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Lyndon B. Johnson

 
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Lyndon B. Johnson, U.S. President

Lyndon B. Johnson
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  • Born: 27 August 1908
  • Birthplace: Near Johnson City, Texas
  • Died: 22 January 1973 (heart attack)
  • Best Known As: President of the United States, 1963-1969

Lyndon Baines Johnson replaced the assassinated John F. Kennedy as United States president and oversaw major social reforms and the expansion of the Vietnam War. Known as a politician's politician, "LBJ" was a senator from Texas who'd been a powerful member of the Democratic party for two decades when he challenged young Senator Kennedy for the presidential nomination in 1960. (Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower was stepping down after eight years.) Kennedy got the nod, then picked Johnson as his running mate. Kennedy beat Republican candidate (and Eisenhower's vice-president) Richard M. Nixon, and Johnson became vice-president in 1961. Kennedy was shot by Lee Harvey Oswald on 22 November 1963 and Johnson succeeded to the presidency. Easily re-elected over staunch conservative Barry Goldwater in 1964, LBJ was able to pass sweeping social legislation including the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. His decision to escalate American involvement in Vietnam, however, proved to be extremely unpopular. He chose not to seek another term and retired in 1969; he was succeeded by none other than Richard Nixon.

Johnson married Claudia Alta Taylor, known as 'Lady Bird,' in 1934; they had two daughters, Lynda Bird (b. 1944) and Luci Baines (b. 1947)... After he became president, Johnson gave up alcohol and drank tea, Tab and Fresca... Like FDR and JFK before him, Johnson was sometimes called by his initials: LBJ... He was the 36th president.

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Britannica Concise Encyclopedia:

Lyndon Baines Johnson

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Lyndon B. Johnson
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Lyndon B. Johnson (credit: Courtesy of the National Archives, Washington, D.C.)
(born Aug. 27, 1908, Gillespie county, Texas, U.S. — died Jan. 22, 1973, San Antonio, Texas) 36th president of the U.S. (1963 – 69). He taught school in Houston, Texas, before going to Washington, D.C., in 1932 as a congressional aide. In Washington he was befriended by Sam Rayburn, speaker of the House of Representatives, and his political career blossomed. He won a seat in the U.S. House (1937 – 49) as a supporter of the New Deal, which was under conservative attack. His loyalty impressed Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, who made Johnson his protégé. He won election to the U.S. Senate in 1949 in a vicious campaign that involved fraud on both sides. As Democratic whip (1951 – 55) and majority leader (1955 – 61), he developed a talent for consensus building through methods both tactful and ruthless. He was largely responsible for passage of the civil rights bills of 1957 and 1960, the first in the 20th century. In 1960 he was elected vice president under John F. Kennedy; he became president after Kennedy's assassination in 1963. In his first few months in office he won passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the most comprehensive and far-reaching legislation of its kind in American history. Later that year he announced his Great Society program of social-welfare and civil rights legislation. His attention to domestic matters, however, was diverted by the country's escalating involvement in the Vietnam War (see Gulf of Tonkin Resolution), which provoked large student demonstrations and other protests, beginning in the late 1960s. Meanwhile, discontent and alienation among the young and racial minorities increased as the promises of the Great Society failed to materialize. By 1967 Johnson's popularity had declined steeply, and in early 1968 he announced that he would not seek reelection. He retired to his Texas ranch.

For more information on Lyndon Baines Johnson, visit Britannica.com.

Oxford Dictionary of Political Biography:

Lyndon Baines Johnson

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(b. near Stonewall, Texas, 27 Aug. 1908; d. 22 Jan. 1973) US; US Senator 1949 – 61, Vice-President 1961 – 3, President 1963 – 9 Though Lyndon Johnson was born into an established Texas family — his paternal grandfather had given his name to Johnson City — his parents were not especially wealthy, having to make a living from largely unproductive farming land. They were hit by the Depression. After leaving high school, Johnson took a range of largely menial jobs, including working on a road gang. He decided he could do better and, encouraged by his mother, he entered the Southwest Texas State Teachers College and graduated in 1930. During his time at College he led the debating team and, to help finance his studies, he worked as secretary to the College principal. As secretary, he developed skills that he was to use throughout his political career. He recognized that organization was power and the principal came to rely on his highly effective secretary. He then went on to teach at the Sam Houston High School in Texas before campaigning for a Democratic candidate for Congress, Richard Kleberg. Kleberg then hired him as his secretary in Washington. Johnson deployed the same skills as he had when working for the College principal. He led a group of secretaries (known as the Little Congress) and came to the attention of House Speaker Sam Rayburn, who included him in his inner circle. For Johnson, Washington was his natural habitat. He had been born into a world of politics — his father and maternal grandfather had both served in the Texas legislature — and he was to spend the rest of his life in political activity. He was also to do so from a more secure financial base, having married Claudia Alta ("Lady Bird") Taylor, from a well-to-do family, in 1934.

In 1935, Johnson was appointed director of the National Youth Administration in Texas, a post that drew out his administrative talents and brought him to the attention of a wider political community. When a congressional vacancy occurred in 1937 Johnson went after it and, standing as an ardent New Deal Democrat, won election. He was 28 years old. An early meeting with Franklin Roosevelt secured the President's favour and in 1940 Johnson headed the House Democratic Campaign Committee. In 1941 he sought nomination for a Senate seat, again emphasizing his support for Roosevelt. He narrowly lost the nomination to the state Governor. After volunteering for active service during the war — he was awarded the Silver Star Medal for showing remarkable calm while aboard a bomber aircraft that had come under enemy attack — he returned to Washington to chair the Subcommittee on Naval Affairs. He was later appointed to the Postwar Military Policy Committee, opposing the rapid dismantling of the US war machine. In 1948, he again sought to run for a Senate seat, this time emerging successful in the Democratic primary — but only just. He won it in a run-off election by 87 votes and survived a court challenge to the result. He sailed to an easy victory in the general election.

In the Senate, Johnson established himself as a leading member and a consummate politician. He was appointed to the Armed Services Committee and supported a strong military for the USA. On domestic issues, conscious of his home constituency, he adopted a largely conservative stance. In 1953 he was elected Minority Leader. The following year he was re-elected easily to the Senate and, with the Democrats taking control of the chamber, he became majority leader. He was an accommodator rather than an ideologue. He brokered deals and used his persuasive skills to muster majorities for administration measures that he favoured. He helped Eisenhower achieve passage of some measures of social reform. One of the most notable achievements was the passage in 1957 of a Civil Rights Bill — the first in the twentieth century — representing an effective partnership between Johnson and the President.

Johnson suffered a serious heart attack in 1955 but made a full recovery within a matter of months. That was the only setback he faced during the decade. He was emerging as a major figure, vital to the passage of important measures. His reputation grew as he achieved mastery of the Senate and was increasingly viewed as one of the most effective majority leaders in its history. Though he had ambitions beyond the Senate, he was clearly at home on Capitol Hill. However, in 1960, he was offered the vice-presidential nomination by John Kennedy. Although Johnson was a good choice in terms of ensuring a balanced ticket — an established Texan Democrat who could help deliver the South — the choice was problematic. The Kennedys had a low opinion of Johnson and there was little obvious reason why Johnson should give up a position of real power for a largely ceremonial post in which he would have little scope to exercise his particular skills. Johnson accepted the nomination, apparently believing that he could mould the office and, as his biographer Doris Kearns has noted, recognizing that the position of majority leader would be less powerful under an activist Democratic President. In the event, Johnson helped deliver the election to Kennedy, the votes of Texas and Illinois proving crucial in giving Kennedy a narrow majority. Not for the first time in his career, Johnson was to be associated with allegations of Texas vote rigging.

As Vice-President, Johnson was appointed to head various commissions and councils, including the National Aeronautics and Space Council, and sent on various overseas missions. Although he proved loyal to the President — never voicing disagreement with his policies — he came to hate the position. "I detested every minute of it", he later told Kearns. A proud man, he detested the patronizing attitude taken toward him by the Harvard-educated Eastern sophisticates in the Kennedy circle and was frustrated by his inability to transform the position into one of power. He appeared disillusioned and increasingly disinterested.

The assassination of Kennedy on 22 November 1963 propelled Johnson from the political periphery to the ultimate position of power. He was sworn in as President aboard Air Force One and five days later addressed a joint session of Congress. He immediately adopted an activist stance. He pushed Congress to pass the Civil Rights Bill that Kennedy had introduced. He used his State of the Union message to press for passage. He reverted to the skills he had honed in the Senate to get that and a whole raft of other measures passed. He met members of Congress, phoned them, and cajoled them; if they needed to feel important, he made them feel important; if they wanted favours, he offered them favours. He masterminded the passage of an anti-poverty programme, he achieved passage of a tax cut, he persuaded Congress to vote funds for mass transit facilities. By the time of the 1964 presidential election he already had a record to run on. Aided by his achievements, by the Kennedy legacy, and by the Republicans nominating Senator Barry Goldwater, a candidate portrayed by opponents as an extremist and warmonger, Johnson sailed to an overwhelming victory. He won 43 million votes to 27 million for Goldwater, the largest winning margin achieved in US history. Equally importantly, he had a coat-tails effect, ushering in a Congress dominated by liberal Democrats.

The period from 1965 to 1967 saw Johnson at his peak. He achieved passage of a programme of social reform, dubbed the Great Society programme. Medicare was introduced, providing medical assistance to the elderly through the Social Security system. Extensive new programmes of federal aid to education, housing, and deprived areas were approved. The Voting Rights Act, providing for federal intervention to ensure black voting rights were enforced, was enacted in 1965. However, what looked like being one of the most successful and reforming presidencies of the twentieth century was soon in trouble. There are three reasons for the presidency turning from success to failure. One was Johnson's techniques. He put pressure on members of Congress to pass his measures. The pressure could be intimidating and unrelenting. Johnson was not averse to using physical intimidation if he felt it necessary. After a time, the president's techniques lost their appeal and members of Congress were less amenable to presidential persuasion. The second reason was that the measures were hastily constructed. Johnson was more concerned with passage than implementation, and some did not work out as intended. The measures also appeared to contribute to growing expectations on the part of the black community that the administration could not meet. The summer of 1965 saw riots in the Watts district of Los Angeles and subsequent summers saw violent disturbances in many of the nation's leading cities, including Washington, DC. The third and most important reason was the Vietnam War.

Johnson inherited his predecessor's commitment to South Vietnam and gradually increased the number of US troops sent to the country to assist the South Vietnamese government against North Vietnam and Vietcong insurgents. By 1967 nearly half-a-million troops had been sent. Johnson authorized bombing raids on targets in North Vietnam. There was little military success. By the summer of 1967 almost 80,000 Americans had been killed or wounded in Vietnam. Though initially supportive of US involvement, the American public turned against the war. Johnson faced a rising tide of hostility. Black riots in the inner cities were superseded by white anti-war riots on college campuses. Johnson's public appearances were increasingly concentrated on US military bases. Congress grew restive, some leading figures coming out in opposition to Johnson's policy. Their number included Senator Robert Kennedy of New York. It was proving impossible to fund the Great Society programme and the war effort and funding for many domestic programmes was scaled down.

In November 1967 Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota announced that he would seek the Democratic nomination for President on an anti-war ticket. In January 1968, the Tet offensive in Vietnam — a major assault by the Vietcong — appeared to confirm that the war was unwinnable. In the New Hampshire primary in March, McCarthy — with 42 per cent of the vote — came a close second to Johnson and was able to claim a moral victory. Robert Kennedy announced that he would also seek the Democratic nomination. On 31 March, a haggard-looking Johnson made a television broadcast. He announced a bombing pause in Vietnam and then declared that he would not seek, or accept, his party's nomination that year. His announcement caught the political community unawares. Rather than stand, he chose instead to engineer the nomination of his Vice-President, Hubert Humphrey. Robert Kennedy was assassinated in Los Angeles and the Democratic nomination in Chicago was a shambles, the police dealing violently with anti-war protesters in the streets. In the election, Humphrey went down to defeat. Johnson retired to the LBJ ranch in Texas to work on his memoirs. He died four years later, on 22 January 1973, after being struck down by another heart attack. He was aged 64.

Johnson was a man who became President but never managed to become presidential. He retained a manner that was vulgar and abrasive. He swore, pushed people around, and held meetings with journalists and others regardless of circumstance. He continued conversations with visitors while in the toilet; he once spoke to journalists while being given an enema. His political techniques were carried over from the Senate. Though his political instincts were liberal, he was an authoritarian in approach. He expected complete loyalty from aides. He was possessive. He spoke of government in the first person. A proud man, insecure as a child and keen to please his mother, he could not tolerate failure. He worked hard but never seemed to achieve personal satisfaction from his efforts — he was always wanting to press on to achieve something more. When the political climate turned against him, he did not know how to respond. He aged in office. Though only 59 when he made his televised withdrawal from the presidential race, he looked closer to 69.

Johnson nonetheless achieved some success in the domestic arena. A former segregationist, he achieved far more than his predecessor in the field of civil rights and showed courage in his pursuit of equality. Though associated primarily with the Vietnam War, historians have not been that unkind to him. In the 1982 Murray poll he was ranked as the tenth best President. By the time of the 1995 Chicago Sun-Times poll of presidential historians he had slipped, but was still in the top half, ranking 15th, three places ahead of his immediate predecessor. He was an average President but a first-rate majority leader. His problem was that he could not differentiate between the two.


(1908–1973), thirty‐sixth president of the United States

Johnson was born on 27 August 1908 in the Hill Country of central Texas. His father was a Democratic politician from whom Lyndon inherited his lifelong passion for politics. He was educated in nearby schools and Southwest Texas State Teachers College in San Marcos. He then taught in Cotulla and Houston.

In the thirties, Johnson went to Washington and became an ardent admirer of FDR and his New Deal. In 1938, he captured his first elective office for the Tenth Congressional District, including the Hill Country and Austin, and was reelected several times. In 1948, he “won” an extremely close and tainted election to the Senate. He became minority leader of the Senate (1953), where he was a master congressional politician and emerged as a candidate for president.

The 1960 election was Johnson's big chance. But he believed it hopeless because he came from the South and the convention would be dominated by northern Democrats. He entered no primaries and made virtually no campaign, thereby ceding the nomination to John F. Kennedy on the first ballot. But Kennedy, concerned that his Catholicism would bring defeat in the South, offered Johnson the second place, and he accepted. Johnson's powerful campaign in the South made victory possible by a thin margin. Thus, for almost three years he served in the meaningless job of vice president, loyal, to be sure, but bored and frustrated. On 22 November 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald's bullet catapulted him into the presidency.

Johnson, with his exceptional intelligence, his feel for the legislative process, and his experience on Capitol Hill, was superbly qualified in domestic policy; he was less experienced in international affairs. Among the most aggressive cold warriors, Johnson determined to halt Soviet and Chinese expansion. His key advisers, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara and national security adviser McGeorge Bundy, both holdovers from the Kennedy administration, shared these views.

The Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations were baffled by the problem of Communist‐Nationalist influence in Vietnam. Kennedy had increased the number of U.S. advisers and introduced “Green Beret” counterinsurgency combat advisers. He had supported Ngo No Dingh Diem in South Vietnam. But Diem and his family were brutal and corrupt; the Viet Cong controlled much of the country; there was bitter Catholic‐Buddhist conflict; the Soviets and the Chinese supplied Ho Chi Minh in the North. The assassination of Diem and his brother with U.S. assent was followed by a revolving door of “governments” that quickly collapsed. There seemed no way to save South Vietnam from the Communists. A military venture appeared reckless, but the United States refused to accept Communist control of the South. The result was a limited commitment: financial support; U.S. military supplies and covert operations; and training the Vietnamese forces. This was the situation Johnson inherited.

As an accidental president obligated to complete Kennedy's legacy, he was not ready for war in 1964. He needed to legitimize his own presidency, which he achieved in November with his landslide electoral victory against Barry Goldwater.

Johnson's primary advisers concluded that South Vietnam was the linchpin of the Cold War. If it fell, the Communists would take over Southeast Asia, perhaps followed by South Korea, Taiwan, India, and Iran. This was Eisenhower's “domino theory” writ large. South Vietnam was so weak that the United States had no bargaining power with the North. To achieve peace, therefore, the United States must smash North Vietnam by bombing. The advisers did not mention a land war, but that was the only alternative if bombing failed.

