ibn Sina was born in AH 370/AD 980 near Bukhara in Central Asia, where his father governed a village in one of the royal estates. At thirteen, Ibn Sina began a study of medicine that resulted in 'distinguished physicians . . . reading the science of medicine under [him]' (Sirat al-shaykh al-ra'is (The Life of Ibn Sina): 27). His medical expertise brought him to the attention of the Sultan of Bukhara, Nuh ibn Mansur, whom he treated successfully; as a result he was given permission to use the sultan's library and its rare manuscripts, allowing him to continue his research into modes of knowledge.
When the sultan died, the heir to the throne, 'Ali ibn Shams al-Dawla, asked Ibn Sina to continue al vizier, but the philosopher was negotiating to join the forces of another son of the late king, Ala al-Dawla, and so went into hiding. During this time he composed his major philosophical treatise, Kitab al-shifa' (Book of Healing), a comprehensive account of learning that ranges from logic and mathematics to metaphysics and the afterlife. While he was writing the section on logic Ibn Sina was arrested and imprisoned, but he escaped to Isfahan, disguised as a Sufi, and joined Ala al-Dawla. While in the service of the latter he completed al-Shifa' and produced the Kitab al-najat(Book of Salvation), an abridgment of al-Shifa'. He also produced at least two major works on logic: one, al-Mantiq,translated as The Propositional Logic of Ibn Sina, was a commentary on Aristotle's Prior Analytics and forms part of al-Shifa'; the other, al-Isharat wa-'I-tanbihat(Remarks and Admonitions), seems to be written in the 'indicative mode', where the reader must participate by working out the steps leading from the stated premises to proposed conclusions. He also produced a treatise on definitions and a summary of the theoretical sciences, together with a number of psychological, religious and other works; the latter include works on astronomy, medicine, philology and zoology, as well as poems and an allegorical work, Hayy ibn Yaqzan (The Living Son of the Vigilant). His biographer also mentions numerous short works on logic and metaphysics, and a book on 'Fair Judgment' that was lost when his prince's fortunes suffered a turn. Ibn Sina's philosophical and medical work and his political involvement continued until his death.
2 Reason and realityIbn Sina's autobiography parallels his allegorical work, Hayy ibn Yaqzan. Both clarify how it is possible for individuals by themselves to arrive at the ultimate truths about reality, being and God. The autobiography shows how Ibn Sina more or less taught himself, although with particular kinds of help at significant moments, and proceeded through various levels of sophistication until he arrived at ultimate truths.Such progress was possible because of Ibn Sina's conception of reality and reasoning. He maintains that God, the principle of all existence, is pure intellect, from whom other existing things such as minds, bodies and other objects all emanate, and therefore to whom they are all necessarily related. That necessity, once it is fully understood, is rational and allows existents to be inferred from each other and, ultimately, from God. In effect, the totality of intelligibles is structured syllogistically and human knowledge consists of the mind's reception and grasp of intelligible being. Since knowledge consists of grasping syllogistically structured intelligibles, it requires the use of reasoning to follow the relations between intelligibles. Among these intelligibles are first principles that include both concepts such as 'the existent', 'the thing' and 'the necessary', that make up the categories, and the truths of logic, including the first-figure syllogistics, all of which are basic, primitive and obvious. They cannot be explained further since all explanation and thought proceeds only on their basis. The rules of logic are also crucial to human development.
Ibn Sina's stand on the fundamental nature of categorical concepts and logical forms follows central features of Aristotle's thought in the Prior Analytics (see ARISTOTLE §§4-7). Borrowing from Aristotle, he also singles out a capacity for a mental act in which the knower spontaneously hits upon the middle term of a syllogism. Since rational arguments proceed syllogistically, the ability to hit upon the middle term is the ability to move an argument forward by seeing how given premises yield appropriate conclusions. It allows the person possessing this ability to develop arguments, to recognize the inferential relations between syllogisms. Moreover, since reality is structured syllogistically, the ability to hit upon the middle term and to develop arguments is crucial to moving knowledge of reality forward.
Ibn Sina holds that it is important to gain knowledge. Grasp of the intelligibles determines the fate of the rational soul in the hereafter, and therefore is crucial to human activity. When the human intellect grasps these intelligibles it comes into contact with the Active Intellect, a level of being that emanates ultimately from God, and receives a 'divine effluence'. People may be ordered according to their capacity for gaining knowledge, and thus by their possession and development of the capacity for hitting on the middle term. At the highest point is the prophet, who knows the intelligibles all at once, or nearly so. He has a pure rational soul and can know the intelligibles in their proper syllogistic order, including their middle terms. At the other end lies the impure person lacking in the capacity for developing arguments. Most people are in between these extremes, but they may improve their capacity for grasping the middle term by developing a balanced temperament and purity of soul (see LOGIC IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY §1).
In relation to the older debate about the respective scopes of grammar and logic, Ibn Sina argues that since logic deals with concepts that can be abstracted from sensible material, it also escapes the contingencies of the latter. Language and grammar govern sensible material and therefore have a different domain; indeed, languages are various and their rules of operation, their grasp of sensible material, are likewise articulated variously (see LANGUAGE, PHILOSOPHY OF). Nevertheless, languages make available the abstracted concepts whose operation is governed by logic; yet if language deals with contingencies, it is not clear how it can grasp or make available the objects of logic. At times, as for example in al-Isharat, Ibn Sina suggests that languages generally share a structure.
3 Theory of knowledge
In his theory of knowledge, Ibn Sina identifies the mental faculties of the soul in terms of their epistemological function. As the discussion of logic in §2 has already suggested, knowledge begins with abstraction. Sense perception, being already mental, is the form of the object perceived (see SENSE AND REFERENCE §I). Sense perception responds to the particular with its given form and material accidents. As a mental event, being a perception of an object rather than the object itself, perception occurs in the particular. To analyse this response, classifying its formal features in abstraction from material accidents, we must both retain the images given by sensation and also manipulate them by disconnecting parts and aligning them according to their formal and other properties. However, retention and manipulation are distinct epistemological functions, and cannot depend on the same psychological faculty; therefore Ibn Sina distinguishes faculties of relation and manipulation as appropriate to those diverse epistemological functions (see EPISTEMOLOGY IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY §4).
