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Okonkwo was enraged and embittered because he felt that his life had not gone as he had planned. He struggled to live up to his father's reputation and felt a strong need to prove his masculinity and success in the village. His fear of failure and vulnerability led him to act aggressively and self-destructively.

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What does the cyclops do when he realizes when he has been tricked?

He tries to find Odysseus, aka "Nohbody", and get ahold of him and kill him.


What foolish thing does Odysseus say to the Cyclops that demonstrates excessive pride?

Initially, Odysseus is cunning in being able to trick the Cyclops into believing his name was "Nobody" because the Cyclops would then be prevented from calling for help continually saying "Nobody is here!" However, Odysseus demonstrates excessive pride in having tricked the Cyclops and foolishly reveals that he is not "Nobody" but in fact the great "Odysseus." Enraged, the Cyclops calls upon his father Poseidon to punish Odysseus, and thus Odysseus's long journey home.


What is a summary of pygmalion?

Venus was enraged with the women of Cyprus because they denied her divinity. Venus turned them into prostitutes, and because they had no shame, they could be turned into stone. Pygmalion was disgusted with the women of Cyprus. He carved himself a statue out of ivory and fell in love with it. At a feast for Venus(strange,because the people were opposed to Venus' divinity,this is likely a mix of two stories from an oral tradition), Pygmalion prays to Venus. When he returns home,his statue has been turned into a woman(Galatea). 9 monts later,she gives birth a son,Paphos.


What should we learn from the statementI'd strike the sun if it insulted me?

"Talk not to me of blasphemy, man; I'd strike the sun if it insulted me."This is declared by Captain Ahab of Moby Dick on Chapter Thirty Six which is subtitled; The Quarter Deck. Young Starbuck has questioned Ahab's seeming unquenchable thirst for vengeance and has made the practical point that killing the white whale known as Moby Dick would not be very profitable at the market back in Nantucket. Ahab seeks to instruct young Starbuck in the value of pride and the need to push away the "walls" of a world that measures worth by money alone and the confines of such economics that imprison us all. He explains to Starbuck that it is what we keep in our hearts that is of real worth. Starbuck replies by saying;"Vengeance on a dumb brute!...that simply smote thee from blindest instinct! Madness! To be enraged with a dumb thing, Captain Ahab, seems blasphemous."It is here where Ahab explains the importance of pushing past the walls that imprison us and before asserting he would strike the sun if it insulted him, Ahab makes this clear:"If man will strike, strike through the mask! How can the prisoner reach outside except by thrusting through the wall? To me, the white whale is that wall, shoved near to me."This is shortly followed by the quote in question. It is as Ahab says the in the natural jealousies of people that dictate why we act the way we do. Ahab not only hates this white whale he calls Moby Dick, he also admires the creatures strength and will and in and endeavor to match that strength and will he explains to Starbuck he would strike the sun if it insulted him. What is to be learned? Jealousy undoes us all as it did the Captain Ahab by the end of Moby Dick. The white whale survived just as the sun would were we to strike it. The futility of such endeavors is also what makes people so compelling and why people still read Moby Dick today. As Balise Pasquale once said;"When the universe comes to destroy man, man will still be nobler than that which tries to destroy him, because in his death man knows he is dying and of its victory, the universe knows absolutely nothing."


What values or attitudes does Saint Jerome have that made him a saint?