This made no sense. The Communist world was divided and South Vietnam was in reality no linchpin at all. Air bombardment was little threat to an agricultural nation supplied by the Soviets. If the United States moved to a land war, Ho Chi Minh held the winning cards because it would mean guerrilla warfare. Dissenters, Undersecretary of State George Ball, Senate majority leader Mike Mansfield, as well as French president Charles de Gaulle, all made these arguments, but Johnson would not heed them.

Early in 1965, Johnson started air attacks with Operation Flaming Dart, which soon widened into Rolling Thunder. In March, the Marines splashed ashore to establish a base at Danang. On 6 April, Johnson signed National Security Action Memorandum No. 328, which authorized the use of American combat troops.

Gen. William C. Westmoreland, the U.S. commander in Vietnam, made enormous demands for troops; the president gave him part of what he asked. By mid‐1966, Westmoreland had 600,000 American troops with immense firepower, a huge air force, and a giant infrastructure. Johnson controlled their use, particularly the air war. The bombing had little military effect. Westmoreland waited for major battles where his firepower would prevail, but they seldom took place. Meantime the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong imposed a heavy toll in U.S. and South Vietnamese casualties.

Support for the war at home, strong at the outset, eroded steadily. Mounting casualties, lack of victory, and increasingly skeptical television coverage fed opposition. Opponents of the war staged massive demonstrations, and the Johnson administration started to crack internally.

The Tet Offensive, launched by the Viet Cong at the end of January 1968, caught Westmoreland by surprise. There were attacks on cities and towns throughout the country with many initial successes. Though American forces recaptured these places, it was at heavy cost to both sides.

Tet convinced the American people that the war could go on for years and might never be won. The Johnson administration was shredded, the peace and antiwar movements grew dramatically, conservatives in Congress ran roughshod over the Great Society, and the Democratic Party split. Johnson withdrew from the presidential race in 1968; Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr., were assassinated; and there were riots at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Richard M. Nixon prevailed over Johnson's vice president, Hubert Humphrey, in the 1968 election, with a promise to end the war with honor.

In 1969, Lyndon Johnson returned to his ranch to spend his few remaining years with his memories. He had been a bold president on domestic issues and a misguided one on the Vietnam War.

[See also Bombing, Ethics of; Bombing of Civilians; Vietnam Antiwar Movement; Vietnam War: Causes; Vietnam War: Military and Diplomatic Course; Vietnam War: Domestic Course.]

Bibliography

  • Lyndon Baines Johnson, The Vantage Point, 1971.
  • The Pentagon Papers, Senator Gravel, ed., 4 vols., 1971.
  • Stanley Karnow, Vietnam, A History, 1983.
  • Clark Clifford, Counsel to the President, 1991.
  • Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect, 1995.
  • Irving Bernstein, Guns or Butter, 1996
Oxford Dictionary of the US Military:

Lyndon Baines Johnson

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Johnson, Lyndon Baines (1908-73) 36th president of the United States (1963-69), born near Stonewall, Texas. Johnson's long political career began in 1932, when, after a brief stint as a secondary school teacher, he joined the Washington staff of a Texas congressman. In 1938 he was elected to the House of Representatives, where the political skills honed earlier were quickly recognized. He remained in the House until 1949, except for a brief tour of active duty in the navy during World War II. During his single combat experience (1942), the mission came under heavy fire and he was awarded a Silver Star. In 1948 Johnson was elected to the Senate, becoming minority leader in 1953 and majority leader in 1955. His greatest achievement was getting the support of Southern Democrats for passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act. After Sputnik brought concerns about national security and military readiness to the fore, Johnson chaired a special Senate Preparedness Subcommittee whose hearings gave him further national exposure. Chosen John F. Kennedy's running mate in 1960, Johnson found himself excluded from policy deliberations and decision-making during his years as vice president (1961-63). Assuming office after Kennedy's assassination (1963), Johnson returned to his role as master mover and doer. Declaring a war on poverty and outlining his vision of a Great Society, he backed an unprecedented series of bills extending the federal government's assistance to the poor. He won the 1964 election with more than 61 percent of the popular vote. He created the Office of Economic Opportunity to coordinate the many federal assistance programs, which varied in their success. Among the most successful were the Headstart programs for preschool children and the Medicare and Medicaid programs for the elderly. Johnson oversaw passage of civil rights legislation that had been stalled in the Congress during the Kennedy administration, but the Vietnam War was his downfall. The bombing campaign and massive buildup of troops in 1965 that followed the Gulf of Tonkin incident (1964) marked a major escalation of the conflict and a change in the nature of the war. The Tet Offensive early in 1968, an election year, further aggravated the protracted conflict. Two months later Johnson announced, in the same address, cessation of the bombing and his decision not to seek another term. Despite his achievements on the domestic front, he left office in disrepute, defeated by what had come to be called “Mr. Johnson's War.”

See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.

Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:

Lyndon Baines Johnson

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As the thirty-sixth president of the United States, Lyndon Baines Johnson (1908-1973) created new programs in health, education, human rights, and conservation and attacked the crushing 20th-century problems of urban blight and poverty with what he called the "War on Poverty."

Most commentators account Lyndon Johnson as one of America's most experienced and politically skilled presidents. He sponsored a flood of new legislation designed to better the quality of life among the disadvantaged and the dispossessed of the nation. In foreign policy he set about to strengthen regional arrangements of power so that new and small nations might develop their own form of political society without fear of intrusion from their more powerful neighbors. He inherited an American commitment in South Vietnam, and his determination to preserve the independence of that beleaguered country led to virulent attacks and, finally, his momentous decision not to seek reelection.

Lyndon Johnson was born on Aug. 27, 1908, near Johnson City, Texas, the small community founded by his forebears. Life was hard and plain in the Texas hill country at this time. Johnson's father struggled to raise his two sons and three daughters. His mother was a gentle woman, who encouraged her children to love books and gave them a sense of duty and responsibility. Johnson graduated from Southwest State Teachers College in San Marcos, Tex., with a bachelor of science degree, having combined his studies with a job teaching Mexican-American children.

Johnson's early teaching assignments were at Pearsall, Tex., and in the Houston high schools. In 1931, politics beckoned. He went to Washington, D.C., as secretary to Texas congressman Richard Kleberg. Almost immediately Johnson's talent for attracting affection and respect became visible. He was elected Speaker of the "Little Congress," an assembly of congressional secretaries on Capitol Hill.

On Nov. 17, 1934, an event occurred which Johnson always described as the most notable triumph of his life: he married Claudia (Lady Bird) Taylor of Karnak, Texas. She became his partner, confidant, and counselor, and from her, Johnson drew strength and love and reserves of support that never faltered.

Johnson's ultimate destiny was beginning to take shape. At age 27, he was already exhibiting his characteristic traits of energy, intellect, and tenacity when he resigned as a congressional secretary in 1935 to become the Texas director of the National Youth Administration. The origins of the later Johnson can be located in his conduct of this office; he surrounded himself with bright, young men and invested his duties with a 24-hour torrent of activity.

Rising through Congress

In 1937, the congressman from Texas's Tenth District died suddenly. When a special election was called to select a successor, Johnson hesitated only slightly. His wife provided campaign funds from her inheritance, and Johnson leaped into a race crowded with eight opponents. The only candidate to support President Franklin Roosevelt's court-packing plan, he did so with such vigor that the eyes of the nation were drawn to the outcome, and none watched it with more intensity than Roosevelt himself. To the amazement of political veterans, the 28-year-old Johnson won the race.

President Roosevelt, in Texas on a fishing trip, was so elated that he invited Johnson to accompany him back to Washington, D.C. Thus, Johnson became his personal protégé. With the aid of the powerful House Speaker Sam Rayburn of Texas and the continuing support of the President, Johnson was brought into the councils of ruling establishmentarians of the House of Representatives.

In 1941, Johnson entered another special election, this time for a Senate seat made vacant by a death. Texans were surprised by the campaign he launched by helicopter. Nearly every community watched the tall, smiling Johnson alight from his helicopter. In a bitter campaign Johnson lost by 1,311 votes to that bizarre political phenomenon Governor W. Lee ("Pass the Biscuits Pappy") O'Daniel.

There was little time for Johnson to lick his wounds. That December he became the first member of Congress to enter active military duty. He joined the Navy and in 1942 received the Silver Star for gallantry in a bombing mission over New Guinea. When President Roosevelt ordered all congressmen back to the capital in 1942, Johnson reentered the House.

In 1948, Johnson's restless quest for higher office was finally successful. In a savagely fought senatorial campaign, he defeated a former governor of Texas by a celebrated margin of 87 votes. The elders of the Senate soon recognized that Johnson was no ordinary rookie senator. He did his homework, was knowledgable on every item that confronted the Senate, and was in instant command of all the nuances and subtleties of every important piece of legislation.

In January 1951, just 3 years into his first term, Johnson was elevated to Democratic "whip" (assistant minority leader). Regarding his age and tenure, no similar selection had ever been made in the history of the Senate. In 1953, when the post of minority leader in the Senate opened up Democratic senators without hesitation chose Johnson to take charge. With the congressional elections of 1954, the Democrats took command of both houses. And with this new alignment, Johnson again set a record as the youngest man ever to become majority leader.

The Johnson legend of leadership now became visible to the nation. Not since the early days of the republic had one man assumed such clear direction over the course and affairs of the Senate. Operating his office around the clock, intimately aware of all that transpired, and firmly fixed in his intent and design, Johnson was the "complete Senate leader." Now one voice spoke for the Democrats, as Johnson became the "second most powerful man in Washington, D.C."

The habits of work and discipline that would later confound the nation when Johnson became president were now on display in the Senate chamber. He handled the Senate with confidence and skill. The Republican opposition found it impossible to outflank this majority leader; legislation opposed by Johnson rarely found acceptance by the Senate. He encouraged new, young senators and found coveted spots for them on important committees.

Johnson led the first civil rights bill in 82 years through the Senate. He guided to final victory the first space legislation in the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958. In 1958, designated by President Dwight Eisenhower to represent the United States at the United Nations, he presented the resolution calling for the peaceful exploration of outer space. He exposed wastes in defense procurement during the Korean War and conducted defense hearings that were a model of accuracy and dispassionate scrutiny.

In 1960, Johnson briefly opposed John F. Kennedy for the Democratic presidential nomination; then Kennedy electrified the country by choosing Johnson as his vice-presidential running mate. While some Kennedy supporters grumbled, experts later agreed that Johnson's relentless campaigning in Texas and throughout the South had provided Kennedy with his winning margin.

Serving as Vice President

As vice-president, Johnson had important assignments. One of his principal tasks was the burgeoning space program, which was overshadowed by Russian triumphs with Sputnik and subsequent innovations that put the United States in an inferior role. Regarding civil rights, as chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity forces, Johnson surprised many critics by putting uncompromising pressure on American industry. At the President's request, he made fact-finding trips to Berlin and to the Far East.

On Nov. 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas. Aboard the plane Air Force One at Love Field in Dallas, Johnson took the presidential oath of office on November 23. Giving orders to take off seconds later, the new president flew back to Washington to take command of the government, while the nation grieved for its fallen leader.

Filling the Presidency

Five days after taking office, President Johnson appeared before a joint session of the Congress. Speaking with firmness and controlled passion, he pledged "we shall continue." Important legislation submitted by President Kennedy to the Congress, currently bottled up and seemingly stymied in various committees of both houses, was met by Johnson's deliberate and concentrated action. The new president - meeting round the clock with staff, Cabinet, and congressmen - unbuckled key legislation, so that within a few short months the tax cut and the civil rights bills were passed by Congress and signed by the President.

Six months after assuming the presidency, Johnson announced his concept of the "Great Society." The areas he considered vital were health and education; the whole complex of the urban society, with its accompanying ills of ghettos, pollution, housing, and transportation; civil rights; and conservation.

Johnson took his innovative domestic programs to the nation in the election of 1964. Meanwhile, the American involvement in Vietnam, sanctioned by three presidents, became an issue. Senator Barry Goldwater chastised Johnson for his liberal approach to domestic problems and suggested a massive step-up in the bombing of North Vietnam. Johnson traversed the nation and convinced it that his leadership was of such caliber that the voters could not afford to drive him from office. He won by a margin of almost 16 million votes, more than 61 percent of the total vote, the widest margin in totals and percentage of any presidential election in American history.

Administration Achievements

Barely pausing, the President, reinforced by this clear mandate, began a legislative program which was rivaled in scope and form only by Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal a generation earlier. Between 1965 and 1968 more than 207 landmark bills were passed by the Congress.

In education, Johnson's administration tripled expenditures. By the end of 1968, 1.5 million students were receiving Federal aid to help them gain their college degrees; over 10 million people learned new skills through vocational education; and 19,000 school districts received special help under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. More than 600,000 disabled citizens were trained through vocational rehabilitation programs. Head Start and other pre-school programs brought specific assistance to more than 2 million children.

In the area of health, Johnson's administration increased Federal expenditures from $4 billion to $14 billion in 4 years. More than 20 million Americans were covered by Medicare, and more than 7 million received its benefits. About 31 million children were vaccinated against four severe diseases, reducing by 50 percent the number of children who suffered from these diseases, and more than 3 million children received health care under Medicaid in one year. Some 286 community mental health centers were built. More than 390,000 mothers and 680,000 infants received care through the Maternal and Child Health programs. Some 460,000 handicapped children were treated under the Crippled Children's Program.

Fighting poverty, the Johnson administration lifted more than 6,000,000 Americans out of the poverty depths. Over 100,000 young men and women completed Job Corps training; 2.2 million needy Americans were helped under the Food Stamp Program; school children benefited from the School Milk and School Lunch programs.

In the area of human and civil rights, the Voting Rights Act was passed in 1965, and within 3 years nearly 1 million Negroes registered to vote in the South. More than 98 percent of all the nation's hospitals agreed to provide services without discrimination. More than 28 percent of all Negro families by 1968 earned about $7,000 a year, doubling the 1960 figure. Some 35 percent more Negroes found professional, technical, and managerial jobs between 1964 and 1968.

In housing, in 4 years the Johnson administration generated the construction of 5.5 million new homes. Direct Federal expenditures for housing and community development increased from $635 million to nearly $3 billion. Two million families received Federal Housing Administration improvement loans. Federal assistance provided housing for 215,000 families earning less than $7,000 a year. Nearly $427 million was spent for water and sewage facilities in small towns. More than 3.5 million rural citizens benefited from economic opportunity loans, farm operation and emergency loans, and watershed and rural housing loans.

Most importantly, the Johnson administration presided over the longest upward curve of prosperity in the history of the nation. More than 85 months of unrivaled economic growth marked this as the strongest era of national prosperity. The average weekly wage of factory workers rose 18 percent in 4 years. Over 9 million additional workers were brought under minimum-wage protection. Total employment, increased by 7.5 million workers, added up to 75 million; the unemployment rate dropped to its lowest point in more than a decade.

In foreign affairs, where risk and confrontation stretched a perilous tightrope throughout the Johnson years, the President made significant achievements. In the Western Hemisphere, at Punta del Este, Uruguay, the Latin American nations agreed to a common market for the continent. Normal relations with Panama were restored and a new canal treaty negotiated. In Cyprus, at the brink of war, the President's special emissaries knitted a settlement that staved off conflict. A rebellion in the Congo, which would have had ugly repercussions throughout the continent, was put down with American aid in the form of transport planes. In the Dominican Republic, an incipient Communist threat was challenged by an overwhelming show of American force, with Latin American allies. Amid tangled criticism from sections of the press and some Latin American nations, the President persevered in the Dominican Republic, where democratic government and free elections were restored and U.S. troops promptly withdrawn.

An outer-space treaty was negotiated with the Soviet Union and a nuclear nonproliferation treaty was formulated and agreed to in Geneva. In June 1967 the President met with Premier Alexei Kosygin of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was successfully realigned after France withdrew, and the vast Western European alliance was restructured and strengthened.