Ibn Sina identifies the retentive faculty as 'representation' and charges the imagination with the task of reproducing and manipulating images. To conceptualize our experience and to order it according to its qualities, we must have and be able to reinvoke images of what we experienced but is now absent. For this we need sensation and representation at least; in addition, to order and classify the content of representation, we must be able to discriminate, separate out and recombine parts of images, and therefore must possess imagination and reason. To think about a black flag we must be able to analyse its colour, separating this quality from others, or its part in the image from other images, and classify it with other black things, thereby showing that the concept of black applies to all such objects and their images. Imagination carries out this manipulation, allowing us to produce images of objects we have not seen in fact out of the images of things we have experienced, and thereby also generating images for intelligibles and prophecies.
Beyond sense perception, retention and imagination, Ibn Sina locates estimation (wahm). This is a faculty for perceiving non-sensible 'intentions that exist in the individual sensible objects'. A sheep flees a wolf because it estimates that the animal may do it harm; this estimation is more than representation and imagination, since it includes an intention that is additional to the perceived and abstracted form and concept of the animal. Finally, there may be a faculty that retains the content of wahm, the meanings of images. Ibn Sina also relies on a faculty of common sense, involving awareness of the work and products of all the other faculties, which interrelates these features.
Of these faculties, imagination has a principal role in intellection. Its comparison and construction of images with given meanings gives it access to universals in that it is able to think of the universal by manipulating images (see UNIVERSALS). However, Ibn Sina explains this process of grasping the universal, this emergence of the universal in the human mind, as the result of an action on the mind by the Active Intellect. This intellect is the last of ten cosmic intellects that stand below God. In other words, the manipulation of images does not by itself procure a grasp of universals so much as train the mind to think the universals when they are given to the mind by the Active Intellect. Once achieved, the processes undergone in training inform the mind so that the latter can attend directly to the Active Intellect when required. Such direct access is crucial since the soul lacks any faculty for retaining universals and therefore repeatedly needs fresh access to the Active Intellect.
As the highest point above the Active Intellect, God, the pure intellect, is also the highest object of human knowledge. All sense experience, logic and the faculties of the human soul are therefore directed at grasping the fundamental structure of reality as it emanates from that source and, through various levels of being down to the Active Intellect, becomes available to human thought through reason or, in the case of prophets, intuition. By this conception, then, there is a close relation between logic, thought, experience, the grasp of the ultimate structure of reality and an understanding of God. As the highest and purest intellect, God is the source of all the existent things in the world. The latter emanate from that pure high intellect, and they are ordered according to a necessity that we can grasp by the use of rational conceptual thought (see NEOPLATONISM IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY). These interconnections become clearer in Ibn Sina's metaphysics.
4 Metaphysics
Metaphysics examines existence as such, 'absolute existence' (al-wujud al-matlaq) or existence so far as it exists. Ibn Sina relies on the one hand on the distinction in Aristotle's Prior Analytics between the principles basic to a scientific or mathematical grasp of the world, including the four causes, and on the other hand the subject of metaphysics, the prime or ultimate cause of all things - God. In relation to the first issue, Ibn Sina recognizes that observation of regularities in nature fails to establish their necessity. At best it evinces the existence of a relation of concomitance between events. To establish the necessity implicated in causality, we must recognize that merely accidental regularities would be unlikely to occur always, or even at all, and certainly not with the regularity that events can exhibit (see CAUSALITY AND NECESSITY IN ISLAMIC THOUGHT). Thus, we may expect that such regularities must be the necessary result of the essential properties of the objects in question.
In developing this distinction between the principles and subject of metaphysics, Ibn Sina makes another distinction between essence and existence, one that applies to everything except God. Essence and existence are distinct in that we cannot infer from the essence of something that it must exist (see EXISTENCE). Essence considers only the nature of things, and while this may be realized in particular real circumstances or as an item in the mind with its attendant conditions, nevertheless essence can be considered for itself apart from that mental and physical realization. Essences exist in supra-human intelligences and also in the human mind. Further, if essence is distinct from existence in the way Ibn Sina is proposing, then both the existence and the nonexistence of the essence may occur, and each may call for explanation.
5 The existence of God
The above distinctions enter into the central subject matter of metaphysics, that is, God and the proof of his existence. Scholars propose that the most detailed and comprehensive of Ibn Sina's arguments for God's existence occurs in the 'Metaphysics' section of al-Shifa' (Gutas 1988; Mamura 1962; Morewedge 1972). We know from the Categories of Aristotle that existence is either necessary or possible. If an existence were only possible, then we could argue that it would presuppose a necessary existence, for as a merely possible existence, it need not have existed and would need some additional factor to bring about its existence rather than its non-existence. That is, the possible existence, in order to be existent, must have been necessitated by something else. Yet that something else cannot be another merely possible existence since the latter would itself stand in need of some other necessitation in order to bring it about. or would lead to an infinite regress without explaining why the merely possible existence does exist. From this point, Ibn Sina proposes that an essential cause and its effect will coexist and cannot be part of an infinite chain; the nexus of causes and effects must have a first cause, which exists necessarily for itself: God (see GOD, ARGUMENTS FOR THE EXISTENCE OF § I ).
From his proof of God's existence. Ibn Sina goes on to explain how the world and its order emanates from God. Whereas ARISTOTLE (§ 16) himself did not relate the Active Intellect that may be implied in On the Soul III with the first, ever-thinking cause of the universal found in Book XII of his Metaphysics, later commentators on his work (for example, ALEXANDER OF APHRODISIAS) identified the two, making the Active Intellect, the principle that brings about the passage of the human intellect from possibility to actuality, into the first cause of the universe. Together with this is the proof of God's existence that sees him not only as the prime mover but also as the first existent. God's self-knowledge consist in an eternal act that results in or brings about a first intelligence or awareness. This first intelligence conceives or cognizes the necessity of God's existence, the necessity of its own existence, and its own existence as possible. From these acts of conception, other existents arise: another intelligence, a celestial soul and a celestial body, respectively. The last constitutes the first sphere of the universe, and when the second intelligence engages in its own cognitive act, it constitutes the level of fixed stars as well as another level of intelligence that, in turn, produces another intelligence and another level of body. The last such intelligence that emanates from the successive acts of knowing is the Active Intellect, that produces our world. Such emanation cannot continue indefinitely; although being may proceed from intelligence, not every intelligence containing the same aspects will produce the same effects. Successive intelligences have diminished power. and the active intellect, standing tenth in the hierarchy, no longer possesses the power to emanate eternal beings.
