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Bomb Kills 2 in Iraq?
锘緽omb Kills 2 in Iraq BAGHDAD, Iraq Villagers found three decapitated bodies north of Baghdad on Wednesday and a car bomb killed two people at an Iraqi military checkpoint south of the capital in attacks that appear to be increasingly targeting Iraqis rather than the United States and its multinational force allies. The bodies were found in nylon bags, the woolrich parkaheads in bags alongside them, near Dijiel, about replica borse gucci italia 25 miles north of Baghdad, said Col. AbdulRahman (search) the Interior Ministry. They were all men with tattoos, including one with the letter 'H' on his arm, but no documents were found on them, he said. While insurgents have often beheaded foreign hostages in their fight against the government and coalition forces, it is not a tactic usually used against Iraqis, who are more often abducted for money. Residents from a nearby village found the bodies shortly after dawn and notified the Iraqi national guard, said Iraqi Lt. Ahmad Farouk. troops collected them and handed them over to police. Two wore jeans and shirts and longchampsthe third wore sweat pants and a Tshirt. All appeared young. Meanwhile, militants released a Turkish man identified as Gezmen (search), an Arabic language translator who was taken hostage in late July, according to a videotape obtained by Associated Press Television News. The Turkish Foreign Ministry confirmed he had been freed. A [url=http://www.dtdrivingschool.co.uk/longchampbags/ ]longchamps[/url] group calling itself Shura Council of the Mujahedeen (search) in a separate video Tuesday that it was freeing Gezmen after he converted to Islam and repented working for the Americans. Huseyin Gezmen, Aytullah Gezmen's brother, told Turkey's Anatolia news agency that Gezmen called the family and was expected return home in two days. "We heard his voice for the first time in 52 days," Huseyin Gezmen was quoted as saying. "My brother is back from the dead." A Jordanian transport company said Wednesday it had ceased to operate in Iraq in the hope of winning the release of one of its drivers, Turki Simer Khalifeh alBreizat, kidnapped by a separate militant group. The kidnappers gave the company 48 hours Tuesday to pull [url=http://www.libreria-apogeo.it/woolrichoutlet/]woolrich parka[/url] out. Guerrillas bombed a Baghdad shopping street full of police recruits and fired on a police van north of the capital Tuesday, killing at least 59 people. The latest car bomb targeted a national guard checkpoint in Suwayrah, about 40 miles south of Baghdad, AbdulRahman said. One guardsman was among the two dead; 10 civilians were wounded. A police patrol ugg outlet milano in Baqouba, northeast of the capital, was also hit Wednesday by an explosive device that wounded four policemen and a civilian, said police Lt. Feras Ali. Insurgents are becoming more indiscriminate in their attacks, with a growing number of Iraqis killed as "collaborators," analysts said. "It is much easier to get locals, and maybe they have understood that no matter what they do, the United States isn't going to give way. forces in Ramadi, a predominantly Sunni Muslim city west of the capital where antiAmerican sentiments are high, said Saad alAmili, a senior Health Ministry official in Baghdad. Gunmen fired on Khamis Hussein, the head of the health directorate in the restive Anbar province, he said. Hussein escaped unharmed, but one of his bodyguards was killed and [url=http://www.ideatrade.it/abercrombiemilano/]abercrombie e fitch bologna[/url] his deputy was wounded in the attack, alAmili said. Two Marines from the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force died one on Tuesday and one on Wednesday while conducting security operations in the province, the military said. Neither Marine was identified; no details were released. Deputy Secretary of State Armitage (search) violence in Iraq is bound to abercrombie e fitch bologna increase ahead of the country's January [url=http://www.ideatrade.it/replicaborse/]replica borse gucci italia[/url] elections and the Nov. presidential vote. "We do expect an increase in violence as we approach the January election in Iraq, because the election is what the insurgents fear," Armitage said during a visit to Prague, Czech Republic. SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan told the British Broadcasting Corp. he feared continued insecurity in Iraq would block planned Iraqi elections in January. In Brussels, Belgium, [url=http://www.camfalconara.it/uggoutlet/]ugg outlet milano[/url] NATO envoys neared agreement on a limited expansion of the alliance's training mission for the Iraqi military after the United States and France narrowed differences over the scale and command of t
What role does horizontal form of power sharing play in strengthen the Indian government?