It was the troubled Southeast Asian problem in South Vietnam to which Johnson devoted long, tormented hours. Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy had declared that the security of the United States was involved in deterring aggression in South Vietnam from an intruding Communist government from the North. However, there was much disagreement in the United States over this venture; some critics claimed the Vietnam war was a civil one, an insurrection, and not an invasion. When Johnson first became chief executive, 16,000 American troops were in Vietnam as advisers and combat instructors. In 1965 the United States decided to increase its military support of South Vietnam and authorized commitment of more American troops. By 1968 there was considerable disaffection over the Asian policy, and many critics in and out of the Congress determined to force the Johnson administration to shrink its commitment and withdraw U.S. troops.

Beginning in April 1965 with the President's speech at Johns Hopkins University, in which he set forth the American policy of reconstruction of the area and the promulgation of the Asian Development Bank as an instrument of peace building, the Johnson administration attempted to negotiate with a seemingly intransigent North Vietnam, whose troops were infiltrating into the South in increasing numbers. A 37-day bombing pause in December 1965 raised hopes for negotiation, but lack of response from the North Vietnamese blotted this out, and the bombing resumed.

Assaulted by fierce and growing criticism, yet determined to fix some course of action which would diminish the war and commence serious peace talks, the President startled the nation and the world on March 31, 1968, by renouncing his claim to renomination for the presidency. Johnson said that he believed that the necessity for finding a structure of peaceful negotiation was so important that even his own political fortunes must not be allowed to stand in its way. Therefore, he stated, he would not seek renomination, so he could spend the rest of his days in the presidency searching for negotiation without any political taint marring a possible response from the enemy.

On May 11, 1968, it was announced that peace talks would indeed begin in Paris, and in November 1968 the President declared that all bombing of North Vietnam would cease.

Johnson retired to his ranch near San Antonio, Texas, where he took a keen interest in the care and sale of his cattle, while nursing a serious heart ailment.

The tragic Vietnam War was in its last days in January, 1973 when a period of mourning was declared to mark the death of President Harry S Truman. Shortly after it began, it also marked the death of Lyndon B. Johnson.

On the afternoon of January 22, 1973, Johnson suffered a heart attack while lying down to take a nap. He was flown to a hospital by his Secret Service agents, but was pronounced dead on arrival at 4:33 pm. His body lay in state first at the Johnson Library in Austin, Texas, then, as is usual for American presidents, in the rotunda of the Capitol in Washington, D.C. until his burial on his beloved ranch.

Johnson's Influence

While historians search the record and evaluate its significance, there seems little doubt that Lyndon Johnson's impress on the form and quality of life in the United States will be seen to be large. In the fields of health, education, civil rights, conservation, and the problem of the elderly, his legislative achievements have left their clear mark. His insistence that the pledges of the four preceding presidents be upheld in Southeast Asia is a subject for debate. But it must be argued that his peace-keeping efforts in the Middle East, in the Near East, in Africa, and in Latin America were forceful, remedial, and worthy of praise; the results have proved his policies' merits.

Johnson belongs in the tradition of the "strong president" he dominated the government with his energy and personality and invested his office with intimate knowledge of all government business. He was the target of intense and sometimes virulent criticism, just as all strong American presidents have found themselves ceaselessly and bitterly attacked.

Further Reading

Johnson's The Vantage Point (1971) presents his own perspectives on his White House years. There is not yet an authoritative or comprehensive biography of Johnson. Boothe Mooney, The Lyndon Johnson Story (1956; rev. ed. 1964); and Clarke Newlon, LBJ: The Man from Johnson City (1964; rev. ed. 1966), are journalistic; Sam Houston Johnson, My Brother Lyndon, edited by Enrique Hank Lopez, is a superficial and undocumented account by the President's brother.

Aspects of Johnson's life and presidency are treated in William S.White, Citadel: The Story of the U.S. Senate (1957); and The Professional: Lyndon B Johnson (1964); Michael Amrine, This Awesome Challenge: A Hundred Days of Lyndon Johnson (1964); Rebekah Baines Johnson, A Family Album, edited by John S. Moursund (1965); Charles Roberts, LBJ's Inner Circle (1965); Theodore H. White, The Making of the President (1965); Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, Lyndon B. Johnson, The Exercise of Power: A Political Biography (1966); Philip Geyelin, Lyndon B. Johnson and the World (1966); Jim Bishop, A Day in the Life of President Johnson (1967); James Deakin, Lyndon Johnson's Credibility Gap (1968); Hugh Sidney, A Very Personal Presidency: Lyndon Johnson in the White House (1968); Tom Wicker, JFK and LBJ: The Influence of Personality upon Politics (1968); and Eric F. Goldman, The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson (1969); Lady Bird Johnson, White House Diary (1970), is a record of the Johnson presidency as experienced by his wife; for the mid-century political background see James L. Sundquist, Politics and Policy: The Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson Years (1968).

Oxford Guide to the US Government:

Lyndon B. Johnson, 36th President

Top

Born: Aug. 27, 1908, near Stonewall, Tex.
Political party: Democrat
Education: Southwest Texas State Teachers College, B.S., 1930; Georgetown Law School, 1934
Military service: U.S. Navy, 1942
Previous government service: aide to U.S. Representative Richard Kleberg, 1932–34; Texas director, National Youth Administration, 1935–37; U.S. House of Representatives, 1937–49; U.S. Senate, 1949–61; Senate majority whip: 1951–53; Senate minority leader, 1953–55; Senate majority leader, 1955–61; Vice President, 1961–63
Succeeded to Presidency, 1963; served, 1963–69
Died: Jan. 22, 1973, Johnson City, Tex.

Lyndon Baines Johnson assumed the Presidency after the assassination of John F. Kennedy. He won passage of his Great Society domestic programs and was elected President in one of the greatest landslides in American history. He escalated U.S. involvement in Vietnam, eventually sending more than 500,000 troops to fight. Mounting casualties in an unwinnable war led to his withdrawal from the race for a second elected term in 1968.

Johnson grew up in Johnson City, Texas, which was named for his grandfather. After high school he went to California for a year, then returned home and worked on a road gang. After graduating from Southwest Texas State Teachers College he taught at a high school in Houston and in 1932 worked for Richard Kleberg, a member of the House of Representatives. In 1935 he became Texas director of the National Youth Administration, a New Deal agency, and began building a campaign organization for his political career. Meanwhile, Johnson's wife bought an Austin radio station and gradually accumulated a large fortune that made the family financially secure.

Johnson was elected to Congress in a special election in 1937 as a New Deal Democrat, and remained in the House until 1949. In 1941 he was defeated in a special election for the U.S. Senate. He was the first member of Congress to go into active duty during World War II, winning a Silver Star for gallantry in action when his plane was fired upon in the South Pacific. In July 1942 President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered all legislators in active service to report back to Congress, and Johnson returned to the House.

In 1948, after winning a runoff Democratic senatorial primary against Texas governor Coke Stevenson by only 87 votes out of a million cast, Johnson won the general election against his Republican opponent by a 2-to-1 margin. Because of the likelihood that some of his votes in the primary were obtained fraudulently, he became known to his enemies as “landslide Lyndon.”

Johnson quickly moved up the ladder in the Senate. He became the Democratic party whip in 1951, chaired the Preparedness Committee, which investigated government contracts during the Korean War, was elected minority leader in 1953, and ran the Senate as majority leader after the 1954 election returned it to Democratic control. He instituted the Johnson Rule, giving every Democratic senator, no matter how junior, at least one good committee assignment.

As Senate majority leader, Lyndon Johnson insisted that he had no power except the “power to persuade.” But Johnson could be masterful in persuasion. With his aide Bobby Baker, Johnson made careful “head counts” to anticipate when he had a majority vote. He did frequent personal favors for senators and gave important committee assignments to those who voted with him. When Johnson sought to persuade another senator, wrote newspaper columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, he would move in close, “his face a scant millimeter from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. From his pockets poured clippings, memos, statistics.” Mixing logic, humor, and bullying tactics, Johnson would leave his target “stunned and helpless.”

As majority leader, Johnson established a remarkable record of legislation, including passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first civil rights bill since Reconstruction, and the Civil Rights Acts of 1960. In doing so, Johnson became identified as a Westerner rather than a Southerner in order to advance his Presidential ambitions—no Southern officeholder had been elected President for more than a century.

In 1960 Johnson ran for the Democratic Presidential nomination but lost to Senator John F. Kennedy on the first ballot by a 2-to-1 margin. When Kennedy offered Johnson the Vice Presidency, he accepted, to the astonishment of many of Kennedy's aides. Johnson helped Kennedy win several Southern and Western states that were decisive in the Democratic victory. As Vice President, Johnson headed the space council, which decided to put the headquarters for manned space flight in Houston, Texas. He also chaired the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity and the Peace Corps Advisory Council.

On November 22, 1963, John Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. Johnson had been in the President's motorcade, and he took the oath of office on Air Force One, which flew the new President, along with Jacqueline Kennedy and her slain husband, back to Washington. “All that I have I would have given gladly not to be standing here today,” Johnson told the grief-stricken nation when he addressed a joint session of Congress. “Let us continue,” he told the nation, announcing that he would keep Kennedy's cabinet and top aides.

Johnson continued with Kennedy's domestic programs, expanding them and labeling them the Great Society. He won passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which ended racial discrimination in public accommodations, and passage of a set of programs to reduce poverty, which led to the creation of the Office of Economic Opportunity in 1964.

In the summer of 1964, Johnson was nominated by the Democrats by acclamation. He crushed his Republican opponent, conservative Barry Goldwater, winning more than 61 percent of the popular vote. Johnson swept a large number of liberal Democrats into Congress and used his party majority to win passage of his Great Society programs. In the next two years Congress passed a federal aid to education act, health care reimbursement programs for the aged and the poor, new urban programs (including the Department of Urban Affairs), a tax cut that sparked economic growth, and a foreign trade bill that spurred U.S. exports. In 1967 Congress approved a new Department of Transportation.

Perhaps the most significant law Johnson won from Congress was the Voting Rights Act of 1965, a measure to protect the voting rights of blacks in the South; it tripled the number of black registered voters within three years, and within a decade changed the Democratic party from a party of white conservative segregationists into a biracial coalition of moderates.

In foreign affairs Johnson concentrated on U.S. involvement in Vietnam. In August 1964, after reports of attacks on U.S. naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin, he asked Congress for a resolution authorizing him to take all necessary measures to protect the armed forces. Soon thereafter Johnson escalated U.S. involvement, first by ordering the bombing of North Vietnam in the winter of 1965, then by ordering U.S. troops into combat in the spring. U.S. troops in Vietnam increased to 100,000 by the fall, and more than half a million by the end of 1966.

Democrats suffered large losses in the midterm elections of 1966 because of antiwar sentiment, though they retained majorities in both the House and Senate. Antiwar sentiment in the United States led to demonstrations against the war on college campuses and in Washington. With no end to the war in sight and American casualties growing rapidly, Johnson's popularity slid. By late 1966 his ability to get Congress to pass his programs had diminished.

Johnson made progress in arms control talks with the Soviet Union, though in January 1967 he signed the Outer Space Treaty with Soviet premier Aleksei Kosygin, which banned placement of nuclear weapons in earth orbit, on the moon or other planets, or in deep space. In 1968 the United States became a party to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which prohibited the transfer of nuclear weapons to other nations and prohibited assistance to nonnuclear nations in the making or acquisition of nuclear arms.

In January 1968 the North Vietnamese launched the Tet Offensive in Saigon and other cities. Americans watched television images of the American embassy under siege, and public opposition to the war increased. In March Johnson barely defeated an antiwar Democratic challenger, Eugene McCarthy, in the New Hampshire primary. Knowing that with the Democrats so divided his renomination would be worthless, Johnson withdrew from the race on March 31. He also announced a reduction in the bombings of North Vietnam in an attempt to seek peace. But the war continued with no letup on the ground, and American casualties passed the 40,000 mark. Johnson helped his Vice President, Hubert Humphrey, secure the Democratic nomination, but his war policies hurt Humphrey, who lost the election to Richard Nixon.

In giving up his office after one elected term, Johnson followed the pattern set by other Vice Presidents who took office after the death of an incumbent. Although Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, and Harry Truman were subsequently elected in their own right, none of them ran immediately for a second elected term. In January 1969, an exhausted and emotionally spent Johnson retired to his ranch near Johnson City, Texas. He worked on his memoirs and helped organize his Presidential library at the University of Texas in Austin. He died of a heart attack on his beloved ranch, just one day before the Paris Peace Accord, which ended U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, was concluded.

See also Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964); Humphrey, Hubert H.; Kennedy, John F.; Nixon, Richard M.

Sources

  • Joseph Califano, The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson: The White House Years (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991).
  • Robert Dallek, Flawed Giant: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1960–1973 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).
  • Robert Dallek, Lone Star Rising: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1908–1960 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
  • Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, Lyndon B. Johnson: The Exercise of Power (New York: New American Library, 1966).
  • Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York: Harper & Row, 1976).
  • Lyndon Johnson, Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971).
  • Howard E. Shuman, “Lyndon B. Johnson: The Senate's Powerful Persuader”, in First among Equals: Outstanding Senate Leaders of the Twentieth Century, edited by Richard A. Baker and Roger Davidson (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1991)

(1908-1973), thirty-sixth president of the United States. Johnson was an extraordinarily energetic and ambitious politician. A native of the hill country of Texas, he appeared to his enemies as a stereotypical Texan: large, crude, egotistical, manipulative, and overbearing. Although a remarkably resourceful congressional leader, he could not shake the popular view that he was a wheeling-dealing political operator. When as president he greatly expanded American involvement in the Vietnam War, he polarized the nation and badly damaged his standing with the American people.

Contrary to myth, Johnson grew up in fairly comfortable circumstances. He earned a degree from South West Texas State Teachers College in 1930, taught school in Houston, served as a congressional aide in Washington, and became Texas director of the National Youth Administration, a New Deal agency. Elected as a Democrat to the House of Representatives in 1937, he served until 1949, and then moved to the Senate.

Johnson rose quickly in the upper chamber, becoming majority leader in 1955. In that capacity he developed a well-earned reputation for hard work, attention to detail, and great skill at reconciling varied interests. As John F. Kennedy's vice-presidential running mate in 1960, Johnson helped his ticket to victory. He became president when Kennedy was assassinated in November 1963.

Thanks mainly to profitable investments in radio and television, Johnson was wealthy, but he identified with poor people, including African-Americans and Hispanics, and he greatly admired the liberal programs of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. When he reached the White House, he resolved to broaden and expand the New Deal--to create what he called the Great Society. Using all his political talents to the full, he secured approval in 1964 of the War on Poverty program and the first significant civil rights legislation since the 1870s. After a landslide victory over Republican Barry Goldwater in the 1964 presidential election, he pressed successfully for a wide range of liberal programs, including Medicare (health insurance for the elderly), Medicaid (care for the welfare poor), federal aid to elementary and secondary education, a more liberal immigration law, creation of the National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities, and a federal guarantee of voting rights. Thanks in good part to Johnson's extraordinarily able leadership, much of the agenda of modern American liberalism finally became law of the land.

Many of these programs, however, have evoked criticism. Medicare and Medicaid, although important to millions of people, proved to be much more expensive than proponents had anticipated. Partly because of cutbacks in funding, the War on Poverty fell far short of expectations. The civil rights laws, while promoting legal equality, did not address the socioeconomic problems of African-Americans. Aggressive neoconservatives counterattacked in the 1970s and 1980s, keeping American liberalism on the defensive.

Johnson's most troublesome problems as president stemmed from his escalation of the American military presence in Vietnam, which was in the throes of civil war. Intervening massively--with bombing raids and ultimately more than 500,000 American troops--Johnson grew increasingly stubborn and secretive. But his policies failed to turn the tide of battle. At home antiwar activists protested angrily, and bitter debates overwhelmed the hopeful, liberal mood of the early 1960s.

In 1968 Johnson began at last to listen to new advisers. He announced that he would not run again for president and that he was encouraging peace talks in Paris. But he refused to make significant concessions, and the war continued. When Johnson left office in January 1969 he was tired, despondent, and unpopular with the majority of the American people. He returned to his ranch in Texas, where he died four years later.

Bibliography:

Paul K. Conkin, Big Daddy from the Pedernales: Lyndon Baines Johnson (1986); Allen J. Matusow, The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (1984).

Author:

James T. Patterson

See also Elections: 1960 , 1964. For events during Johnson's administration, see Civil Rights Movement; Great Society; Medicaid; Medicare; Vietnam War.