None of these proposals by Ibn Sina give grounds for supposing that he was committed to mysticism (for an opposing view, see MYSTICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ISLAM § I). His so called 'Eastern philosophy', usually understood to contain his mystical doctrines, seems to be an entirely Western invention that over the last two hundred years has been read into Ibn Sina's work (see Gutas 1988). Nevertheless, Ibn Sina combines his Aristotelianism with a religious interest, seeking to explain prophecy as having its basis in a direct openness of the prophet's mind to the Active Intellect, through which the middle terms of syllogisms, the syllogisms themselves and their conclusions become available without the procedure of working out proofs. Sometimes the prophet gains insight through imagination, and expresses his insight in figurative terms. It is also possible for the imagination to gain contact with the souls of the higher spheres, allowing the prophet to envisage the future in some figurative form. There may also be other varieties of prophecy.
6 The soul
In all these dealings with prophecy, knowledge and metaphysics, Ibn Sina takes it that the entity involved is the human soul. In al-Shifa', he proposes that the soul must be an incorporeal substance because intellectual thoughts themselves are indivisible. Presumably he means that a coherent thought, involving concepts in some determinate order, cannot be had in parts by different intellects and still remain a single coherent thought. In order to be a coherent single unity, a coherent thought must be had by a single, unified intellect rather than, for example, one intellect having one part of the thought, another soul a separate part of the thought and yet a third intellect having a third distinct part of the same thought. In other words, a coherent thought is indivisible and can be present as such only to an intellect that is similarly unified or indivisible. However, corporeal matter is divisible; therefore the indivisible intellect that is necessary for coherent thought cannot be corporeal. It must therefore be incorporeal, since those are the only two available possibilities.
For Ibn Sina, that the soul is incorporeal implies also that it must be immortal: the decay and destruction of the body does not affect the soul. There are basically three relations to the corporeal body that might also threaten the soul but, Ibn Sina proposes, none of these relations holds true of the incorporeal soul, which therefore must be immortal. If the body were a cause of the soul's existence, or if body and soul depended on each other necessarily for their existence, or if the soul logically depended on the body, then the destruction or decay of the body would determine the existence of the soul. However, the body is not a cause of the soul in any of the four senses of cause; both are substances, corporeal and incorporeal, and therefore as substances they must be independent of each other; and the body changes and decays as a result of its independent causes and substances, not because of changes in the soul, and therefore it does not follow that any change in the body, including death, must determine the existence of the soul. Even if the emergence of the human soul implies a role for the body, the role of this corporeal matter is only accidental.
To this explanation that the destruction of the body does not entail or cause the destruction of the soul, Ibn Sina adds an argument that the destruction of the soul cannot be caused by anything. Composite existing objects are subject to destruction; by contrast, the soul as a simple incorporeal being is not subject to destruction. Moreover, since the soul is not a compound of matter and form, it may be generated but it does not suffer the destruction that afflicts all generated things that are composed of form and matter. Similarly, even if we could identify the soul as a compound, for it to have unity that compound must itself be integrated as a unity, and the principle of this unity of the soul must be simple; and, so far as the principle involves an ontological commitment to existence, being simple and incorporeal it must therefore be indestructible (see SOUL IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY).
7 Reward and punishment
From the indestructibility of the soul arise questions about the character of the soul, what the soul may expect in a world emanating from God, and what its position will be in the cosmic system. Since Ibn Sina maintains that souls retain their identity into immortality, we may also ask about their destiny and how this is determined. Finally, since Ibn Sina also wants to ascribe punishment and reward to such souls, he needs to explain how there may be both destiny and punishment.
The need for punishment depends on the possibility of evil, and Ibn Sina's examination maintains that moral and other evils afflict individuals rather than species. Evils are usually an accidental result of things that otherwise produce good. God produces more good than evil when he produces this sublunary world, and abandoning an overwhelmingly good practice because of a 'rare evil' would be a privation of good. For example, fire is useful and therefore good, even if it harms people on occasion (see EVIL, PROBLEM OF). God might have created a world in another existence that was entirely free of the evil present in this one, but that would preclude all the greater goods available in this world, despite the rare evil it also contains. Thus, God generates a world that contains good and evil and the agent, the soul. acts in this world; the rewards and punishments it gains in its existence beyond this world are the result of its choices in this world, and there can be both destiny and punishment because the world and its order are precisely what give souls a choice between good and evil.
8 Poetry, character and society
Identifying poetic language as imaginative, Ibn Sina relies on the ability of the faculty of imagination to construct images to argue that poetic language can bear a distinction between premises, argument and conclusion, and allows for a conception of poetic syllogism. Aristotle's definition of a syllogism was that if certain statements are accepted, then certain other statements must also necessarily be accepted (see ARISTOTLE §5). To explain this syllogistic structure of poetic language, Ibn Sina first identifies poetic premises as resemblances formed by poets that produce 'an astonishing effect of distress or pleasure' (see POETRY).
The resemblances essayed by poets and the comparisons they put forward in poems, when these are striking, original and so on, produce an 'astonishing effect' or 'feeling of wonder' in the listener or reader. 'The evening of life' compares the spans of a day and a life, bringing the connotations of the day to explain some characteristics of a lifespan. To find this use of poetic language meaningful, the suggestion is that we need to see the comparison as the conclusion of a syllogism. A premise of this syllogism would be that days have a span that resembles or is comparable to the progression of a life. This resemblance is striking, novel and insightful, and understanding its juxtaposition of days and lives leads subjects to feel wonder or astonishment. Next, pleasure occurs in this considÂeration of the poetic syllogism as the basis of our imaginative assent, paralleling assent in, for example, the demonstrative syllogism: once we have accepted the premise, we are led to accept the associations and imaginative constructions that result; once we accept the comparison between days and lives, we can understand and appreciate the comparison between old age and evening. Ibn Sina also finds other parallels between poetic language and meaningful arguments, showing that pleasure in imaginative assent can be expected of other subjects; assent is therefore more than an expression of personal preferences. This validity of poetic language makes it possible for Ibn Sina to argue that beauty in poetic language has a moral value that sustains and depends on relations of justice between autonomous members of a community. In his commentary on Aristotle's Poetics, however, he combines this with a claim that different kinds of poetic language will suit different kinds of characters. Comedy suits people who are base and uncouth. while tragedy attracts an audience of noble characters (see AESTHETICS IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY).