Power-sharing and the Vertical Layering of Authority: A Review of Current Practices Stefan Wolff I. The Context of Self-determination Conflicts and Power-sharing Self-determination conflicts are, at one level, also conflicts between competing views of how decision-making powers should be allocated to different layers of authority within a state, and thus how the state as a whole should be constructed. Traditionally, powers have been, and still are, distributed between different vertical layers of authority, for example, between central and local governments in unitary states, or between federal and federated governments in federations and federacies. In addition to such vertical layering of authority, the resolution of self-determination conflicts often requires additional mechanisms of powersharing that are horizontal, i.e., where power is (mandatorily) shared between different parties at one-and-the-same level. While the level of such horizontal power-sharing can be the region and/or the central government, the precise mechanisms and rules of such horizontal powersharing differ from case to case, and can be rigidly consociational, as in Northern Ireland, or voluntary, as in Macedonia, where they are facilitated by the ethnic demography, the structure of the country's party system and the rules of the electoral system. Depending on the complexity of a given power-sharing system, it comprises one or more of the following mechanisms: co-decision making (e.g., executive power-sharing), split decision-making (e.g., territorial arrangements, such as federacy or federalism; or corporate arrangements, such as cultural autonomy), and a range of pre-determined decisions (e.g., proportionality rules for representation for different communities in legislatures and the civil service) or pre-determined procedures (e.g., qualified majority voting or parallel consent regulations in legislatures). Within systems of power-sharing the vertical layering of authority acquires extra importance, often necessitating specific new institutional structures, thus adding to the overall complexity of the process and outcome of state construction. However, the vertical layering of authority also provides opportunities for instituting formal and informal mechanisms of power-sharing at different levels of the political process - from the central government level down to that of local communities. Yet, it can only accomplish this if two conditions are fulfilled: the institutions and institutional structures created must be internally viable and externally recognisable. That is, they must be capable in a technical sense of delivering the outcomes they are set up to achieve (e.g., effectiveness and representativeness of the political process) and the institutions and outcomes must be recognised by the agents participating in Copyright (c) Stefan Wolff. All rights reserved. No reprint without permission.2 them as, if not desirable, at least preferable over continued violent conflict. Under these conditions, vertically layered power-sharing institutions and the individual agents operating in and through them will be capable of establishing a political process that is predictable and stable. This in turn will facilitate, and over time be facilitated by, an increasing belief in the authority of the institutions and institutional structures thus created. *** With these preliminary considerations in mind, this chapter analyses state construction in complex power-sharing systems from the perspective of how authority is distributed at and between vertical layers of authority. The empirical basis for this analysis is provided by eight recent cases of self-determination conflicts where attempts have been made to resolve them by establishing complex power-sharing institutions. Examining the vertical layering of authority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bougainville, Gagauzia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Mindanao, Northern Ireland and South Ossetia, I initially evaluate the particular vertical structures of state construction in each case and contextualise them briefly in the nature and dynamics of each individual self-determination conflict. The sequence of case studies is determined by the complexity of the institutional structures. I begin with Bosnia and Herzegovina, where power-sharing exists at regional and central levels, and is complemented by elements of devolution of powers to cantonal and municipal levels. At the next level of complexity, regional consociations exist in Bougainville, Mindanao and Northern Ireland. Here two traditional conflict resolution techniques combine - territorial autonomy and consociational power-sharing. Although similar in this particular aspect, the three cases can be further distinguished according to their institutional structures. The arrangements for Bougainville include limited power-sharing (co-decision making) between the regional and central authorities; in Northern Ireland, extensive arrangements for cross-border cooperation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, as well as between these two entities and a range of others within the British Isles form part of the 1998 Agreement; and in Mindanao, the co-optation of regional officials to corresponding central institutions again provides for limited co-decision making. The remaining four cases are examples of territorial autonomy (Gagauzia), enhanced local self-administration (Macedonia and, pending the resolution of its final status, Kosovo), and a quasi-sovereign