Columbia Encyclopedia:

Lyndon Baines Johnson

Top
Johnson, Lyndon Baines, 1908-73, 36th President of the United States (1963-69), b. near Stonewall, Tex.

Early Life

Born into a farm family, he graduated (1930) from Southwest Texas State Teachers College (now Southwest Texas State Univ.), in San Marcos. He taught in a Houston high school before becoming (1932) secretary to a Texas Congressman. In 1934 he married Claudia Alta Taylor (see Lady Bird Johnson), and they had two daughters, Lynda Bird and Luci Baines. A staunch New Dealer, Johnson gained the friendship of the influential Sam Rayburn, at whose behest President Franklin D. Roosevelt made him (1935) director in Texas of the National Youth Administration.

In the House and the Senate

In 1937, Johnson won election to a vacant congressional seat, and he was consistently reelected through 1946. Despite Roosevelt's support, however, he was defeated in a special election to the Senate in 1941. He served (1941-42) in the navy.

In 1948, Johnson was elected U.S. Senator from Texas after winning the Democratic primary by a mere 87 votes. A strong advocate of military preparedness, he persuaded the Armed Services Committee to set up (1950) the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee, of which he became chairman. Rising rapidly in the Senate hierarchy, Johnson became (1951) Democratic whip and then (1953) floor leader. As majority leader after the 1954 elections he wielded great power, exhibiting unusual skill in marshaling support for President Eisenhower's programs. He suffered a serious heart attack in 1955 but recovered to continue his senatorial command.

Presidency

Johnson lost the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination to John F. Kennedy, but accepted Kennedy's offer of the vice presidential position. Elected with Kennedy, he energetically supported the President's programs, serving as an American emissary to nations throughout the world and as chairman of the National Aeronautics and Space Council and of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities. After Kennedy's assassination on Nov. 22, 1963, Johnson was sworn in as president and announced that he would strive to carry through Kennedy's programs.

Congress responded to Johnson's skillful prodding by enacting an $11 billion tax cut (Jan., 1964) and a sweeping Civil Rights Act (July, 1964). In May, 1964, Johnson called for a nationwide war against poverty and outlined a vast program of economic and social welfare legislation designed to create what he termed the Great Society. Elected (Nov., 1964) for a full term in a landslide over Senator Barry Goldwater, he pushed hard for his domestic program. The 89th Congress (1965-66) produced more major legislative action than any since the New Deal. A bill providing free medical care (Medicare) to the aged under Social Security was enacted, as was Medicaid; federal aid to education at all levels was greatly expanded; the Voting Rights Act of 1965 provided new safeguards for African-American voters; more money went to antipoverty programs; and the departments of Transportation and of Housing and Urban Development were added to the Cabinet.

Johnson's domestic achievements were soon obscured by foreign affairs, however. The Aug., 1964, incident leading Congress to pass the Tonkin Gulf resolution gave Johnson the authority to take any action necessary to protect American troops in Vietnam. Convinced that South Vietnam was about to fall to Communist forces, Johnson began (Feb., 1965) the bombing of North Vietnam. Within three years he increased American forces in South Vietnam from 20,000 to over 500,000 (see Vietnam War). Johnson's actions eventually aroused widespread opposition in Congress and among the public, and a vigorous antiwar movement developed.

As the cost of the war shot up, Congress scuttled many of Johnson's domestic programs. Riots in the African-American ghettos of large U.S. cities (1967) also dimmed the president's luster. By 1968 he was under sharp attack from all sides. After Senators Eugene McCarthy and Robert Kennedy began campaigns for the Democratic presidential nomination, Johnson announced (Mar., 1968) that he would not run for reelection. At the same time he called a partial halt to the bombing of North Vietnam; two months later peace talks began in Paris. When Johnson retired from office (Jan., 1969), he left the nation bitterly divided by the war. He retired to Texas, where he died.

Bibliography

See his memoirs, The Vantage Point (1971); White House tape transcripts, selected and ed. by M. Beschloss (2 vol., 1997-2001), complete ed. by M. Holland et al. (3 vol., 2005-); H. McPherson, Political Education: A Washington Memoir (1972, repr. 1995); biographies by E. F. Goldman (1969), L. Heren (1970), G. E. Reedy (1970), R. Harwood and H. Johnson (1973), D. K. Goodwin (1976), R. A. Caro (3 vol., 1982-2002), R. Dallek (2 vol., 1991-98), R. B. Woods (2006), and C. Peters (2010).

1908 - 1973

U.S. president, 1963 - 1969.

Lyndon Baines Johnson succeeded to the presidency after the assassination of John F. Kennedy in November 1963. Although a long-time member of the U.S. House of Representatives (1937 - 1949) and U.S. Senate (1949 - 1961), and a most effective legislative leader, he had little experience in foreign affairs. With an escalating war in Vietnam, the Middle East had low priority for him.

He was unable to persuade Egypt to limit its armament program; to balance U.S.S.R. arms sales to Egypt, Syria, Iraq and elsewhere, Johnson authorized increased military sales to Israel and to conservative Arab regimes, particularly to King Hussein ibn Talal of Jordan. When Egypt blocked the Strait of Tiran to Israeli shipping in May 1967, Johnson denounced the act as illegal. During the Arab - Israel War of June 1967, Johnson kept the United States neutral, although American sympathies were clearly with Israel. Through his ambassador to the United Nations, Arthur Goldberg, Johnson gave crucial support to UN Resolution 242, passed in November 1967, which has been the keystone of Arab - Israeli diplomacy since then. In 1968, Johnson declined renomination for another term.

Bibliography

Safran, Nadav. Israel: The Embattled Ally. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1981.

Spiegel, Steven. The Other Arab - Israeli Conflict: Making America'sMiddle East Policy, from Truman to Reagan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985.

ZACHARY KARABELL

Dictionary of Cultural Literacy: History:

Johnson, Lyndon Baines

Top

A Democratic party political leader of the twentieth century, who was president from 1963 to 1969. Johnson rose to power in the Senate. He was elected vice president in 1960, running with John F. Kennedy, and became president after Kennedy was assassinated. Known for his extraordinary political skill, Johnson guided many of Kennedy's New Frontier projects through Congress, including the Voting Rights Act of 1965. He also started his own set of domestic programs, known as the Great Society, which included the War on Poverty. In 1965, Johnson began a sharp increase in American military involvement in the Vietnam War, which took resources away from the Great Society and was opposed by many of his fellow Democrats. Greatly frustrated by his difficulties over the war in Vietnam, he declined to run for reelection in 1968.

  • Johnson, a Texan (see Texas), often tried to project an image of a blustery, sometimes coarse, rancher.

  • West's Encyclopedia of American Law:

    Johnson, Lyndon Baines

    Top

    Lyndon Baines Johnson was the thirty-sixth president of the United States, serving from 1963 to 1969. Like three other vice presidents in U.S. history, he assumed the office following the assassination of the president. He took office November 22, 1963, after John F. Kennedy was killed in Dallas. Johnson's administration was marked by landmark changes in civil rights laws and social welfare programs, yet political support for him collapsed because of his escalation of the Vietnam War.

    Johnson was born August 27, 1908, near Stonewall, Texas. He was raised in Johnson City, Texas, which was named for his grandfather, who had served in the Texas Legislature. Johnson's father, Sam Ealy Johnson, also served in the Texas Legislature. Johnson graduated from Southwest Texas State Teachers College in 1930 with a teaching degree. He taught high school in Houston, until 1931, when he became involved with Democrat Richard M. Kleberg's campaign for the U.S. House of Representatives. Johnson gave speeches and spoke to voters on Kleberg's behalf. When Kleberg was elected, he asked Johnson to accompany him to Washington, D.C., as his secretary. Johnson agreed, and his political career in Washington, D.C., was launched.

    Johnson was not satisfied to be a secretary to a congressman. He began making friends with powerful Democrats, most notably Representative Sam Rayburn, of Texas. Rayburn, who would soon become Speaker of the House, had enormous influence. In 1935, after President Franklin D. Roosevelt named him director of the Texas division of the National Youth Administration, Johnson used his connections to put twelve thousand young people to work in public service jobs and to help another eighteen thousand go to college.

    He quit this position in 1937 to run in a special election for the U.S. House of Representatives in Texas's Tenth Congressional District. In his campaign he supported Roosevelt's policies, which came under heavy attack by Johnson's opponents. After Johnson was elected, Roosevelt made a point of getting to know him. Soon the two developed a long and lasting friendship.

    Johnson remained in the House of Representatives until 1948, though he did spend a brief period in the Navy during World War II. He ran for the U.S. Senate in 1941, and lost to Governor W. Lee O'Daniel by fewer than fourteen hundred votes. He ran again in 1948, this time against Coke R. Stevenson, a former Texas governor. Johnson won the 1948 Democratic primary election by eighty-seven votes, but Stevenson claimed that election fraud had allowed Johnson supporters to stuff the ballot box with votes from dead or fictitious persons. A federal district court judge ordered Johnson's name removed from the final election ballot pending an investigation of the fraud charges. Johnson enlisted a group of prominent Washington, D.C., attorneys, led by Abe Fortas, to overturn the order. The attorneys convinced Justice Hugo L. Black, of the U.S. Supreme Court, to reverse the order. With his name back on the ballot, Johnson went on to an easy victory.

    Johnson moved quickly to gain power and influence in the Senate. Senator Richard B. Russell, of Georgia, became his mentor in the same way Sam Rayburn had been in the 1930s. In 1951 Johnson became the Democratic whip, which required that he maintain party discipline and encourage the attendance of Democratic senators. Two years later he was elected minority leader, at age forty-four the youngest member ever elected to that position. In 1955, after the Democrats took control of the Senate, he assumed the position of majority leader, the most powerful position in that body.

    As majority leader Johnson worked at developing consensus with members from both parties. During this period he became famous for the "LBJ treatment," where he would use clever stratagems and steady persuasion to win reluctant colleagues over to his side. He developed a bipartisan approach with the administration of Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower and sought common ground. He sustained a setback in 1955 when he suffered a heart attack, but returned to government service later that year.

    Johnson wanted to be president, and he knew that opposing civil rights would destroy his chances on a national level. He was one of three Southern senators who refused to sign the Southern Manifesto, a 1956 document that urged the South to resist with all legal methods the Supreme Court's decision outlawing racially segregated schools in Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873 (1954). In 1957 he put through the Senate the first civil rights bill in more than eighty years.

    Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, won the Democratic presidential nomination in 1960 and named Johnson his vice presidential running mate. Johnson helped Kennedy in the southern states, and Kennedy won a narrow victory over Vice President Richard M. Nixon.

    As vice president under Kennedy, Johnson performed numerous diplomatic missions and presided over the National Aeronautics and Space Council and the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities. When Kennedy was assassinated in 1963, Johnson took the oath of office in Dallas. In the months that followed, he concentrated on passing the slain president's legislative agenda. He proposed a war-on-poverty program, helped pass a tax cut, and oversaw the enactment of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 (42 U.S.C.A. §2000a et seq.). This act outlawed racial and other types of discrimination in employment, education, and public accommodations. Civil rights for all persons was one part of Johnson's vision of what he called the Great Society.

    Johnson easily defeated conservative Republican senator Barry M. Goldwater in the 1964 presidential election. Under his administration Congress in 1965 enacted the Medicare bill (42 U.S.C.A. §1395 et seq.), which provided free supplementary health care for older persons as part of their Social Security benefits. Johnson also obtained large increases in federal aid to education; established the Departments of Transportation and of Housing and Urban Development; and proposed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (42 U.S.C.A. §1971 et seq.), which ensured protection against racially discriminatory voting practices that had disenfranchised nonwhites. This act changed the South, as it allowed African Americans to register to vote for the first time since Reconstruction. Finally, Johnson appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court Thurgood Marshall, the first African American to sit on the High Court.

    International affairs did not go as smoothly for Johnson, especially regarding Vietnam. Kennedy had sent U.S. advisers to help South Vietnam repel what the government characterized as a Communist insurgency that was supported by North Vietnam. Johnson did not wish to abandon the South Vietnamese government, and soon his administration began escalating U.S. involvement. In August 1964 Johnson announced that North Vietnamese ships had attacked U.S. naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin. Johnson asked Congress for the authority to employ any necessary course of action to safeguard U.S. troops. Based on what turned out to be inaccurate information supplied by the Johnson administration, Congress gave the president this authority in its Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (78 Stat. 384).

    Following his reelection in 1964, Johnson used this resolution to justify military escalation. In February 1965 he authorized the bombing of North Vietnam. To continue the protection of the South Vietnamese government, Johnson increased the number of U.S. soldiers fighting in South Vietnam from twenty thousand to five hundred thousand during the next three years.

    As the war escalated, so did antiwar sentiments, especially among college students, many of whom were subject to military conscription. As casualties mounted, antiwar demonstrations increased and support in Congress decreased. The strategy of escalation did not produce the victory military leaders predicted.

    The cost of funding a war ended Johnson's Great Society initiatives. More important, the Vietnam War became the focal point for the nation. Johnson's popularity plummeted, and the nation was torn by conflict over the unpopular war. On March 31, 1968, Johnson announced he would not seek reelection. He spent the remainder of his term attempting to convince the South and North Vietnamese to begin a peace process. By the end of his administration, the Paris peace talks were started, which began a long negotiating process between North and South Vietnam.

    Johnson left office in January 1969 and returned to his ranch near Johnson City. There he wrote an account of his years in office, The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency (1971). His health deteriorated. Johnson died of a heart attack at his ranch, on January 22, 1973, less than one week before the signing of the accords that ended the Vietnam War.


    Quotes By:

    Lyndon B. Johnson

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    Quotes:

    "The noblest search is the search for excellence."

    "For this is what America is all about. It is the uncrossed desert and the unclimbed ridge. It is the star that is not reached and the harvest that is sleeping in the unplowed ground."

    "I pray we are still a young and courageous nation, that we have not grown so old and so fat and so prosperous that all we can think about is to sit back with our arms around our money bags. If we choose to do that I have no doubt that the smoldering fires will burst into flame and consume us -- dollars and all."

    "A man without a vote is man without protection."

    "The guns and bombs, the rockets and the warships, all are symbols of human failure."

    "Boys, I may not know much, but I know chicken shit from chicken salad."

    See more famous quotes by Lyndon B. Johnson

    The Dream Encyclopedia:

    Lyndon B. Johnson

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    Former U.S. president Lyndon B. Johnson (1908- 1973) suffered from chronic nightmares, a childhood condition he carried into his adult life. As a young child he often dreamed that he was sitting, paralyzed, in a chair as he faced an oncoming cattle stampede. After becoming the vice president in 1961, the setting of his nightmares changed to the Executive Office Building, but the paralysis theme remained the same. He dreamed he was sitting at his desk, just finishing a pile of paperwork. But when he got up to go home he discovered that ankle straps bound him to the heavy chair he was sitting in. Since he was unable to move, he resigned himself to continuing to do more paperwork.

    After the 1968 Tet offensive in Vietnam, the content of his nightmares altered yet again, but the paralysis theme remained. He was now lying in a bed in the Red Room; he was unable to move or even speak, but he was able to observe that he possessed the frail, paralyzed body of Woodrow Wilson. The trauma of these nightmares carried over into his waking life, so much so that Johnson regularly looked at the pictures of Wilson that hung in the White House halls just to assure him self that, while Wilson was dead, he himself remained alive and capable of action.

    Johnson found himself in a difficult predicament as the Vietnam conflict continued and casualties mounted. He felt he could not withdraw the troops and maintain his (and America's) honor, but he also knew that the opposition was building throughout the country. If he were to remain in office, support for the social programs he was promoting would be jeopardized because of his stance on Vietnam. Once again, Johnson's nightmares reflected the fears and uncertainties of his waking life. He began to dream that he was being swept down a river, struggling to swim to the shore. When he tried to reach the nearest bank, he discovered that, no matter how hard he swam, it never go any closer. He then tried to swim to the other side, but the results were the same and he found himself swimming in circles, exhausting all his energy. This nightmare embodied the impossible situation that Johnson was in, and he realized the only way to rectify the situation was to remove himself as an active participant. Shortly after having this nightmare, he announced his decision not to seek another term in office.


