. In 1958, the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs was passed to Chen Yi but Zhou remained Prime Minister until his death in 1976.
Zhou's first major domestic focus after becoming premier was China's economy, in a poor state after decades of war. He aimed at increased agricultural production through the even redistribution of land. Industrial progress was also on his to-do list. He additionally initiated the first environmental reforms in China. In government, Mao largely developed policy while Zhou carried it out.
In 1958, Mao Zedong began the Great Leap Forward, aimed at increasing China's production levels in industry and agriculture with unrealistic targets. As a popular and practical administrator, Zhou maintained his position through the Leap. The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was a great blow to Zhou. At its late stages in 1975, he pushed for the "four modernizations" to undo the damage caused by the campaigns.
Known as an able diplomat, Zhou was largely responsible for the re-establishment of contacts with the West in the early 1970s. He welcomed US President Richard Nixon to China in February 1972, and signed the Shanghai Communiqué.
After discovering he had cancer, he began to pass many of his responsibilities onto Deng Xiaoping. During the late stages of the Cultural Revolution, Zhou was the new target of Chairman Mao's and Gang of Four's political campaigns in 1975 by initiating "criticizing Song Jiang, evaluating the Water Margin", alluding to a Chinese literary work, using Zhou as an example of a political loser. In addition, the Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius campaign was also directed at Premier Zhou because he was viewed as one of the Gang's primary political opponents.
During a time when news could not be communicated as easily as today through internet and television, much weight is put on hear-say which cannot be verified. It is widely believed that at the Geneva Conference of 1954 U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles snubbed Zhou by publicly brushing past his outstretched hand. Whether the incident actually happened or not, President Nixon clearly believed that it had. Therefore, when he descended from Air Force One in Beijing on his visit to China, he ostentatiously and respectfully held out his hand to Zhou, who appreciated the symbolism. [9]
The clash with Russia created a number of these stories. One story had it that Zhou met Premier Nikita Khrushchev outside a meeting hall where each had denounced the other. Khrushchev, who was said to be jealous of Zhou’s cosmopolitan skills, remarked to Zhou “The difference between the Soviet Union and China is that I rose to power from the peasant class, whereas you came from the privileged Mandarin class.” Zhou quickly replied “True. But there is this similarity. Each of us is a traitor to his class.” [10]
Another such account had it that at another such encounter Khrushchev shook Zhou’s hand, then pulled out his handkerchief and wiped his hands. Zhou then pulled out his handkerchief, wiped his hands, and put the handkerchief in the nearest wastebasket. [11] This is especially interesting since apparently Richard Nixon told a similar story. He recalled that in 1954 Undersecretary of State, Walter B. Smith did not want to "break... discipline" but also did not want to slight the Chinese blatantly. Therefore, Smith held a cup of coffee in his right hand when shaking hands with Zhou. Zhou took out a white handkerchief, wiped his hand and threw the handkerchief into the garbage.
When asked for his assessment of the 1789 French Revolution, he is remembered for saying, "It is too early to say."[12].
Zhou was hospitalized in 1974 for bladder cancer, but continued to conduct work from the hospital, with Deng Xiaoping as the First Deputy Premier handling most of the important State Council matters. Zhou died on the morning of 8 January 1976, aged 77. He died eight months before Mao Zedong. Zhou's death brought messages of condolences from many non-aligned states that he affected during his tenure as an effective diplomat and negotiator on the world stage, and many states saw his death as a terrible loss. Zhou's body was cremated and the ashes scattered by air over hills and valleys, according to his wishes.
Inside China, the infamous Gang of Four had seen Zhou's death as an effective step forward in their political maneuvering, as the last major challenge was now gone in their plot to seize absolute power. At Zhou's funeral, Deng Xiaoping delivered the official eulogy, but later he was forced out of politics until after Mao's death.
Because Zhou was very popular with the people, many rose in spontaneous expressions of mourning across China, which the Gang considered to be dangerous, as they feared people might use this opportunity to express hatred towards them. During the Tiananmen Incident in April 1976, the Gang of Four tried to suppress mourning for the "Beloved Premier", which resulted in rioting. Anti-Gang of Four poetry was found on some wreaths that were laid, and all wreaths were subsequently taken down at the Monument to the People's Heroes. These actions, however, only further enraged the people. Thousands of armed soldiers repressed the people’s protest in Tiananmen Square, and hundreds of people were arrested. The Gang of Four blamed Deng Xiaoping for the movement and temporarily removed him from all his official positions.
Since his death, a memorial hall has been dedicated to Zhou and Deng Yingchao in Tianjin, named Tianjin Zhou Enlai Deng Yingchao Memorial Hall (simplified Chinese: 天津周恩来邓颖超纪念馆; traditional Chinese: 天津周恩來鄧穎超紀念館; pinyin: Tiānjīn Zhōu Ēnlái Dèng Yǐngchāo Jìniànguǎn), and there was a statue erected in Nanjing, where in the 1940s he worked with the Kuomintang. There was an issue of national stamps commemorating the first anniversary of his death in 1977, and another in 1998 to commemorate his 100th birthday.
Zhou Enlai is regarded as a skilled negotiator, a master of policy implementation, a devoted revolutionary, and a pragmatic statesman with an unusual attentiveness to detail and nuance. He was also known for his tireless and dedicated work ethic, and his unusual charm and poise in public. He is reputedly the last Mandarin bureaucrat in the Confucian tradition. Zhou's political behaviour should be viewed in light of his political philosophy as well as his personality. To a large extent, Zhou epitomized the paradox inherent in a communist politician with traditional Chinese upbringing: at once conservative and radical, pragmatic and ideological, possessed by a belief in order and harmony as well as a faith in the progressive power of rebellion and revolution. Henry Kissinger has called Zhou "one of the two or three most impressive men" he had ever met.[13]
Though a firm believer in the Communist ideal on which the People's Republic was founded, Zhou is widely believed to have moderated the excesses of Mao's radical policies within the limits of his power. It has been assumed that he protected imperial and religious sites of cultural significance (such as the Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet) from the Tibetan Red Guards, and shielded many top-level leaders, including, Deng Xiaoping, as well as many academics and artists from purges.
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