9 Links to the West
Latin versions of some of Ibn Sina's works began to appear in the early thirteenth century. The best known philosophical work to be translated was his Kitab al-shifa', although the translation did not include the sections on mathematics or large sections of the logic. Translations made at Toledo include the Kitab al-najat and the Kitab al-ilahiyat(Metaphysics) in its entirety. Other sections on natural science were translated at Burgos and for the King of Sicily. GERARD OF CREMONA translated Ibn Sina's al-Qanun f'1-tibb (Canon on Medicine). At Barcelona, another philosophical work, part of the Kitab al-nafs (Book of the Soul), was translated early in the fourteenth century. His late work on logic, al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat, seems to have been translated in part and is cited in other works. His commentaries on On theSoul were known to Thomas AQUINAS and ALBERT THE GREAT, who cite them extensively in their own discussions.
These and other translations of Ibn Sina's works made up the core of a body of literature that was available for study. By the early thirteenth century, his works were studied not only in relation to Neoplatonists such as AUGUSTINE and DUNS SCOTUS, but were used also in study of ARISTOTLE. Consequently, they were banned in 1210 when the synod at Paris prohibited the reading of Aristotle and of 'summae' and 'commenta' of his work. The force of the ban was local and only covered the teaching of this subject: the texts were read and taught at Toulouse in 1229. As late as the sixteenth century there were other translations of short works by Ibn Sina into Latin, for example by Andrea Alpago of Belluno (see ARISTOTELIANISM, MEDIEVAL §3; ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY: TRANSMISSION INTO Western Europe; TRANSLATORS).
See also: AESTHETICS IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; ARISTOTELIANISM IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; EPISTEMOLOGY IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; LOGIC IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; SOUL IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY: TRANSMISSION INTO WESTERN EUROPE
List of works
Ibn Sina (980-1037) Sirat al-shaykh al-ra'is (The Life of Ibn Sina), ed. and trans. WE. Gohlman, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1974. (The only critical edition of Ibn Sina's autobiography, supplemented with material from a biography by his student Abu 'Ubayd al-Juzjani. A more recent translation of the Autobiography appears in D. Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna's Philosophical Works, Leiden: Brill, 1988.)
- (980-1037) al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat (Remarks and Admonitions), ed. S. Dunya, Cairo, 1960; parts translated by S.C. Inati, Remarks and Admonitions, Part One: Logic,Toronto, Ont.: Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1984, and Ibn Sina and Mysticism, Remarks and Admonitions: Part 4,London: Kegan Paul International, 1996. (The English translation is very useful for what it shows of the philosopher's conception of logic, the varieties of syllogism, premises and so on.)
- (980-1037) al-Qanun fi'l-tibb (Canon on MediÂcine), ed. I. a-Qashsh, Cairo, 1987. (Ibn Sina's work on medicine.)
(980-1037) Risalah fi sirr al-qadar (Essay on the Secret of Destiny), trans. G. Hourani in Reason and Tradition in Islamic Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. (Provides insights into a neglected area of Ibn Sina's thought.)
(980-1037) Danishnama-i 'ala'i (The Book of Scientific Knowledge), ed. and trans. P Morewedge, The Metaphysics of Avicenna, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973. (This is a translation of a metaphysical work in Persian.)
- (c 1014-20) al-Shifa' (Healing). (Ibn Sina's major work on philosophy. He probably began to compose al-Shifa' in 1014, and completed it in 1020. Critical editions of the Arabic text have been published in Cairo, 1952-83, originally under the supervision of I. Madkour; some of these editions are given below.)
- (c.1014-20) al-Mantiq (Logic), Part 1, alÂMadkhal (Isag6ge), ed. G. Anawati, M. El-Khodeiri and F. al-Ahwani, Cairo: al-Matba'ah al-Amiriyah, 1952; trans. N. Shehaby, The Propositional Logic of Ibn Sina, Dordrecht: Reidel, 1973. (Volume I, Part 1
of al-Shifa'.)
- (c 1014-20) al-'Ibarah (Interpretation), ed. M. El-Khodeiri, Cairo: Dar al-Katib al-Arabi, 1970. (Volume 1, Part 3 of al-Shifa'.)
- (c 1014-20) al-Qiyas (Syllogism), ed. S. Zayed and I. Madkour, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1964. (Volume I, Part 4 of al-Shifa'.)
- (c 1014-20) al-Burhan (Demonstration), ed. A.E. Affifi, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1956. (Volume I, Part 5 of al-Shifa'.)
(c 1014-20) al-Jadal (Dialectic), ed. A.F Al-Ehwany, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1965. (Volume I, Part 7 of
al-Shifa'.)
- (c 1014-20) al-Khatabah (Rhetoric), ed. S. Salim, Cairo: Imprimerie Nationale, 1954. (Volume I, Part 8 of al-Shifa'.)
- (c.1014-20) al-Ilahiyat (Theology), ed. M.Y. Moussa, S. Dunya and S. Zayed, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1960; ed. and trans. R.M. Savory and D. A. Agius, 'Ibn Sina on Primary Concepts in the Metaphysics of al-Shifa', in Logikos Islamikos, Toronto, Ont.: Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1984; trans. G.C. Anawati, La metaphysique du Shifa', Etudes Musulmanes 21, 27, Paris: Vrin, 1978, 1985. (This is the metaphysics of al-Shifa', Volume I, Book 5.)
- (c 1014-20) al-Nafs (The Soul), ed. G.C. Anawati and S. Zayed, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1975; ed. F. Rahman, Avicenna's De Anima, Being the Psychological Part of Kitab al-Shifa', London: Oxford University Press, 1959. (Volume 1, part 6 of al-Shifa'.)
- (c 1014-20) Kitab al-najat (The Book of Salvation), trans. F. Rahman, Avicenna's Psychology: An English Translation of Kitab al-Najat, Book II, Chapter VI with Historical-philosophical Notes and Textual Improvements on the Cairo Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952. (The pyschology of al-Shifa'.)
References and further reading
* Alexander of Aphrodisias (c 200) De anima (On the Soul), in Scripta minora 2.1, ed. I. Bruns, Berlin, 1887; ed. A.P. Fontinis, The De Anima of Alexander of Aphrodisias, Washington, DC: University Press ofAmerica, 1979. (Important later commentary on Aristotle.)