    Wikipedia on Answers.com:

    Lyndon B. Johnson

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    Lyndon B. Johnson
    36th President of the United States
    In office
    November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
    Vice President None (1963-1965)
    Hubert Humphrey (1965-1969)
    Preceded by John F. Kennedy
    Succeeded by Richard Nixon
    37th Vice President of the United States
    In office
    January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
    President John F. Kennedy
    Preceded by Richard Nixon
    Succeeded by Hubert Humphrey
    Senate Majority Leader
    In office
    January 3, 1955 – January 3, 1961
    Deputy Earle Clements
    Mike Mansfield
    Preceded by William F. Knowland
    Succeeded by Mike Mansfield
    Senate Minority Leader
    In office
    January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1955
    Deputy Earle Clements
    Preceded by Styles Bridges
    Succeeded by William F. Knowland
    Senate Majority Whip
    In office
    January 3, 1951 – January 3, 1953
    Leader Ernest McFarland
    Preceded by Francis J. Myers
    Succeeded by Leverett Saltonstall
    United States Senator
    from Texas
    In office
    January 3, 1949 – January 3, 1961
    Preceded by W. Lee O'Daniel
    Succeeded by William A. Blakley
    Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
    from Texas's 10th district
    In office
    April 10, 1937 – January 3, 1949
    Preceded by James P. Buchanan
    Succeeded by Homer Thornberry
    Personal details
    Born Lyndon Baines Johnson
    August 27, 1908(1908-08-27)
    Stonewall, Texas, U.S.
    Died January 22, 1973(1973-01-22) (aged 64)
    Stonewall, Texas, U.S.
    Political party Democratic
    Spouse(s) Lady Bird Taylor
    Children Lynda
    Luci
    Alma mater Southwest Texas State Teachers College
    Profession Teacher
    Religion Disciples of Christ
    Signature Cursive Signature in Ink
    Military service
    Allegiance United States
    Service/branch United States Department of the Navy Seal.svg United States Navy
    Years of service 1941–1942
    Rank US-O4 insignia.svg Lieutenant commander
    Battles/wars World War II
     • Salamaua-Lae campaign
    Awards Silver Star ribbon.svg Silver Star
    Presidential Medal of Freedom (ribbon).png Presidential Medal of Freedom (Posthumous; 1980)
    Johnson as he appears in the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C.

    Lyndon Baines Johnson (August 27, 1908 – January 22, 1973), often referred to as LBJ, was the 36th President of the United States (1963–1969), a position he assumed after his service as the 37th Vice President of the United States (1961–1963). He is one of only four people[1] who served in all four elected federal offices of the United States: Representative, Senator, Vice President and President.[2] Johnson, a Texas Democrat, served as a United States Representative from 1937–1949 and as a Senator from 1949–1961, including six years as United States Senate Majority Leader, two as Senate Minority Leader and two as Senate Majority Whip. After campaigning unsuccessfully for the Democratic nomination in 1960, Johnson was asked by John F. Kennedy to be his running mate for the 1960 presidential election.

    Johnson succeeded to the presidency following the assassination of John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, completed the rest of Kennedy's term and was elected President in his own right, winning by a large margin in the 1964 election. Johnson was greatly supported by the Democratic Party and as President, he was responsible for designing the "Great Society" legislation that included laws that upheld civil rights, public broadcasting, Medicare, Medicaid, environmental protection, aid to education, and his "War on Poverty." He was renowned for his domineering personality and the "Johnson treatment," his coercion of powerful politicians in order to advance legislation.

    Johnson escalated American involvement in the Vietnam War, from 16,000 American advisors/soldiers in 1963 to 550,000 combat troops in early 1968, as American casualties soared and the peace process bogged down. The involvement stimulated a large angry antiwar movement based especially on university campuses in the U.S. and abroad. Summer riots broke out in most major cities after 1965, and crime rates soared, as his opponents raised demands for "law and order" policies. The Democratic Party split in multiple feuding factions, and after Johnson did poorly in the 1968 New Hampshire primary, he ended his bid for reelection. Republican Richard Nixon was elected to succeed him. Historians argue that his presidency marked the peak of modern liberalism in the United States after the New Deal era. Johnson is ranked favorably by some historians because of his domestic policies.[3][4]


    Contents

    Early years

    A picture of Lyndon Johnson in 1915 at his family home in the Texas hill country near Stonewall, Texas and Johnson City

    Johnson was born in Stonewall, Texas in a small farmhouse on the Pedernales River. His parents, Samuel Ealy Johnson, Jr. and Rebekah Baines, had three girls and two boys: Johnson and his brother, Sam Houston Johnson (1914–1978), and sisters Rebekah (1910–1978), Josefa (1912–1961), and Lucia (1916–1997). The nearby small town of Johnson City, Texas was named after Johnson's father's cousin, James Polk Johnson, whose forebears had moved west from Georgia. The Johnsons were of Scots-Irish and English ancestry. In school, Johnson was an awkward, talkative youth and was elected president of his 11th-grade class. He graduated from Johnson City High School in 1924 having participated in public speaking, debate, and baseball.[5][6][better source needed]

    Johnson was maternally descended from a pioneer Baptist clergyman, George Washington Baines, who pastored some eight churches in Texas as well as others in Arkansas and Louisiana. Baines was also the president of Baylor University during the American Civil War. George Baines was the grandfather of Johnson's mother, Rebekah Baines Johnson (1881–1958).

    Johnson's grandfather Samuel Ealy Johnson, Sr. was raised as a Baptist. Subsequently, in his early adulthood, he became a member of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ). In his later years the grandfather became a Christadelphian; Johnson's father also joined the Christadelphian Church toward the end of his life.[7] Later, as a politician, Johnson was influenced in his positive attitude towards Jews by the religious beliefs that his family, especially his grandfather, had shared with him (see Operation Texas).[8]

    In 1926, Johnson enrolled in Southwest Texas State Teachers' College (now Texas State University-San Marcos). He worked his way through school, participated in debate and campus politics, and edited the school newspaper called The College Star, now known as The University Star.[9] He dropped out of school in 1927, and returned one year later, graduating in 1930. The college years refined his skills of persuasion and political organization. In 1927, Johnson taught mostly Mexican children at the Welhausen School in Cotulla, some ninety miles south of San Antonio in La Salle County. In 1930, he taught in Pearsall High School in Pearsall, Texas, and afterwards took a position as teacher of public speaking at Sam Houston High School in Houston.[10] When he returned to San Marcos in 1965, after having signed the Higher Education Act of 1965, Johnson looked back:

    "I shall never forget the faces of the boys and the girls in that little Welhausen Mexican School, and I remember even yet the pain of realizing and knowing then that college was closed to practically every one of those children because they were too poor. And I think it was then that I made up my mind that this nation could never rest while the door to knowledge remained closed to any American."[11]

    Early political career

    Johnson briefly taught public speaking and debate in a Houston high school, then entered politics. Johnson's father had served five terms in the Texas legislature and was a close friend of one of Texas's rising political figures, Congressman Sam Rayburn. In 1930, Johnson campaigned for Texas State Senator Welly Hopkins in his run for Congress. Hopkins recommended him to Congressman Richard M. Kleberg, who appointed Johnson as Kleberg's legislative secretary. Johnson was elected speaker of the "Little Congress," a group of Congressional aides, where he cultivated Congressmen, newspapermen and lobbyists. Johnson's friends soon included aides to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, as well as fellow Texans such as Vice President John Nance Garner. He became a surrogate son to Sam Rayburn.

    President Roosevelt, Governor James Allred of Texas, and Johnson. In later campaigns, Johnson edited Governor Allred out of the picture to assist his campaign.

    Johnson married Claudia Alta Taylor (already nicknamed "Lady Bird Johnson") of Karnack, Texas on November 17, 1934, after having attended Georgetown University Law Center for several months. They had two daughters, Lynda Bird, born in 1944, and Luci Baines, born in 1947. Johnson enjoyed giving people and animals his own initials; his daughters' given names are examples, as was his dog, Little Beagle Johnson.[12]

    In 1935, he was appointed head of the Texas National Youth Administration, which enabled him to use the government to create education and job opportunities for young people. He resigned two years later to run for Congress. Johnson, a notoriously tough boss throughout his career, often demanded long workdays and work on weekends.[13]

    He was described by friends, fellow politicians, and historians as motivated throughout his life by an exceptional lust for power and control. As Johnson's biographer Robert Caro observes, "Johnson's ambition was uncommon—in the degree to which it was unencumbered by even the slightest excess weight of ideology, of philosophy, of principles, of beliefs."[14]

    Congressional career

    House of Representatives

    In 1937, Johnson successfully contested a special election for Texas's 10th congressional district, that covered Austin and the surrounding hill country. He ran on a New Deal platform and was effectively aided by his wife. He served in the House from April 10, 1937, to January 3, 1949.[15]

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt found Johnson to be a welcome ally and conduit for information, particularly with regard to issues concerning internal politics in Texas (Operation Texas) and the machinations of Vice President John Nance Garner and Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn. Johnson was immediately appointed to the Naval Affairs Committee. He worked for rural electrification and other improvements for his district. Johnson steered the projects towards contractors that he personally knew, such as the Brown Brothers, Herman and George, who would finance much of Johnson's future career.[16][better source needed] In 1941, he ran for the U.S. Senate in a special election against the sitting Governor of Texas, radio personality W. Lee "Pappy" O'Daniel. Johnson lost the election.

    War record

    Lyndon B. Johnson in Navy uniform in March 1942

    After America entered World War II in December 1941, Johnson, still in Congress, became a commissioned officer in the Naval Reserve, then asked Undersecretary of the Navy James Forrestal for a combat assignment.[17] Instead he was sent to inspect the shipyard facilities in Texas and on the West Coast. In the spring of 1942, President Roosevelt needed his own reports on what conditions were like in the Southwest Pacific. Roosevelt felt information that flowed up the military chain of command needed to be supplemented by a highly trusted political aide. From a suggestion by Forrestal, President Roosevelt assigned Johnson to a three-man survey team of the Southwest Pacific.

    Johnson reported to General Douglas MacArthur in Australia. Johnson and two Army officers went to the 22nd Bomb Group base, which was assigned the high risk mission of bombing the Japanese airbase at Lae in New Guinea. A colonel took Johnson's original seat on one bomber, and it was shot down with no survivors. Reports vary on what happened to the B-26 Marauder carrying Johnson. Lyndon Johnson said it was also attacked by Japanese fighters but survived, while others, including other members of the flight crew, claim it turned back because of generator trouble before reaching the objective and before encountering enemy aircraft and never came under fire, which is supported by official flight records.[18] Other airplanes that continued to the target did come under fire near the target at about the same time that Johnson's plane was recorded as having landed back at the original airbase. MacArthur awarded Johnson the Silver Star, the military's third-highest medal.[18]

    Johnson reported back to Roosevelt, to the Navy leaders, and to Congress that conditions were deplorable and unacceptable. He argued the South West Pacific urgently needed a higher priority and a larger share of war supplies. The warplanes sent there, for example, were "far inferior" to Japanese planes, and morale was bad. He told Forrestal that the Pacific Fleet had a "critical" need for 6,800 additional experienced men. Johnson prepared a twelve-point program to upgrade the effort in the region, stressing "greater cooperation and coordination within the various commands and between the different war theaters." Congress responded by making Johnson chairman of a high-powered subcommittee of the Naval Affairs committee. With a mission similar to that of the Truman Committee in the Senate, he probed into the peacetime "business as usual" inefficiencies that permeated the naval war and demanded that admirals shape up and get the job done. Johnson went too far when he proposed a bill that would crack down on the draft exemptions of shipyard workers if they were absent from work too often. Organized labor blocked the bill and denounced Johnson. Still, Johnson's mission had a substantial impact because it led to upgrading the South Pacific theater and aided the overall war effort immensely. Johnson's biographer concludes, "The mission was a temporary exposure to danger calculated to satisfy Johnson's personal and political wishes, but it also represented a genuine effort on his part, however misplaced, to improve the lot of America's fighting men."[19]

    Senate

    1948 contested election

    In the 1948 elections, Johnson again ran for the Senate and won. This election was highly controversial: in a three-way Democratic Party primary Johnson faced a well-known former governor, Coke Stevenson, and a third candidate. Johnson drew crowds to fairgrounds with his rented helicopter dubbed "The Johnson City Windmill". He raised money to flood the state with campaign circulars and won over conservatives by voting for the Taft-Hartley act (curbing union power) as well as by criticizing unions.

    Stevenson came in first but lacked a majority, so a runoff was held. Johnson campaigned even harder this time around, while Stevenson's efforts were surprisingly poor. The runoff count took a week. The Democratic State Central Committee (not the State of Texas, because the matter was a party primary) handled the count, and it finally announced that Johnson had won by 87 votes. By a majority of one member (29-28) the committee voted to certify Johnson's nomination, with the last vote cast on Johnson's behalf by Temple, Texas, publisher Frank W. Mayborn, who rushed back to Texas from a business trip in Nashville, Tennessee. There were many allegations of fraud on both sides. Thus one writer alleges that Johnson's campaign manager, future Texas governor John B. Connally, was connected with 202 ballots in Precinct 13 in Jim Wells County that had curiously been cast in alphabetical order and just at the close of polling, with all of the people whose names appeared on the ballots being dead on election day. Robert Caro argued in his 1989 book that Johnson had stolen the election in Jim Wells County and other counties in South Texas, as well as rigging 10,000 ballots in Bexar County alone.[20][better source needed] An election judge, Luis Salas, said in 1977, that he had certified 202 fraudulent ballots for Johnson.[21]

    The state Democratic convention upheld Johnson. Stevenson went to court, but—with timely help from his friend Abe Fortas—Johnson prevailed. Johnson was elected senator in November and went to Washington tagged with the ironic label "Landslide Lyndon," which he often used deprecatingly to refer to himself.

    Freshman senator

    Once in the Senate, Johnson was known among his colleagues for his highly successful "courtships" of older senators, especially Senator Richard Russell, patrician leader of the Conservative coalition and arguably the most powerful man in the Senate. Johnson proceeded to gain Russell's favor in the same way that he had "courted" Speaker Sam Rayburn and gained his crucial support in the House.

    Johnson was appointed to the Senate Armed Services Committee, and later in 1950, he helped create the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee. Johnson became its chairman and conducted investigations of defense costs and efficiency. These investigations tended to dig out old forgotten investigations and demand actions that were already being taken by the Truman Administration, although it can be said that the committee's investigations caused the changes. Johnson's brilliant handling of the press, the efficiency with which his committee issued new reports, and the fact that he ensured every report was endorsed unanimously by the committee all brought him headlines and national attention.

    Johnson used his political influence in the Senate to receive broadcast licenses from the Federal Communications Commission in his wife's name.[21][22]

    In 1951, Johnson was chosen as Senate Majority Whip under a new Majority Leader, Ernest McFarland of Arizona, and served from 1951 to 1953.[15]

    Senate Democratic leader

    Senate Desk X, used by all Democratic leaders, including Johnson, since Joseph Taylor Robinson

    In the 1952 general election Republicans won a majority in both House and Senate. Among defeated Democrats that year was McFarland, who lost to then-little-known Barry Goldwater, Johnson's future presidential opponent.

    In January 1953, Johnson was chosen by his fellow Democrats to be the minority leader. Thus, he became the least senior Senator ever elected to this position, and one of the least senior party leaders in the history of the Senate. One of his first actions was to eliminate the seniority system in appointment to a committee, while retaining it in terms of chairmanships. In the 1954 election, Johnson was re-elected to the Senate, and since the Democrats won the majority in the Senate, Johnson became majority leader. Former majority leader, William Knowland was elected minority leader. Johnson's duties were to schedule legislation and help pass measures favored by the Democrats. Johnson, Rayburn and President Dwight D. Eisenhower worked smoothly together in passing Eisenhower's domestic and foreign agenda.

    Johnson, a 60-a-day smoker, suffered a near-fatal heart attack on July 2, 1955. He completely gave up smoking as a result, with only a couple of exceptions, and did not resume the habit until he left the White House on January 20, 1969. During the Suez Crisis Johnson supported the Anglo-French military attempt to topple the Egyptian dictator Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, and tried to prevent the US government from criticising the Israeli invasion of the Sinai peninsula.