parallel entity (South Ossetia). Following this description of the empirical basis of this chapter, I then assess the relevance of the vertical layering of authority within complex power-sharing systems by comparing and contrasting all eight cases from the perspective of the types of institutional structures; the combination of vertical and horizontal power-sharing mechanisms; the distribution of powers at and between different vertical layers of authority; the types of coordination between different vertical layers of authority; the constitutional and legal entrenchment of the Copyright (c) Stefan Wolff. All rights reserved. No reprint without permission.3 institutions created; and territory and population as boundaries of authority. Following this thematic comparison, I examine three common and potentially problematic issues relating to the vertical layering of public authority in complex power-sharing systems: the relationship between vertical and horizontal layers of power-sharing, the coordination of government activities at and between these different layers, and the overall political institutional settlement within which vertically and horizontally structured institutions have to operate. Synthesising this discussion, I conclude by outlining the role that the vertical layering of authority can play as part of a power-sharing 'toolkit' by examining the main types of institutional structures and mechanisms of policy coordination and by assessing their contextdependence. II. Multiple Layers of Authority in Practice: A Brief Review of Eight Case Studies of Complex Powersharing In order to assess similarities and differences and their significance in the vertical construction of state institutions, empirical data are required. Given the focus of this chapter, the following case studies do not attempt to provide a comprehensive analysis of each conflict and its settlement, but rather concentrate on how executive, legislative and judicial institutions are constructed in the state overall and at multiple levels of authority.1 A. Bosnia and Herzegovina The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was part of a wider regional conflict - the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Over three-and-a-half years, between 1992 and 1995, three main conflict parties - Serbs in Bosnia (and their supporters in Serbia), Croats in Bosnia (and their supporters in Croatia) and Bosnian Muslims - fought each other in shifting alliances with different aims. Serbs sought secession and unification with Serbia, as they felt threatened in a state potentially dominated by a Muslim or Muslim/Croat majority hostile to them. To some extent, Croats shared this goal of secession and unification (with Croatia), while Muslims fought to prevent the disintegration of what they perceived as their ancestral homeland. The intensity of the conflict prompted the UN to declare six safe areas for Muslims and to despatch a peacekeeping force for their protection. Following the breakdown of a four-month ceasefire between Muslims and Serbs, the latter launched an intensive campaign against Muslim safe areas between May and August 1994 in which large numbers of civilians were deliberately targeted and killed. In response, NATO intensified its air strikes against the (regular and irregular) armed forces of the Bosnian Serbs and eventually forced all three conflict parties to the negotiating table in Dayton, Ohio in September 1994. 1 For detailed background on the eight case studies of self-determination conflicts, refer to Vol. 1 ** CROSS-REF Copyright (c) Stefan Wolff. All rights reserved. No reprint without permission.4 The Dayton Peace Agreement of 1995 provides the legal foundation upon which the postwar Bosnian state has been constructed. It establishes several layers of authority: principally, the state level, the entity level and the local level. Within the Bosnian-Croat Federation, cantons provide a further layer of authority. All four layers of authority have their competences clearly laid out in the Dayton Peace Agreement, its various annexes and followon documents, as well as various subsequent amendments. A significant change to this structure was made in 1997 when the so-called Peace Implementation Council, uniting almost sixty states and governmental and non-governmental organisations involved in the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, decided to endow the Office of the High Representative with the authority to dismiss elected and unelected officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina if they were deemed to obstruct the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, and to make legally binding decisions (i.e., to pass laws) in any area in which the state or entity parliaments were unable or unwilling to legislate. This establishes the High Representative not only as the ultimate arbiter in any cases of difficulties in implementing the Dayton Peace Agreement and in coordinating policy between the institutions it established, but endows the office, similar to that of the Special Representative of the UN SecretaryGeneral in Kosovo, with significant legislative and executive powers. This is comparable only to the powers of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, who, through subsequent amendment to the original Agreement, is able to suspend Northern Ireland's power-sharing institutions and assume their executive and most of their legislative powers. What is striking about the construction of the Bosnian state is the almost excess