The theological writings of St. Jerome are mainly controversial works, one might almost say composed for the occasion. He missed being a theologian, by not applying himself in a consecutive and personal manner to doctrinal questions. In his controversies he was simply the interpreter of the accepted ecclesiastical doctrine. Compared with St. Augustine his inferiority in breadth and originality of view is most evident. His "Dialogue" against the Luciferians deals with a schismatic sect whose founder was Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia. The Luciferians refused to approve of the measure of clemency by which the Church, since the Council of Alexandria, in 362, had allowed bishops, who had adhered to Arianism, to continue to discharge their duties on condition of professing the Nicene Creed. This rigorist sect had adherents almost everywhere, and even in Rome it was very troublesome. Against it Jerome wrote his "Dialogue", scathing in sarcasm, but not always accurate in doctrine, particularly as to the Sacrament of Confirmation. The book "Adversus Helvidium" belongs to about the same period. Helvidius held the two following tenets: * Mary bore children to Joseph after the virginal birth of Jesus Christ; * from a religious viewpoint, the married state is not inferior to celibacy. Earnest entreaty decided Jerome to answer. In doing so he discusses the various texts of the Gospel which, it was claimed, contained the objections to the perpetual virginity of Mary. If he did not find positive answers on all points, his work, nevertheless, holds a very creditable place in the history of Catholic exegesis upon these questions. The relative dignity of virginity and marriage, discussed in the book against Helvidius, was taken up again in the book "Adversus Jovinianum" written about ten years later. Jerome recognizes the legitimacy of marriage, but he uses concerning it certain disparaging expressions which were criticized by contemporaries and for which he has given no satisfactory explanation. Jovinian was more dangerous than Helvidius. Although he did not exactly teach salvation by faith alone, and the uselessness of good works, he made far too easy the road to salvation and slighted a life of asceticism. Every one of these points St. Jerome took up. The "Apologeticum adversus Rufinum" dealt with the Origenistic controversies. St. Jerome was involved in one of the most violent episodes of that struggle, which agitated the Church from Origen's lifetime until the Fifth Ecumenical Council (553). The question at issue was to determine if certain doctrines professed by Origen and others taught by certain pagan followers of Origen could be accepted. In the present case the doctrinal difficulties were embittered by personalities between St. Jerome and his former friend, Rufinus. To understand Origen were by far the most complete exegetical collection then in existence, and the one most accessible to students. Hence a very natural tendency to make use of them, and it is evident that St. Jerome did so, as well as many others. But we must carefully distinguish between writers who made use of Origen and those who adhered to his doctrines. This distinction is particularly necessary with St. Jerome, whose method of work was very rapid, and consisted in transcribing the interpretations of former exegetes without passing criticism on them. Nevertheless, it is certain that St. Jerome greatly praised and made use of Origen, that he even transcribed some erroneous passages without due reservation. But it is also evident that he never adhered thinkingly and systematically to the Origenistic doctrines. Under these circumstances it came about that when Rufinus, who was a genuine Origenist, called on him to justify his use of Origen, the explanations he gave were not free from embarrassment. At this distance of time it would require a very subtle and detailed study of the question to decide the real basis of the quarrel. However that may be, Jerome may be accused of imprudence of language and blamed for a too hasty method of work. With a temperament such as his, and confident of his undoubted orthodoxy in the matter of Origenism, he must naturally have been tempted to justify anything. This brought about a most bitter controversy with his wily adversary, Rufinus. But on the whole Jerome's position is by far the stronger of the two, even in the eyes of his contemporaries. It is generally conceded that in this controversy Rufinus was to blame. It was he who brought about the conflict in which he proved himself to be narrow-minded, perplexed, ambitious, even timorous. St. Jerome, whose attitude is not always above reproach, is far superior to him. Vigilantius, the Gascon priest against whom Jerome wrote a treatise, quarrelled with ecclesiastical usages rather than matters of doctrine. What he principally rejected was the monastic life and the veneration of saints and of relics. In short, Helvidius, Jovinian, and Vigilantius were the mouthpieces of a reaction against asceticism which had developed so largely in the fourth century. Perhaps the influence of that same reaction is to be seen in the doctrine of the monk Pelagius, who gave his name to the principal heresy on grace: Pelagianism. On this subject Jerome wrote his "Dialogi contra Pelagianos". Accurate as to the doctrine of original sin, the author is much less so when he determines the part of God and of man in the act of justification. In the main his ideas are Semipelagian: man merits first grace: a formula which endangers the absolute freedom of the gift of grace. The book "De situ et nominibus locorum hebraicorum" is a translation of the "Onomasticon" of Eusebius, to which the translator has joined additions and corrections. The translations of the "Homilies" of Origen vary in character according to the time in which they were written. As time went on, Jerome became more expert in the art of translating, and he outgrew the tendency to palliate, as he came across them, certain errors of Origen. We must make special mention of the translation of the homilies "In Canticum Canticorum", the Greek original of which has been lost. St. Jerome's complete works can be found in P.L., XXII-XXX.