    In sharp contrast to what would become during his Presidency, Johnson was strongly opposed as Senate Majority Leader to Eisenhower's 1957 Civil Rights Act, fearful that its passage would tear his party apart. Thus with the help of the judiciary committee led by Senator James Eastland, the bill ended up being far weaker than it originally started, but it still became law and Johnson tried to give himself credit for its "passage".

    President Johnson giving "The Treatment" to Senator Richard Russell in 1963.

    Historians Caro and Dallek consider Lyndon Johnson the most effective Senate majority leader in history. He was unusually proficient at gathering information. One biographer suggests he was "the greatest intelligence gatherer Washington has ever known", discovering exactly where every Senator stood, his philosophy and prejudices, his strengths and weaknesses, and what it took to break him.[23] Robert Baker claimed that Johnson would occasionally send senators on NATO trips in order to avoid their dissenting votes.[24] Central to Johnson's control was "The Treatment",[25] described by two journalists:[26]

    The Treatment could last ten minutes or four hours. It came, enveloping its target, at the Johnson Ranch swimming pool, in one of Johnson's offices, in the Senate cloakroom, on the floor of the Senate itself — wherever Johnson might find a fellow Senator within his reach.
    Its tone could be supplication, accusation, cajolery, exuberance, scorn, tears, complaint and the hint of threat. It was all of these together. It ran the gamut of human emotions. Its velocity was breathtaking, and it was all in one direction. Interjections from the target were rare. Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken. He moved in close, his face a scant millimeter from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. From his pockets poured clippings, memos, statistics. Mimicry, humor, and the genius of analogy made The Treatment an almost hypnotic experience and rendered the target stunned and helpless.

    Vice Presidency

    Election

    Johnson's success in the Senate made him a possible Democratic presidential candidate. He was the "favorite son" candidate of the Texas delegation at the Party's national convention in 1956. In 1960, after the failure of the "Stop Kennedy" coalition he had formed with Adlai Stevenson, Stuart Symington, and Hubert Humphrey, Johnson received 409 votes on the only ballot at the Democratic convention, which nominated John F. Kennedy. Tip O'Neill, then a representative from Kennedy's home state of Massachusetts, recalled that Johnson approached him at the convention and said, "Tip, I know you have to support Kennedy at the start, but I'd like to have you with me on the second ballot." O'Neill replied, "Senator, there's not going to be any second ballot."[27]

    Kennedy realized that he could not be elected without support of traditional Southern Democrats, most of whom had backed Johnson. Therefore, Johnson was offered the vice-presidential nomination. Some sources (such as Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.'s) state that Kennedy offered the position to Johnson as a courtesy and did not expect him to accept. Others (such as W. Marvin Watson) say that the Kennedy campaign was desperate to win the 1960 election against Richard Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., and needed Johnson on the ticket to help carry Southern states. According to still other sources, Kennedy did not want Johnson as his running-mate and did not want to ask him. Kennedy's reported choice was Symington. Johnson decided to seek the Vice Presidency and with Speaker Rayburn's help pressured Kennedy to give him a spot.[28]

    At the same time as his Vice Presidential run, Johnson also sought a third term in the U.S. Senate. According to Robert Caro, "On November 5, 1960, Lyndon Johnson won election for both the vice presidency of the United States, on the Kennedy-Johnson ticket, and for a third term as Senator (he had Texas law changed to allow him to run for both offices). When he won the vice presidency, he made arrangements to resign from the Senate, as he was required to do under federal law, as soon as it convened on January 3, 1961."[29][better source needed] (In 1988, Lloyd Bentsen, the Vice Presidential running mate of Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis, and also a Senator from Texas, took advantage of "Lyndon's law," and was able to retain his seat in the Senate despite Dukakis' loss to George H. W. Bush. The same went for Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut in 2000 after Al Gore lost to George W. Bush. In 2008, Joseph Biden was elected Vice President and was re-elected U.S. Senator, as Johnson had done in 1960.)

    Johnson was re-elected Senator with 1,306,605 votes (58 percent) to Republican John Tower's 927,653 (41.1 percent). Fellow Democrat William A. Blakley was appointed to replace Johnson as Senator, but Blakley lost a special election in May 1961 to Tower.

    Office

    President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson prior to a ceremony.

    After the election, Johnson found himself powerless. He initially attempted to transfer the authority of Senate Majority Leader to the Vice Presidency, since that office made him President of the Senate, but faced vehement opposition from the Democratic Caucus, including members he'd counted as his supporters.[30] His lack of influence was thrown into relief later that year when Kennedy appointed Johnson's friend Sarah T. Hughes to a federal judgeship; whereas Johnson had tried and failed to garner the nomination for Hughes at the beginning of his vice presidency, House Speaker Sam Rayburn wrangled the appointment from Kennedy in exchange for support of an administration bill.

    Despite Kennedy's efforts to keep Johnson busy, informed, and at the White House often, JFK's advisors and some members of the Kennedy family were more dismissive to Johnson. Kennedy appointed him to jobs such as head of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities, through which he worked with African Americans and other minorities. Though Kennedy may have intended this to remain a more nominal position, Taylor Branch in Pillar of Fire contends that Johnson served to push the Kennedy administration's actions for civil rights further and faster than Kennedy originally intended to go. Branch notes the irony of Johnson, who the Kennedy family hoped would appeal to conservative southern voters, being the advocate for civil rights. In particular he notes Johnson's Memorial Day 1963 speech at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania as being a catalyst that led to more action.

    Johnson took on numerous minor diplomatic missions, which gave him limited insights into global issues. He was allowed to observe Cabinet and National Security Council meetings. Kennedy did give Johnson control over all presidential appointments involving Texas, and he was appointed chairman of the President's Ad Hoc Committee for Science. When, in April 1961, the Soviets beat the U.S. with the first manned spaceflight, Kennedy tasked Johnson with coming up with a program that would prove world leadership. Johnson knew that Project Apollo and an enlarged NASA were feasible, so he steered the recommendation towards a program for landing an American on the Moon.[31]

    Johnson was touched by a Senate scandal in August 1963 when Bobby Baker, the Senate Majority Secretary and a protege of Johnson's, came under investigation by the Senate Rules Committee for allegations of bribery and financial malfeasance. One witness alleged that Baker had arranged for the witness to give kickbacks for the Vice President. Baker resigned in October, and the investigation stopped from expanding to Johnson. The negative publicity from the affair fed rumors in Washington circles that Kennedy was planning on dropping Johnson from the Democratic ticket in the upcoming 1964 presidential election.

    Presidency 1963–1969

    Foreign trips of Lyndon Johnson during his presidency.

    Assassination of President John F. Kennedy

    Johnson being sworn in aboard Air Force One by Federal Judge Sarah T. Hughes. On the right is Mrs. Kennedy; to the left is Mrs. Johnson; sitting down near the airplane window is Jack Valenti, White House aide. Assistant Press Secretary Malcolm Kilduff, at bottom left, records the event with a dictaphone.

    Johnson was sworn in as President on Air Force One at Love Field Airport in Dallas on November 22, 1963 two hours and eight minutes after President Kennedy was assassinated in Dealey Plaza in Dallas.[32] He was sworn in by Federal Judge Sarah T. Hughes, a family friend, making him the first President sworn in by a woman. He is also the only President to have been sworn in on Texas soil. Johnson did not swear on a Bible, as there were none on Air Force One; a Roman Catholic missal was found in Kennedy's desk and was used for the swearing-in ceremony.[33]

    In the days following the assassination, Lyndon B. Johnson made an address to Congress: "No memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the Civil Rights Bill for which he fought so long."[34] The wave of national grief following the assassination gave enormous momentum to Johnson's promise to carry out Kennedy's programs.

    Johnson created a panel headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, known as the Warren Commission, to investigate Kennedy's assassination. The commission conducted hearings and concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the assassination. Not everyone agreed with the Warren Commission, and numerous public and private investigations continued for decades after Johnson left office.[35]

    Johnson retained senior Kennedy appointees, some for the full term of his presidency. The late President's brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, with whom Johnson had a notoriously difficult relationship, remained in office for a few months until leaving in 1964, to run for the Senate.[36] Robert F. Kennedy has been quoted as saying that LBJ was "mean, bitter, vicious—[an] animal in many ways...I think his reactions on a lot of things are correct... but I think he's got this other side of him and his relationship with human beings which makes it difficult unless you want to 'kiss his behind' all the time. That is what Bob McNamara suggested to me...if I wanted to get along."[37]

    1964 presidential election

    On September 7, 1964, Johnson's campaign managers for the 1964 presidential election broadcast the "Daisy ad". It portrayed a little girl picking petals from a daisy, counting up to ten. Then a baritone voice took over, counted down from ten to zero and the visual showed the explosion of a nuclear bomb. The message conveyed was that electing Barry Goldwater president held the danger of nuclear war. Although it only aired one time, it became an issue during the campaign. Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61 percent of the vote and the then-widest popular margin in the 20th century — more than 15 million votes (this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon's defeat of Senator McGovern in 1972).[38] Johnson's popular vote margin of over 22 percentage points is a record that stands to this day.

    President Johnson, Issue of 1973

    In mid-1964, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) was organized with the purpose of challenging Mississippi's all-white and anti-civil rights delegation to the Democratic National Convention of that year as not representative of all Mississippians. At the national convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey the MFDP claimed the seats for delegates for Mississippi, not on the grounds of the Party rules, but because the official Mississippi delegation had been elected by a primary conducted under Jim Crow laws in which blacks were excluded because of poll taxes, literacy tests, and even violence against black voters. The national Party's liberal leaders supported a compromise in which the white delegation and the MFDP would have an even division of the seats; Johnson was concerned that, while the regular Democrats of Mississippi would probably vote for Goldwater anyway, if the Democratic Party rejected the regular Democrats, he would lose the Democratic Party political structure that he needed to win in the South. Eventually, Hubert Humphrey, Walter Reuther and black civil rights leaders (including Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King, and Bayard Rustin) worked out a compromise with MFDP leaders: the MFDP would receive two non-voting seats on the floor of the Convention; the regular Mississippi delegation would be required to pledge to support the party ticket; and no future Democratic convention would accept a delegation chosen by a discriminatory poll. When the leaders took the proposal back to the 64 members who had made the bus trip to Atlantic City, they voted it down. As MFDP Vice Chair Fannie Lou Hamer said, "We didn't come all the way up here to compromise for no more than we'd gotten here. We didn't come all this way for no two seats, 'cause all of us is tired." The failure of the compromise effort allowed the rest of the Democratic Party to conclude that the MFDP was simply being unreasonable, and they lost a great deal of their liberal support. After that, the convention went smoothly for Johnson without a searing battle over civil rights.[39] Despite the landslide victory, Johnson, who carried the South as a whole in the election, lost the Deep South states of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and South Carolina, the first time a Democratic candidate had done so since Reconstruction.

    Johnson won the presidency by a majority of 61 percent, ready to fulfill his earlier commitment to "carry forward the plans and programs of John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Not because of our sorrow or sympathy, but because they are right."[40]

    Civil rights

    President Johnson signs the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Among the guests behind him is Martin Luther King, Jr.
    Black civil rights leaders including (left to right) NAACP's Roy Wilkins, CORE's James Farmer, SCLC's Dr. Martin Luther King and Urban League's Whitney Young were welcomed to White House by President Johnson in 1966.

    In conjunction with the civil rights movement, Johnson overcame southern resistance and convinced the Democratic-Controlled Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which outlawed most forms of racial segregation. John F. Kennedy originally proposed the civil rights bill in June 1963.[41] In late October 1963, Kennedy officially called the House leaders to the White House to line up the necessary votes for passage.[42][43] After Kennedy's death, Johnson took the initiative in finishing what Kennedy started and broke a filibuster by Southern Democrats in March 1964; as a result, this pushed the bill for passage in the Senate.[44] Johnson signed the revised and stronger bill into law on July 2, 1964.[44] Legend has it that, as he put down his pen, Johnson told an aide, "We have lost the South for a generation", anticipating a coming backlash from Southern whites against Johnson's Democratic Party. Moreover, Richard Nixon politically counterattacked with the Southern Strategy where it would "secure" votes for the Republican Party by grabbing the advocates of segregation as well as most of the Southern Democrats.[45]

    In 1965, he achieved passage of a second civil rights bill, the Voting Rights Act, which outlawed discrimination in voting, thus allowing millions of southern blacks to vote for the first time. In accordance with the act, several states, "seven of the eleven southern states of the former confederacy" - Alabama, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Virginia — were subjected to the procedure of preclearance in 1965, while Texas, home to the majority of the African American population at the time, followed in 1975.[46]

    After the murder of civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo, Johnson went on television to announce the arrest of four Ku Klux Klansmen implicated in her death. He angrily denounced the Klan as a "hooded society of bigots," and warned them to "return to a decent society before it's too late." Johnson was the first President to arrest and prosecute members of the Klan since Ulysses S. Grant about 93 years earlier.[47] He turned the themes of Christian redemption to push for civil rights, thereby mobilizing support from churches North and South.[48]

    At the Howard University commencement address on June 4, 1965, he said that both the government and the nation needed to help achieve goals:

    To shatter forever not only the barriers of law and public practice, but the walls which bound the condition of many by the color of his skin. To dissolve, as best we can, the antique enmities of the heart which diminish the holder, divide the great democracy, and do wrong — great wrong — to the children of God...[49]

    In 1967, Johnson nominated civil rights attorney Thurgood Marshall to be the first African American Associate Justice of the Supreme Court.

    Immigration

    President Lyndon B. Johnson signs the Immigration Act of 1965 at Liberty Island as Vice President Hubert Humphrey, Senator Edward Kennedy, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, and others look on.

    Johnson signed the Immigration Act of 1965,[50] which substantially changed U.S. immigration policy toward non-Europeans.[51] According to OECD, "While European-born immigrants accounted for nearly 60% of the total foreign-born population in 1970, they accounted for only 15% in 2000."[52] Immigration doubled between 1965 and 1970, and doubled again between 1970 and 1990.[21] Since the liberalization of immigration policy in 1965,[53] the number of first-generation immigrants living in the United States has quadrupled,[54] from 9.6 million in 1970, to about 38 million in 2007.[55]

    Great Society

    The Great Society program, with its name coined from one of Johnson's speeches,[21] became Johnson's agenda for Congress in January 1965: aid to education, attack on disease, Medicare, Medicaid, urban renewal, beautification, conservation, development of depressed regions, a wide-scale fight against poverty, control and prevention of crime, and removal of obstacles to the right to vote. Congress, at times augmenting or amending, enacted most of Johnson's recommendations.[56]

    After the Great Society legislation of the 1960s, for the first time a person who was not elderly or disabled could receive a living from the American government.[57]

    Federal funding for education

    Johnson had a lifelong commitment to the belief that education was the cure for both ignorance and poverty, and was an essential component of the American Dream, especially for minorities who endured poor facilities and tight-fisted budgets from local taxes.[58] He made education a top priority of the Great Society, with an emphasis on helping poor children. After the 1964 landslide brought in many new liberal Congressmen, he had the votes for the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965. For the first time, large amounts of federal money went to public schools. In practice ESEA meant helping all public school districts, with more money going to districts that had large proportions of students from poor families (which included all the big cities).[59] For the first time private schools (most of them Catholic schools in the inner cities) received services, such as library funding, comprising about 12 percent of the ESEA budget. As Dallek reports, researchers soon found that poverty had more to do with family background and neighborhood conditions than the quantity of education a child received. Early studies suggested initial improvements for poor kids helped by ESEA reading and math programs, but later assessments indicated that benefits faded quickly and left students little better off than those not in the programs. Johnson's second major education program was the Higher Education Act of 1965, which focused on funding for lower income students, including grants, work-study money, and government loans. He set up the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Arts, to support humanists and artists (as the WPA once did). Although ESEA solidified Johnson's support among K-12 teachers' unions, neither the Higher Education Act nor the Endowments mollified the college professors and students growing increasingly uneasy with the war in Vietnam.[60] In 1967, Johnson signed the Public Broadcasting Act to create educational television programs to supplement the broadcast networks.

    "War on poverty"

    In 1964, upon Johnson's request, Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1964 and the Economic Opportunity Act, which was in association with the war on poverty. Johnson set in motion bills and acts,[61] creating programs such as Head Start, food stamps, Work Study, Medicare and Medicaid, which still exist today.