Davidson, H.A. (1992) Alfarabi, Avicenna and Averroes on Intellect: Their Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories of the Human Intellect, New York: Oxford University Press (A thorough consideration of Ibn Sina's theory of the intellects in relation to Hellenistic and Arabic philosophers.)
Fakhry, M. (1993) Ethical Theories in Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: Brill. (Contains material on Ibn Sina's ethical thought.)
Goodman, L. (1992) Avicenna, London: Routledge. (A useful introduction to central features of Ibn Sina's philosophical theories.)
* Gutas, D. (1988) Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, Introduction to Reading Avicenna's PhiloÂsophical Works,Leiden: Brill. (An excellent account of the considerations that entered into the conÂstruction of Ibn Sina's corpus, the book contains translations of a number of smaller texts, a careful consideration of method and sharp criticisms of, among other things, ascriptions of mysticism to Ibn Sina. This is probably the most useful guide to an engagement with the philosopher's work currently available in English.)
Inati, S. (1996) 'Ibn Sina', in S.H. Nasr and O, Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 16, 231-L6. (Comprehensive guide to his analytical thought.)
Janssens, J.L. (1991) An Annotated Bibliography on Ibn Sina (1970-1989), Including Arabic and Persian Publications and Turkish and Russian references, Leuven: University of Leuven Press. (An indispensible tool for study of Ibn Sina and recent work on the philosopher, though it will soon need to be updated.)
Kemal, S. (1991) The Poetics of Alfarabi and Avicenna,Leiden: Brill. (A philosophical study of Ibn Sina's philosophical poetics and its relation to epistemology and morality.)
* Mamura, M.E. (1962) 'Some Aspects of Avicenna's Theory of God's Knowledge of Particulars', Journal of the American Oriental Society 82: 299-312. (This paper, along with those of Morewedge (1972) and Rahman (1958), are seminal to contemporary understanding of Ibn Sina's thought.)
(1980) 'Avicenna's Proof from Contingency for God's Existence in the Metaphysics of al Shifa', Medieval Studies 42: 337-52. (A clear exposition of the proof.)
* Morewedge, P (1972) 'Philosophical Analysis and Ibn Sina's "Essence-Existence" distinction'. Journal of the American Oriental Society 92: 425-35. (A welcome explanation ofthe implications of a distinction central to Ibn Sina's proof of God's existence.)
Nasr, S. H. (1996) 'Ibn Sina's Oriental Philosophy', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy,London: Routledge, ch. 17, 247-51. (Concise and interesting defence of the idea that Ibn Sina really did have distinctive system of mystical philosophy.)
Rahman, F. (1958) 'Essence and Existence in Avicenna', Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4: 1-16. (A version also appears in Hamdard Islamicus 4 (1): 3-14. The paper considers the philosophical usefulness of the distinction of essence from existence.)
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قال الشيخ أبو عبيد: Ùهذا ما Øكاه لي الشيخ من Ù„Ùظه ØŒ ومن هنا ماشاهدته أنا من Ø£Øواله والله الموÙقّ .
كان بجرجان رجل يقال له أبو Ù…Øمد الشيرازي ÙŠØب هذه العلوم ØŒ وقد اشترى للشيخ داراً ÙÙŠ جواره ØŒ وأنزله Ùيها Ø› وكنت أنا أختل٠إليه كلّ يوم Ùأقرأ المجسطي وأستملي المنطق، Ùأملى علي المختصر الأوسط ÙÙŠ المنطق ØŒ وصنّ٠لأبي Ù…Øمد الشيرازي كتاب المبدأ والمعاد ØŒ وكتاب الأرصاد الكلية Ø› وصن٠هناك كتباً كثيرة كأول القانون ØŒ ومختصر " المجسطي " ØŒ وكثيراً من الرسائل . ثم صن٠ÙÙŠ أرض[1] الجبل باقي كتبه وهذا Ùهرست[2] جميع كتبه:
(1) كتاب المجموع مجلّدة (2) كتاب الØاصل والمØصولعشرون مجلّدة (3) كتاب البر والاثم مجلدتان (4) كتاب الشÙاء ثماني عشرة مجلّدة (5) كتاب القانون أربع عشرة مجلّدة (6) كتاب الارصاد الكلّيّة مجلّدة (7) كتاب الانصا٠عشرون مجلّدة (8) كتاب النجاة ثلاث مجلّدات (9) كتاب الهداية مجلّدة (10) كتاب الاشارات مجلّدة (11) كتاب المختصر الأوسط مجلّدة (12) كتاب العلائىّ مجلّدة (13) كتابالقولنج مجلّدة (14) كتاب لسان العرب عشر مجلّدات (15) كتاب الادوية القلبيّة مجلّدة (16) كتاب الموجز مجلّدة (17) بعض الØكمة المشرقيّة مجلّدة (18) كتاب بيان ذوات الجهة مجلّدة (19) كتاب المعاد مجلّدة (20) كتاب المبدأ والمعاد مجلّدة (21) كتاب المباØثاتمجلّدة. ومن رسائله : (22) رسالة القضاء والقدر (23) الآلة الرصديّة (24) غرض قاطيغوريس (25) المنطق بالشعر (26) القصائد ÙÙŠ العظمة والØكمة (27) رسالة ÙÙŠ الØروÙ(28) تعقّب المواضع الجدليّة (29) مختصر أقليدس (30) مختصر النبض بالعجمية (31) الØدود (32) الأجرام السماويّة (33) الاشارة الى علم المنطق (34) أقسام الØكمة (35) النهاية واللانهاية (36) عهد كتبه لنÙسه (37) Øيّ بن يقظان (38) ÙÙŠ أنّ أبعاد الجسم غير ذاتيّة له (39) الكلام ÙÙŠ الهندبا وله خطبة (40) ÙÙŠ أنه لا يجوز أن يكون شيء واØد جوهرا وعرضا (41) ÙÙŠ أن علم زيد غير علم عمرو (42) رسائل له إخوانيّة وسلطانيّة (43) رسائل ÙÙŠ مسائل جرت بينه وبين بعض الÙضلاء (44) كتاب الØواشى على القانون (45) كتاب عيون الØكمة (46) كتابالشبكة والطير .
ثم انتقل إلى الري ØŒ واتصل بخدمة السيّدة وابنها[3] مجد الدولة ØŒ وعرÙوه بسبب كتب وصلت معه تتضمن تعري٠قدره . وكان بمجد الدولة إذ ذاك علّة[4] السوداء Ø› وصن٠هناك كتاب المعاد. وأقام بها إلى أن قصدها شمس الدولة Ø› بعد قتل هلال بن بدر ابن Øسنويه ØŒ وهزيمة عسكر بغداد .
ثم اتÙقت[5] له أسباب أوجبت خروجه إلى قزوين ØŒ ومنها إلى همذان ØŒ واتصاله بخدمة كذبانويه ØŒ والنظر ÙÙŠ أسبابها.
ثم اتÙÙ‚ معرÙØ© شمس الدولة وإØضاره مجلسه ØŒ بسبب قولنج كان قد أصابه ØŒ وعالجه Øتى Ø´Ùاه الله Ø› ÙˆÙاز من تلك المجالس بخلع كثيرة Ø› ورجع إلى داره بعد ما أقام هناك أربعين يوماً بلياليها ØŒ وصار من ندماء الأمير.
ثم اتÙÙ‚ نهوض الأمير إلى قرمسين Ù„Øرب عنّاز ØŒ وخرج الشيخ ÙÙŠ خدمته ØŒ ثم توجه Ù†ØÙˆ همذان منهزماً راجعاً.
ثم سألوه تقلد الوزارة Ùتقلدها. ثم اتÙÙ‚ تشويش العسكر عليه ØŒ وإشÙاقهم منه على أنÙسهم ØŒ Ùكبسوا داره ØŒ وأخذوه إلى الØبس ØŒ وأغاروا على أسبابه ØŒ وأخذوا جميع ما كان يملكه وساموا الأمير قتله ØŒ Ùامتنع عن[6] قتله ØŒ وعدل إلى Ù†Ùيه عن الدولة[7] ØŒ طلباً لمرضاتهم . Ùتوارى الشيخ ÙÙŠ دار أبي سعد بن دخدول[8] أربعين يوماً Ø› Ùعاود القولنج الأمير شمس الدولة ØŒ وطلب الشيخ ØŒ ÙØضر مجلسه ØŒ واعتذر الأمير [إليه] بكلّ الاعتذار ØŒ Ùاشتغل بمعالجته ØŒ وأقام عنده مكرّما مبجلا ØŒ وأÙعيدت الوزارة إليه ثانياً.
ثم سألته أنا Ø´Ø±Ø ÙƒØªØ§Ø¨ أرسطو[طاليس] Ùذكر أنه لا Ùراغ له إلى ذلك ÙÙŠ ذلك الوقت ØŒ »ولكن إنْ رضيتَ مني بتصني٠كتلب أورد Ùيه ما ØµØ Ø¹Ù†Ø¯ÙŠ من هذه العلوم ØŒ بلا مناظرة مع المخالÙين ØŒ ولا الاشتغال بالرد عليهم ØŒ Ùعلت٠ذلك. « Ø› Ùرضيت به.
Ùابتدأ بالطبعيّات من كتاب سماه كتاب الشÙاء. وكان قد صنّ٠الكتاب الأوّل من القانون. Ùكان يجتمع كلّ ليلة ÙÙŠ داره طلبة العلم ØŒ وكنت أقرأ من الشÙاء نوبة ØŒ وكان يقرأ غيري من القانون نوبة ØŒ Ùإذا Ùرغنا Øضر المغنّون على اختلا٠طبقاتهم ØŒ وهيء[9] مجلس الشراب بآلاته ØŒ وكنا نشتغل به . وكان التدريس بالليل لعدم الÙراغ بالنهار ØŒ خدمةً للأمير . Ùقضينا على ذلك زمناً.
ثم توجه شمس الدولة إلى الطارم Ù„Øرب أميرها ØŒ وعاوده القولنج ÙÙŠ قرب ذلك الموضع ØŒ وأشتدّت علته[10] ØŒ وانضا٠اليه أمراض أخر جلبها سوء تدبيره ØŒ وقلة قبوله من الشيخ ØŒ Ùخا٠العسكر ÙˆÙاته ØŒ Ùرجعوا به طالبين همذان ÙÙŠ المهد ØŒ ÙتÙÙˆÙÙّي ÙÙŠ الطريق.
ثمّ بÙوْيÙع[11] ابن شمس الدولة ØŒ وطلبوا استيزار الشيخ ØŒ Ùأبى عليهم . وكاتب[12] علاء الدولة يطلب خدمته سرّاً ØŒ والمصير إليه ØŒ والانضمام إلى جانبه .
وأقام ÙÙŠ دار أبي غالب العطّار متواريا. وطلبت٠منه إتمام كتاب الشÙاء ÙاستØضر أبا غالب ØŒ وطلب منه الكاغد والمØبر ÙØ£Øضرهما . وكتب الشيخ ÙÙŠ قريب من[13] عشرين جزءا مقدار الثمن رءوس المسائل ØŒ وبقي Ùيه يومين Øتّى كتب رؤوس المسائل [كلها] ØŒ بلا كتاب ÙŠØضره ØŒ ولا أصل يرجع إليه ØŒ بل من ØÙظه Ùˆ [عن] ظهر قلبه . ثم ترك تلك الأجزاء بين يديه ØŒ وأخذ الكاغد ØŒ Ùكان ينظر ÙÙŠ كلّّ مسألة ØŒ ويكتب شرØها . Ùكان يكتب كلّ يوم خمسين ورقة . Øتى[14] [أتى] على جميع الطبيعيات والإلهيّات ØŒ ما خلا كتاب الØيوان. وابتدأ بالمنطق ØŒ وكتب منه جزءا.
ثمّ اتّهمه تاج الملك بمكاتبة علاء الدولة ØŒ وأنكر عليه ذلك ØŒ ÙˆØثّ ÙÙŠ طلبه ØŒ Ùدلّ عليه بعض أعدائه ØŒ Ùأخذوه ÙˆØملوه إلى قلعة يقال لها Ùَرْدَجَان . وأنشد هناك قصيدة Ùيها[15] :
دخولي باليقين كما تراه وكلّ الشكّ ÙÙŠ أمر الخروج
وبقي Ùيها أربعة أشهر.