    Medicare and Medicaid

    Truman (seated right) and his wife Bess (behind him) attend the signing of the Medicare Bill on July 30, 1965, by President Johnson.

    The medicare program was established on July 30, 1965, to offer cheaper medical services to the elderly,[62] today covering tens of millions of Americans. Johnson gave the first two Medicare cards to former President Harry S. Truman and his wife Bess after signing the medicare bill at the Truman Library.

    Lower income groups receive government-sponsored medical coverage through the Medicaid program.[63]

    Gun control

    On October 22, 1968, Lyndon Johnson signed the Gun Control Act of 1968, one of the largest and most far reaching federal gun control laws in American history. Much of the motivation for this large expansion of federal gun regulations came as a response to the murders of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, and Martin Luther King.

    Space Race

    During Johnson's administration, NASA conducted the Gemini manned space program and the Apollo program, including Apollo 7; and the first human spaceflight to the Moon, Apollo 8, in December 1968. The president congratulated the Apollo 8 crew, saying, "You've taken ... all of us, all over the world, into a new era."[64][65] On July 16, 1969, Johnson attended the Apollo 11 launch—the first former or incumbent US president to witness a rocket launch.

    All US manned flights after Gemini 3 were controlled from the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston, renamed for Johnson in 1973.

    Urban riots

    Major riots in black neighborhoods caused a series of "long hot summers." They started with a violent disturbance in Harlem riots in 1964, and the Watts district of Los Angeles in 1965, and extended to 1971. The biggest wave came in April 1968, when riots occurred in over a hundred cities in the wake of the assassination of Martin Luther King. Newark burned in 1967, where six days of rioting left 26 dead, 1500 injured, and the inner city a burned out shell. In Detroit in 1967, Governor George Romney sent in 7400 national guard troops to quell fire bombings, looting, and attacks on businesses and on police. Johnson finally sent in federal troops with tanks and machine guns. Detroit continued to burn for three more days until finally 43 were dead, 2250 were injured, 4000 were arrested; property damage ranged into the hundreds of millions. Johnson called for even more billions to be spent in the cities and another federal civil rights law regarding housing, but his political capital had been spent, and his Great Society programs lost support. Johnson's popularity plummeted as a massive white political backlash took shape, reinforcing the sense Johnson had lost control of the streets of major cities as well as his party.[66]

    President Johnson with Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt at the White House in October 1966.

    Johnson created the Kerner Commission to study the problem of urban riots, headed by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner.[21]

    Backlash against Johnson: 1966–67

    Johnson's problems began to mount in 1966. The press had sensed a "Credibility gap" between what Johnson was saying in press conferences and what was happening on the ground in Vietnam, which led to much less favorable coverage of Johnson.[67]

    By year's end, the Democratic governor of Missouri warned that Johnson would lose the state by 100,000 votes, despite a half-million margin in 1964. "Frustration over Vietnam; too much federal spending and... taxation; no great public support for your Great Society programs; and ... public disenchantment with the civil rights programs" had eroded the President's standing, the governor reported. There were bright spots; in January 1967, Johnson boasted that wages were the highest in history, unemployment was at a 13-year low, and corporate profits and farm incomes were greater than ever; a 4.5 percent jump in consumer prices was worrisome, as was the rise in interest rates. Johnson asked for a temporary 6 percent surcharge in income taxes to cover the mounting deficit caused by increased spending. Johnson's approval ratings stayed below 50 percent; by January 1967, the number of his strong supporters had plunged to 16 percent, from 25 percent four months before. He ran about even with Republican George Romney in trial matchups that spring. Asked to explain why he was unpopular, Johnson responded, "I am a dominating personality, and when I get things done I don't always please all the people." Johnson also blamed the press, saying they showed "complete irresponsibility and lie and misstate facts and have no one to be answerable to." He also blamed "the preachers, liberals and professors" who had turned against him.[68] In the congressional elections of 1966, the Republicans gained three seats in the Senate and 47 in the House, reinvigorating the Conservative coalition and making it impossible for Johnson to pass any additional Great Society legislation.

    Johnson became the first serving President to visit Australia. It proved to be a visit that provoked many demonstrations against his visit, in the context of wider anti-war protests.

    Vietnam War

    Johnson increasingly focused on the American military effort in Vietnam. He firmly believed in the Domino Theory and that his containment policy required America to make a serious effort to stop all Communist expansion.[69] At Kennedy's death, there were 16,000 American military advisors in Vietnam.[70] As President, Lyndon Johnson immediately reversed his predecessor's order to withdraw 1,000 military personnel by the end of 1963 with his own NSAM #273 on November 26, 1963.[71][72][73] Johnson expanded the numbers and roles of the American military following the Gulf of Tonkin Incident (less than three weeks after the Republican Convention of 1964, which had nominated Barry Goldwater for President).

    Johnson visits Shriners Hospital in Portland, Oregon, in September 1964

    The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which gave the President the exclusive right to use military force without consulting the Senate, was based on a false pretext, as Johnson later admitted.[74] By the end of 1964, there were approximately 23,000 military personnel in South Vietnam. U.S. casualties for 1964 totaled 1,278.[70] Johnson began America's direct involvement in the ground war in Vietnam.[75] By 1968, over 550,000 American soldiers were inside Vietnam; in 1967 and 1968 they were being killed at the rate of over 1,000 a month.[76]

    Politically, Johnson closely watched the public opinion polls. His goal was not to adjust his policies to follow opinion, but rather to adjust opinion to support his policies. Until the Tet Offensive of 1968, he systematically downplayed the war: few speeches, no rallies or parades or advertising campaigns. He feared that publicity would charge up the hawks who wanted victory, and weaken both his containment policy and his higher priorities in domestic issues. Jacobs and Shapiro conclude, "Although Johnson held a core of support for his position, the president was unable to move Americans who held hawkish and dovish positions." Polls showed that beginning in 1965, the public was consistently 40-50 percent hawkish and 10-25 percent dovish. Johnson's aides told him, "Both hawks and doves [are frustrated with the war] ... and take it out on you.".[77]

    Additionally, domestic issues were driving his polls down steadily from spring 1966 onward. A few analysts have theorized that "Vietnam had no independent impact on President Johnson's popularity at all after other effects, including a general overall downward trend in popularity, had been taken into account."[78] The war grew less popular, and continued to split the Democratic Party. The Republican Party was not completely pro or anti-war, and Nixon managed to get support from both groups by running on a reduction in troop levels with an eye toward eventually ending the campaign.

    He often privately cursed the Vietnam War, and in a conversation with Robert McNamara, Johnson assailed "the bunch of commies" running The New York Times for their articles against the war effort.[79] Johnson believed that America could not afford to lose and risk appearing weak in the eyes of the world. In a discussion about the war with former President Dwight Eisenhower, Johnson said he was "trying to win it just as fast as I can in every way that I know how" and later stated that he needed "all the help I can get."[80] Johnson escalated the war effort continuously from 1964 to 1968, and the number of American deaths rose. In two weeks in May 1968 alone American deaths numbered 1,800 with total casualties at 18,000. Alluding to the Domino Theory, he said, "If we allow Vietnam to fall, tomorrow we'll be fighting in Hawaii, and next week in San Francisco."

    Walt Whitman Rostow showing President Lyndon B. Johnson a model of the Khe Sanh area in February 1968

    After the Tet offensive of January 1968, his presidency was dominated by the Vietnam War more than ever. Following evening news broadcaster Walter Cronkite's editorial report during the Tet Offensive that the war was unwinnable, Johnson is reported to have said, "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost Middle America."[81]

    As casualties mounted and success seemed further away than ever, Johnson's popularity plummeted. College students and others protested, burned draft cards, and chanted, "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?"[69] Johnson could scarcely travel anywhere without facing protests, and was not allowed by the Secret Service to attend the 1968 Democratic National Convention, where hundreds of thousands of hippies, yippies, Black Panthers and other opponents of Johnson's policies both in Vietnam and in the ghettos converged to protest. Thus by 1968, the public was polarized, with the "hawks" rejecting Johnson's refusal to continue the war indefinitely, and the "doves" rejecting his current war policies. Support for Johnson's middle position continued to shrink until he finally rejected containment and sought a peace settlement. By late summer, he realized that Nixon was closer to his position than Humphrey. He continued to support Humphrey publicly in the election, and personally despised Nixon. One of Johnson's well known quotes was "the Democratic party at its worst, is still better than the Republican party at its best".[82]

    Perhaps Johnson, himself, best summed up his involvement in the Vietnam War as President:

    I knew from the start that I was bound to be crucified either way I moved. If I left the woman I really loved—the Great Society —in order to get involved in that bitch of a war on the other side of the world, then I would lose everything at home. All my programs.... But if I left that war and let the Communists take over South Vietnam, then I would be seen as a coward and my nation would be seen as an appeaser and we would both find it impossible to accomplish anything for anybody anywhere on the entire globe.[83]


    Many political pundits and experts said that Johnson suffered "agonizing decisions" in foreign policy in the involvement in Vietnam and felt it caused divisions both in the U.S. and abroad.[84]

    Johnson was afraid that if he tried to defeat the North Vietnamese regime, rather than simply try to protect South Vietnam, he might provoke the Soviets into launching a fullscale military invasion of western Europe. It was not until the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s that it was finally confirmed that the Soviets had several thousand troops stationed in North Vietnam throughout the conflict.

    The Six Day War and Israel

    Johnson (right) next to Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin (left) during the Glassboro Summit Conference

    In a 1993 interview for the Johnson Presidential Library oral history archives, Johnson's Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara stated that a carrier battle group, the U.S. 6th Fleet, sent on a training exercise toward Gibraltar was re-positioned back towards the eastern Mediterranean to be able to defend Israel during the Six Day War of June 1967. Given the rapid Israeli advances following their preemptive strike on Egypt, the administration "thought the situation was so tense in Israel that perhaps the Syrians, fearing Israel would attack them, or the Soviets supporting the Syrians might wish to redress the balance of power and might attack Israel". The Soviets learned of this course correction and regarded it as an offensive move. In a hotline message from Moscow, Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin said, "If you want war you're going to get war."[85]

    The Soviet Union supported its Arab allies.[86] In May 1967, the Soviets started a surge deployment of their naval forces into the East Mediterranean. Early in the crisis they began to shadow the US and British carriers with destroyers and intelligence collecting vessels. The Soviet naval squadron in the Mediterranean was sufficiently strong to act as a major restraint on the U.S. Navy.[87] In a 1983 interview with The Boston Globe, McNamara claimed that "We damn near had war". He said Kosygin was angry that "we had turned around a carrier in the Mediterranean".[88]

    Pardons

    During his presidency, Johnson issued 1187 pardons and commutations,[89] granting over 20 percent of such requests.[90]

    1968 presidential election

    Johnson was not disqualified from running for a second full term under the provisions of the 22nd Amendment; he had served less than 24 months of President Kennedy's term. However, entering the 1968 election campaign, initially, no prominent Democratic candidate was prepared to run against a sitting president of the Democratic party. Only Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota challenged Johnson as an anti-war candidate in the New Hampshire primary, hoping to pressure the Democrats to oppose the war. On March 12, McCarthy won 42 percent of the primary vote to Johnson's 49 percent, an amazingly strong showing for such a challenger. Four days later, Sen. Robert F. Kennedy of New York entered the race. Internal polling by Johnson's campaign in Wisconsin, the next state to hold a primary election, showed the President trailing badly. Johnson did not leave the White House to campaign.

    President Johnson meets with Republican candidate Richard Nixon in the White House, July 1968

    By this time Johnson had lost control of the Democratic Party, which was splitting into four factions, each of which despised the other three. The first consisted of Johnson (and Humphrey), labor unions, and local party bosses (led by Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley). The second group consisted of students and intellectuals who were vociferously against the war and rallied behind McCarthy. The third group were Catholics, Hispanics and African Americans, who rallied behind Robert Kennedy. The fourth group were traditionally segregationist white Southerners, who rallied behind George C. Wallace and the American Independent Party. Vietnam was one of many issues that splintered the party, and Johnson could see no way to win Vietnam[69] and no way to unite the party long enough for him to win re-election.[91]

    In addition, although it was not made public at the time, Johnson became more worried about his failing health and was concerned that he might not live through another four-year term. Therefore, at the end of a March 31 speech, he shocked the nation when he announced he would not run for re-election by concluding with the line: "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."[92] He did rally the party bosses and unions to give Humphrey the nomination at the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Johnson had grown to dislike Humphrey by this time, and the President realized his position was actually closer to the Republican candidate Richard Nixon. Personal correspondences between the President and some in the Republican Party suggested Johnson tacitly supported Nelson Rockefeller's campaign. He reportedly said that if Rockefeller became the Republican nominee, he would not campaign against him (and would not campaign for Humphrey).[93] In what was termed the October surprise, Johnson announced to the nation on October 31, 1968, that he had ordered a complete cessation of "all air, naval and artillery bombardment of North Vietnam", effective November 1, should the Hanoi Government be willing to negotiate and citing progress with the Paris peace talks. In the end, Democrats didn't fully unite behind Humphrey, enabling Republican candidate Richard Nixon to win the election.

    Had Johnson stayed in the race and won and served out the new term, he would have been president for nine years and two months, second only to Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Coincidentally, Johnson died just two days after what would have been the end of his second full term.

    Administration and Cabinet

    (All of the cabinet members when Johnson became President in 1963 had been serving under John F. Kennedy previously.)

    Official White House portrait of Lyndon B. Johnson
    The Johnson Cabinet
    OFFICE NAME TERM
    President Lyndon B. Johnson 1963–1969
    Vice President None 1963–1965
    Hubert Humphrey 1965–1969
    State Dean Rusk 1963–1969
    Treasury C. Douglas Dillon 1963–1965
    Henry H. Fowler 1965–1968
    Joseph W. Barr 1968–1969
    Defense Robert McNamara 1963–1968
    Clark M. Clifford 1968–1969
    Justice Robert F. Kennedy 1963–1964
    Nicholas deB. Katzenbach 1964–1966
    Ramsey Clark 1966–1969
    Postmaster General John A. Gronouski 1963–1965
    Larry O'Brien 1965–1968
    W. Marvin Watson 1968–1969
    Interior Stewart Lee Udall 1963–1969
    Agriculture Orville Lothrop Freeman 1963–1969
    Commerce Luther Hartwell Hodges 1963–1965
    John Thomas Connor 1965–1967
    Alexander Buel Trowbridge 1967–1968
    Cyrus Rowlett Smith 1968–1969
    Labor W. Willard Wirtz 1963–1969
    HEW Anthony Celebrezze 1963–1965
    John William Gardner 1965–1968
    Wilbur Joseph Cohen 1968–1969
    HUD Robert Clifton Weaver 1966–1968
    Robert Coldwell Wood 1969
    Transportation Alan Stephenson Boyd 1967–1969

    Judicial appointments

    Supreme Court

    Johnson appointed the following Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States:

    Other courts

    In addition to his Supreme Court appointments, Johnson appointed 40 judges to the United States Courts of Appeals, and 126 judges to the United States district courts. Johnson also had a small number of judicial appointment controversies, with one appellate and three district court nominees not being confirmed by the United States Senate before Johnson's presidency ended.

    Scandals and controversies

    During 1973 testimony before Congress, the CEO of America's largest cooperative of milk producers said that while Johnson was President, his cooperative had leased Johnson's private jet at a "plush" price, which Johnson wanted to continue once he was out of office.[21]

    Johnson continued the FBI's wiretapping of Martin Luther King, Jr. that had been previously authorized by the Kennedy administration under Attorney General Robert Kennedy.[94] As a result of listening to the FBI's tapes, remarks on King's personal lifestyle were made by several prominent officials, including Johnson, who once said that King was a "hypocritical preacher."[95] Johnson also authorized the tapping of phone conversations of others, including the Vietnamese friends of a Nixon associate.[96]

    In Latin America, Johnson directly and indirectly supported the overthrow of left-wing, democratically elected president Juan Bosch of the Dominican Republic and João Goulart of Brazil, maintaining US support for anti-communist, authoritarian Latin American regimes. American foreign policy towards Latin America remained largely static until election of Jimmy Carter to the presidency in 1977.