ثمّ قصد علاء الدولة همذان ØŒ Ùأخذها . وانهزم تاج الملك ØŒ ومرّ إلى تلك القلعة بعينها. ثمّ رجع علاء الدولة عن همذان ØŒ وعاد تاج الملك بن شمس الدولة إلى همذان ØŒ واستصØب الشيخ معه ØŒ ونزل ÙÙŠ دار العلوي ØŒ واشتغل بتصني٠المنطق من كتاب الشÙاء . وكان قد صن٠بالقلعة كتاب الهداية ØŒ ورسالة ØÙŠ بن يقظان وكتاب القولنج . وأما الأدوية القلبية Ùإنما صنÙها أول وروده [إلى] همذان.
وكان تقضى على هذا زمان ØŒ وتاج المك ÙÙŠ أثناء هذا يمنّيه بمواعيد جميلة . ثمّ عزم الشيخ على التوجّه إلى إصÙهان ØŒ Ùخرج متنكراً ØŒ وأنا معه وأخوه ÙÙŠ زي الصوÙية ØŒ إلى أن وصلنا إلى طبران[16] عل باب إصÙهان ØŒ بعد أن قاسينا شدائد ÙÙŠ الطريق ØŒ Ùاستقبلنا أصداقاء الشيخ ØŒ وندماء الأمير علاء الدولة وخواصه ØŒ ÙˆØمل إليه الثياب والمراكب الخاصة ØŒ وأنزل ÙÙŠ Ù…Øلّة يقال لها كون[17] كنبذ ØŒ ÙÙŠ دار عبد الله بن بابي[18] ØŒ ÙˆÙيها من الآلات والÙرش ما ÙŠØتاج إليه ØŒ ÙصادÙ[19] من مجلسه الإكرام والإعزاز الذي يستØقه[20] مثله.
ثم رسم الأمير علاء الدولة ليالي الجمعات مجلس النظر بين يديه ØŒ ÙØضره سائر العلماء على اختلا٠طبقاتهم ØŒ Ùˆ الشيخ ÙÙŠ جملتهم ØŒ Ùما كان ÙŠÙطاق ÙÙŠ شيء من العلوم.
واشتغل بإصÙهان بتتميم كتاب الشÙاء ØŒ ÙÙرغ من المنطق والمجسطي. وكان قد اختصر أوقليدس والأرثماطيقي والموسيقي Ø› Ùأورد[21] ÙÙŠ كلّ كتاب من الرياضيات زيادات رأى أن الØاجة إليها داعية . أمّا ÙÙŠ المجسطي Ùأورد عشرة أشكال ÙÙŠ اختلا٠المنظر ØŒ وأورد ÙÙŠ آخر المجسطي من[22] علم الهيئة أشياء لم يسبق إليها . وأورد ÙÙŠ أوقليدس شبهاً[23] ØŒ ÙˆÙÙŠ الأرثماطيقي خواص Øسنة ØŒ ÙˆÙÙŠ الموسيقى مسائل غÙÙ„ عنها الأولون . وتمّ كتاب الشÙاء ما خلا كتابي النبات والØيوان ØŒ Ùإنه صنّÙهما ÙÙŠ السنة التي توجه Ùيها علاء الدولة إلى سابورخواست ÙÙŠ الطريق . وصن٠أيضاً ÙÙŠ الطريق كتاب النجاة.
واختص بعلاء الدولة وصار من ندمائه ØŒ إلى أن عزم علاء الدولة على قصد همذان . وخرج الشيخ ÙÙŠ الصØبة ØŒ Ùجرى ليلة بين يدي علاء الدولة ذكر الخلل الØاصل ÙÙŠ التقاويم المعمولة بØسب الأرصاد القديمة . Ùأمر الأمير الشيخ برصد هذه الكواكب ØŒ وأطلق من الأموال ما ÙŠØتاج إليه ØŒ وابتدأ الشيخ به . وولاني اتخاذ آلاتها ØŒ واستخدام صنّاعها ØŒ Øتى ظهر كثير من المسائل . وكان يقع الخلل ÙÙŠ أمر الأرصاد[24] لكثرة الأسÙار وعوائقها . وصنّ٠الشيخ بإصÙهان كتاب[25] العلائي.
وكان من عجائب الشيخ أني [صØبته Ùˆ] خدمته خمساً وعشرين سنة ØŒ Ùما رأيته إذا وقع له كتاب مجدّد ينظر Ùيه على الولاء ØŒ بل كان يقصد المواضع الصعبة منه ØŒ والمسائل المشكلة ØŒ Ùينظر ما قاله مصنÙÙ‡ Ùيها ØŒ Ùيتبين مرتبته ÙÙŠ العلم ØŒ ودرجته ÙÙŠ الÙهم .
وكان الشيخ جالساً يوماً بين يدي الأمير ØŒ وأبو منصور الجبان[26] Øاضر ØŒ Ùجرى ÙÙŠ اللغة مسألة تكلم الشيخ Ùيها بما Øضره ØŒ ÙالتÙت أبو منصور إلى الشيخ وقال له : »أنت Ùيلسو٠وØكيم ØŒ ولكن لم تقرأ من اللغة ما ÙŠÙرضَى[27] كلامك Ùيها« Ùاستنك٠الشيخ من [هذا] الكلام، وتوÙر على درس كتب اللغة ثلاث سنين . واستدعى[28] بكتاب تهذيب اللغة من خراسان ØŒ من تصني٠أبي منصور الأزهري . Ùبلغ الشيخ ÙÙŠ اللغة طبقة قلما يتÙÙ‚ مثلها . وأنشد[29] ثلاث قصائد ضمنها ألÙاظاً غريبة ÙÙŠ[30] اللغة ØŒ وكتب ثلاثة كتب : Ø£Øدها على طريقة ابن العميد ØŒ والآخر على طريقة الصابي ØŒ والآخر على طريقة الصاØب ØŒ وأمر بتجليدها وإخلاق جلدها Ø› ثم أوعز الأمير بعرض[31] تلك المجلّدة على أبي منصور الجبائي ØŒ وذكر : إنا[32] ظÙرنا بهذه المجلّدة ÙÙŠ الصØراء وقت الصيد ØŒ Ùيجب أن تتÙقدها وتقول لنا ما Ùيها . Ùنظر Ùيها أبو منصور ØŒ وأشكل[33] عليه كثير مما Ùيها . Ùقال له الشيخ : ما[34] تجهله من هذا الكتاب ØŒ Ùهو مذكور ÙÙŠ الموضع الÙلاني من كتب اللغة . وذكر له كتباً معروÙØ© ÙÙŠ اللغة كان الشيخ قد ØÙظ تلك الألÙاظ منها . وكان أبو منصور مجزÙاً Ùيما يورده من اللغة ØŒ غير ثقة Ùيها . ÙÙطن أنَّ تلك الرسائل من تصني٠الشيخ ØŒ وأن الذي Øمله عليه ما جبهه به ذلك اليوم ØŒ Ùتنصل واعتذر إليه . ثم صن٠الشيخ كتاباً ÙÙŠ اللغة سماه لسان العرب ،لم يصن٠ÙÙŠ اللغة مثله ØŒ ولم ينقله ÙÙŠ البياض . ثم[35] توÙÙŠ ØŒ Ùبقي الكتاب على[36] مسودته لا يهتدي Ø£Øد إلى ترتيبه.