    Personality and public image

    Johnson was often seen as a wildly ambitious, tireless, and imposing figure who was ruthlessly effective at getting legislation passed. He worked 18-20 hour days without break and was apparently absent of any leisure activities. "There was no more powerful majority leader in American history," his biographer Robert Dallek writes. Dallek writes that Johnson had biographies on all the Senators, knew what their ambitions, hopes, and tastes were and used it to his advantage in securing votes. Another Johnson biography writes, "He could get up every day and learn what their fears, their desires, their wishes, their wants were and he could then manipulate, dominate, persuade and cajole them." At six foot three-and-a-half inches tall, Johnson had his own particular brand of persuasion, known as "The Johnson Treatment".[97] A contemporary writes, "It was an incredible blend of badgering, cajolery, reminders of past favours, promises of future favours, predictions of gloom if something doesn't happen. When that man started to work on you, all of a sudden, you just felt that you were standing under a waterfall and the stuff was pouring on you."[97]

    Johnson also took on the image of the Texas cattle rancher, after buying a ranch in Texas and having himself photographed in cowboy attire.[97]

    Post-presidency

    Johnson during an interview in August 1972, sporting longer hair

    After leaving the presidency in January 1969, Johnson went home to his ranch in Stonewall, Texas. In 1971, he published his memoirs, The Vantage Point. That year, the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum opened near the campus of The University of Texas at Austin. He donated his Texas ranch in his will to the public to form the Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park, with the provision that the ranch "remain a working ranch and not become a sterile relic of the past".[98]

    Johnson gave Nixon "high grades" in foreign policy, but worried that his successor was being pressured into removing U.S. forces too quickly, before the South Vietnamese were really able to defend themselves. "If the South falls to the Communists, we can have a serious backlash here at home," he warned.[99]

    During the 1972 presidential election, Johnson endorsed Democratic presidential nominee George S. McGovern, a Senator from South Dakota, although McGovern had long opposed Johnson's foreign and defense policies. The McGovern nomination disgusted him. Nixon could be defeated "if only the Democrats don't go too far left," he had insisted. Johnson had felt Edmund Muskie would be more likely to defaet Nixon; however, he declined an invitation to try to stop McGovern receiving the nomination as he felt his unpopularity within the Democratic party was such that anything he said was more likely to help McGovern. Johnson's protege John Connally had served as President Nixon's Secretary of the Treasury and then stepped down to head "Democrats for Nixon", a group funded by Republicans. It was the first time that Connally and Johnson were on opposite sides of a general election campaign.[100]

    In March 1970, Johnson was hospitalized at Brooke Army Medical Center in San Antonio, after suffering an attack of angina. Johnson was urged to lose considerable weight. He had grown dangerously heavier since leaving the White House, gaining more than 25 lbs and weighing around 235 lbs. The following summer, again gripped by chest pains, he embarked on a crash water diet, shedding about 15 lbs in less than a month. In April 1972, Johnson experienced a massive heart attack while visiting his daughter, Lynda, in Charlottesville, Virginia. "I'm hurting real bad," he confided to friends. The chest pains hit him nearly every afternoon — a series of sharp, jolting pains that left him scared and breathless. A portable oxygen tank stood next to his bed, and Johnson periodically interrupted what he was doing to lie down and don the mask to gulp air. He continued to smoke heavily, and, although placed on a low-calorie, low-cholesterol diet, kept to it only in fits and starts. Meanwhile, he began experiencing severe stomach pains. Doctors diagnosed this problem as diverticulosis, pouches forming on the intestine. Also symptomatic of the aging process, the condition rapidly worsened and surgery was recommended. Johnson flew to Houston to consult with heart specialist Dr. Michael De Bakey, who decided that Johnson's heart condition presented too great a risk for any sort of surgery, including coronary bypass of two almost totally destroyed heart arteries.[101]

    Death and funeral

    On Inauguration Day (January 20, 1969), Johnson saw Nixon sworn in, then got on the plane to fly back to Texas. When the front door of the plane closed, Johnson pulled out a cigarette—his first cigarette he had smoked since his heart attack in 1955. One of his daughters pulled it out of his mouth and said, "Daddy, what are you doing? You're going to kill yourself." He took it back and said, "I've now raised you girls. I've now been President. Now it's my time!" From that point on, he went into a very self-destructive spiral.

    —Historian Michael Beschloss[102]

    Lyndon Baines Johnson died at his ranch at 3:39 p.m CST (4:39 pm EST) on January 22, 1973 at age 64 after suffering a massive heart attack. His death came the day before a ceasefire was signed in Vietnam and almost a month after former president Harry S. Truman died. (Truman's funeral on December 28, 1972 had been one of Johnson's last public appearances). His health had been affected by years of heavy smoking, poor diet, and extreme stress; the former president had advanced coronary artery disease. He had his first, nearly fatal, heart attack in July 1955 and suffered a second one in April 1972, but had been unable to quit smoking after he left the Oval Office in 1969. He was found dead by Secret Service agents, in his bed, with a telephone receiver in his hand. The agents were responding to a desperate call Johnson had made to the Secret Service compound on his ranch. (The Age, January 23, 1973, pg 1)

    Shortly after Johnson's death, his press secretary Tom Johnson telephoned Walter Cronkite at CBS; Cronkite was live on the air with the CBS Evening News at the time, and a report on Vietnam was cut abruptly while Cronkite was still on the line with Johnson so he could break the news.[103]

    A memorial wreath at President Johnson's grave in Texas

    Johnson was honored with a state funeral in which Texas Congressman J. J. Pickle and former Secretary of State Dean Rusk eulogized him at the Capitol.[2] The final services took place on January 25. The funeral was held at the National City Christian Church in Washington, D.C., where he had often worshiped as president. The service was presided over by President Richard Nixon and attended by foreign dignitaries such as former Japanese prime minister Eisaku Satō, who served as Japanese prime minister during Johnson's presidency. Eulogies were given by the Rev. Dr. George Davis, the church's pastor, and W. Marvin Watson, former postmaster general.[104] Nixon did not speak, though he attended, as is customary for presidents during state funerals, but the eulogists turned to him and lauded him for his tributes, as Rusk did the day before.[105]

    Johnson lying in state in the United States Capitol rotunda.

    Johnson was buried in his family cemetery (which can be viewed today by visitors to the Lyndon B. Johnson National Park in Stonewall, Texas), a few yards from the house in which he was born. Eulogies were given by John Connally and the Rev. Billy Graham, the minister who officiated the burial rites. The state funeral, the last until Ronald Reagan's in 2004, was part of an unexpectedly busy week in Washington, as the Military District of Washington (MDW) dealt with their second major task in less than a week, beginning with Nixon's second inauguration.[106] The inauguration had an impact on the state funeral in various ways, because Johnson died only two days after the inauguration.[2][106] The MDW and the Armed Forces Inaugural Committee canceled the remainder of the ceremonies surrounding the inauguration to allow for a full state funeral,[106] and many of the military men who participated in the inauguration took part in the funeral.[106] It also meant Johnson's casket traveled the entire length of Capitol, entering through the Senate wing when taken into the rotunda to lie in state and exited through the House wing steps due to construction on the East Front steps.[2]

    Legacy

    The coat of arms granted to President Johnson in 1968 by the American College of Heraldry and Arms. Description: Azure on a Saltire Gules fimbriated between four Eagles displayed a Mullet Or.

    The Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston, Texas, was renamed the Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center, and Texas created a legal state holiday to be observed on August 27 to mark Johnson's birthday. It is known as Lyndon Baines Johnson Day. The Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove on the Potomac was dedicated on September 27, 1974.

    The Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs was named in his honor, as is the Lyndon B. Johnson National Grassland.

    Interstate 635 in Dallas is named the Lyndon B. Johnson Freeway.

    Johnson was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously in 1980.

    On March 23, 2007, President George W. Bush signed legislation naming the United States Department of Education headquarters after President Johnson.[107]

    Runway 17R/35L at Austin-Bergstrom International Airport is known as the Lyndon B. Johnson Runway.

    2008 was the celebration of the Johnson Centennial featuring special programs, events, and parties across Texas and in Washington, D.C. Johnson would have been 100 years old on August 27, 2008.

    The student center at Texas State University is named after the former president.

    He is the only president serving during Queen Elizabeth II's reign to have never met her.

    Major legislation signed

    In popular culture

    Music

    • Referenced in the anti-war song "Super-bird" by Country Joe & the Fish, and "Lyndon Johnson Told the Nation" by Tom Paxton.
    • A snippet of a Johnson speech is used for the opening of "Killing Floor" by the Electric Flag.
    • English band Enjoy Destroy named a song LBJ with the chorus containing the slogan, Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?
    • Steven Stucky's work August 4, 1964 to be premiered in Dallas in celebration of the 100th anniversary of President Lyndon B. Johnson's birth. The piece focuses on two events that came to a head on August 4, 1964, events that defined Johnson's presidency and defined that time for many Americans — the discovery of the bodies of three slain civil rights workers and the Gulf of Tonkin Incident(s).
    • The musical Hair includes the song "Initials (L.B.J.)", that is sung by the Tribe.
    • The band Garfunkel and Oates in their song "Blandjob" that quotes "I might never know how to HJ your LB Johnson".

    Television

    • In the popular television series Seinfeld, Lyndon B. Johnson was considered by George Costanza to be the ugliest world leader of all time. In the third season episode, "The Boyfriend", Kramer believes Michael and Carol's baby girl looks like Lyndon B. Johnson. In addition, after George Costanza's boss, Mr. Wilhelm, gave him orders for a special project while sitting on the toilet, Jerry stated that he had "pulled an LBJ" because, according to Jerry, Johnson was known for making his aides follow him into the bathroom so he could continue giving orders while relieving himself.
    • In the animated television series King of the Hill, Hank's boss and businessman Buck Strickland is based on Lyndon Johnson, both in appearance and personality. Hank's dog is also named Lady Bird after Johnson's wife.
    • In the sketch comedy show The Whitest Kids U'Know Johnson is portrayed by Sam Brown, and is shown encouraging the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
    • In an episode of Wizards of Waverly Place, Alex is talking to her aunt about 'sticking it to the man', and being involved in the peace movement, to which her aunt replies: "No way LBJ!"
    • In an episode of The Venture Bros., Johnson and his wife "Lady Hawk" appear as super villains.
    • Johnson appeared as an animated caricature of himself in an episode of The Flintstones entitled, "Shinrock A Go-Go", that originally aired on December 3, 1965.

    Books

    • In the Odd Thomas series of novels by Dean Koontz, Johnson appears as one of the famous ghosts that haunt the titular character's home town of Pico Mundo, still wearing the hospital gown he had on when he died. When Johnson realizes Odd can see him, he responds by mooning him.
    • In the short story collection Girl With Curious Hair by David Foster Wallace, the piece entitled "Lyndon" describes a large extent of Johnson's political career through his interactions with the narrator, an administrative assistant who rises to become a senior staff member and close friend of Johnson's.

    Theater

    Movies

    Electoral history

    See also

    References

    1. ^ The other three people who served in all four elected offices were John Tyler, Andrew Johnson and Richard Nixon.
    2. ^ a b c d Foley, Thomas (January 25, 1973). "Thousands in Washington Brave Cold to Say Goodbye to Johnson". Los Angeles Times: p. A1. 
    3. ^ Dallek, Robert. "Presidency: How Do Historians Evaluate the Administration of Lyndon Johnson?". Hnn.us. http://hnn.us/articles/439.html. Retrieved June 17, 2010. 
    4. ^ "Survey of Presidential Leadership — Lyndon Johnson". C-SPAN. http://legacy.c-span.org/PresidentialSurvey/president/Lyndon_Johnson.aspx. Retrieved June 17, 2010. 
    5. ^ Patty Greenbaum, Lisa Lewis, Anne Drake, Zazel Loven, ed. (1990). Yearbook. New York, NY: Dolphin. p. 89. ISBN 9780385416252. 
    6. ^ Caro, Robert A. Volume I
    7. ^ "Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum — Religion and President Johnson". http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/FAQs/Religion/religion_hm.asp. 
    8. ^ Banta, Joseph (January 1964). "President Lyndon B. Johnson". The Christadelphian 101: 26. 
    9. ^ "The Student Editorials of Lyndon Baines Johnson" (1968), LBJ Common Experience, Paper 1, http://ecommons.txstate.edu/lbjcomex/1
    10. ^ "President Lyndon B. Johnson's Biography." Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum.
    11. ^ "Remarks at Southwest Texas State College Upon Signing the Higher Education Act of 1965". Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum. http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/lbjforkids/edu_whca370-text.shtm. Retrieved April 11, 2006. 
    12. ^ Steele, John (June 25, 1956). "A Kingmaker or a Dark Horse". Life (Time): 111–124. http://books.google.com/books?id=70gEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA121. Retrieved July 20, 2010. 
    13. ^ Woods, Randall (2006), p. 131.
    14. ^ Caro, Robert A. (1982). The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The path to power. New York: Knopf. p. 275. ISBN 0-394-49973-5. 
    15. ^ a b "JOHNSON, Lyndon Baines — Biographical Information". Bioguide.congress.gov. http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=J000160. Retrieved October 6, 2008. 
    16. ^ Caro, Robert A. (1982)
    17. ^ Hove, Duane T. (2003). American Warriors: Five Presidents in the Pacific Theater of World War II. Burd Street Press. ISBN 978-1572493070. [1]
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    19. ^ Dallek, Robert. Lone Star Rising, p. 237
    20. ^ Woods, Randall (2006), p. 217; Caro, Robert A. (1989)
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    54. ^ "Immigrants in the United States and the Current Economic Crisis", Demetrios G. Papademetriou and Aaron Terrazas, Migration Policy Institute, April 2009.
    55. ^ "Immigration Worldwide: Policies, Practices, and Trends". Uma A. Segal, Doreen Elliott, Nazneen S. Mayadas (2010). Oxford University Press US. p.32. ISBN 0-19-538813-5
    56. ^ Irving Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (1994) ch 6-11.
    57. ^ Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 72. ISBN 0465041957. http://books.google.com/books?id=8EUtP_lvCqIC&pg=PA72. 
    58. ^ Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (1994) pp 183-213.
    59. ^ Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (1994) p 195
    60. ^ Woods, Randall (2006), pp. 563–68; Dallek, Robert (1988), pp. 196–202
    61. ^ Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, summary by G. David Garson. Retrieved January 19, 2010.
    62. ^ Medicare Celebrates 35 Years of Keeping Americans Healthy. Retrieved January 19, 2010.
    63. ^ Patricia P. Martin and David A. Weaver. "Social Security: A Program and Policy History," Social Security Bulletin, volume 66, no. 1 (2005), see also online version.
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    67. ^ Rouse, Robert (March 15, 2006). "Happy Anniversary to the first scheduled presidential press conference - 93 years young!". American Chronicle. http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/6883. 
    68. ^ Dallek, Robert. Flawed Giant, pp. 391–396; quotes on pp. 391 and 396
    69. ^ a b c "The Sixties". Junior Scholastic. February 11, 1994. p. 4. 
    70. ^ a b "Vietnam War". Swarthmore College Peace Collection. http://www.swarthmore.edu/library/peace/conscientiousobjection/OverviewVietnamWar.htm. 
    71. ^ Reeves, Richard (1993), President Kennedy: Profile of Power, p. 613.
    72. ^ NSAM 263, Oct. 11, 1963
    73. ^ NSAM 273, November 26, 1963
    74. ^ Fletcher, Martin (November 7, 2001). "LBJ tape 'confirms Vietnam war error". The Times. 
    75. ^ Karnow, S. (1991), Vietnam, A History, pp. 339, 343.
    76. ^ "siwmfilm.net". siwmfilm.net. http://siwmfilm.net/Vietnam_War/Military_Casualty_Information.html. Retrieved 2011-12-21. 
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    Further reading

    • Andrew, John A. Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society (1999) 224 pp.
    • Bernstein, Irving. Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson 1994.
    • Bornet, Vaughn Davis. The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson. 1983
    • Brands, H. W. The Wages of Globalism: Lyndon Johnson and the Limits of American Power (1997)
    • Dallek, Robert. ' Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (2004). A 400-page abridged version of his 2 volume scholarly biography, online edition of short version.
    • Schulman, Bruce J. Lyndon B. Johnson and American Liberalism: A Brief Biography with Documents (1995)
    • Woods, Randall. LBJ: Architect of American Ambition (2006). A highly detailed scholarly biography (1000 pages).

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