وكان قد Øصل للشيخ تجارب كثيرة Ùيما باشر[37] من المعالجات ØŒ وعزم[38] على تدوينها ÙÙŠ كتاب القانون . [وكان قد علقها على أجزاء Ùضاعت قبل تمام كتاب القانون][39]ØŒ من ذلك أنه تصدع[40] يوماً Ùتصور أن مادة تريد النزول إلى Øجاب رأسه ØŒ وأنه لا يأمن ورماً ÙŠØصل[41] Ùيه ØŒ Ùأمر بإØضار ثلج كثير ØŒ ودقة ولÙÙ‡ ÙÙŠ خرقة ØŒ وغطى بها رأسه ØŒ ÙˆÙعل [42] ذلك Øتى قوي الموضع ØŒ وامتنع عن Øلول[43] تلك المادة ØŒ وعوÙÙŠ.
ومن ذلك أن امرأة مسلولة بخوارزم أمرها أن لا تتناول شيئاً من الأدوية سوى جلنجبين السكر[44] ØŒ Øتى تناولت على الأيام مقدار مائة منًّ ØŒ وشÙيت[45].
وكان[46] الشيخ قد صن٠بجرجان المختصر الأصغر ÙÙŠ المنطق ØŒ وهو الذي وضعه بعد ذلك ÙÙŠ أول النجاة ØŒ ووقعت نسخة إلى شيراز ØŒ ونظر[47] Ùيها جماعةٌ من أهل العلم هناك ØŒ Ùوقعت لهم الشبه ÙÙŠ مسائل منها ØŒ وكتبوها[48] على جزء . وكان القاضي بشيراز من جملة القوم ØŒ ÙأنÙØ° بالجزء إلى أبي القاسم الكرماني صاØب إبراهيم بن بابا الديلمي المشتغل بعلم الباطن[49] ØŒ ÙأضاÙ[50] إليه كتاباً إلى [الشيخ] أبي القاسم ØŒ وأنÙذهما مع[51] ركابي قاصيده[52] ØŒ وسأله عرض الجزء على الشيخ ØŒ وينجز جوابه Ùيه ØŒ ÙØضر الشيخ أبو القاسم ÙÙŠ صائ٠عند اصÙرار الشمس عند الشيخ[53] ØŒ وعرض عليه الكتاب والجزء ØŒ Ùقرأ الكتاب ورده عليه ØŒ وترك الجزء بين يديه ØŒ والناس يتØدثون وهو ينظر Ùيه ØŒ ثم خرج أبو القاسم Ø› وأمرني الشيخ بإØضار البياض ØŒ Ùعددت له[54] خمسة أجزاء ØŒ كل واØد[55] عشرة أوراق بالربع الÙرعوني . وصلينا العشاء ØŒ وقدم الشمع ØŒ وأمرنا[56] بإØضار الشراب ØŒ وأجلسني وأخاه ØŒ وأمرنا[57] بتناول الشراب ØŒ وابتدأ هو بجواب تلك المسائل ØŒ وكان يكتب ويشرب إلى نص٠الليل ØŒ Øتى غلبني وأخاه النوم ØŒ Ùأمرنا[58] بالانصراÙ. وعند[59] Ø§Ù„ØµØ¨Ø§Ø Øضر رسوله[60] يستØضرني بØضرته[61] ØŒ وهو على المصلى ØŒ وبين يديه الأجزاء الخمسة ØŒ وقال[62] خذها : وصر بها إلى الشيخ أبي القاسم الكرماني ØŒ وقل له : استعجلت٠ÙÙŠ الإجابة[63] عنها لئلا يتعوق الركابي . Ùلما Øملتها تعجب[64] كل العجب ØŒ وصر٠الÙيج ØŒ وأعلمهم بهذه[65] ØŒ وصار الØديث[66] تاريخاً بين الناس.
ووضع ÙÙŠ Øال الرصد آلات ما سبق إليها[67] ØŒ وصن٠Ùيها رسالة . وبقيت أنا ثمان[68] سنين مشغولاً بالرصد ØŒ وكان غرضي تبين ما ÙŠØكيه بطليموس ÙÙŠ[69] أرصاده[70].
وصن٠الشيخ كتاب الإنصا٠، واليوم الذي قدم Ùيه السلطان مسعود اصÙهان[71] ØŒ نهب عسكرÙÙ‡ رَØْلَ الشيخ ØŒ وكان الكتاب ÙÙŠ جملته ØŒ وما ÙˆÙق٠له على أثر.
وكان الشيخ قوي القوى كلها، Ùˆ[كانت] قوة المجامعة من قواه الشهوانية أقوى وأغلب ØŒ Ùˆ[كان كثيراً ØŒ ما] يشتغل به كثيراً ØŒ Ùأثر ÙÙŠ مزاجه . وكان [الشيخ] يعتمد على قوة مزاجه Øتى صار أمره ÙÙŠ السنة التي Øارب Ùيها علاء الدولة تاش Ùراش ØŒ على باب الكرخ ØŒ أصاب الشيخ القولنج[72] ØŒ ولØرصه على البرء[73] إشÙاقاً على هزيمة[74] يدÙع إليها ØŒ ولا يتأتى له المسير Ùيها مع المرض ØŒ Øقن Ù†Ùسه ÙÙŠ يوم واØد ثمان مرات[75] ØŒ ÙØªÙ‚Ø±Ø Ø¨Ø¹Ø¶ أمعائه ØŒ وظهر به سَØْج ØŒ وأØوج إلى المسير مع علاء الدولة ØŒ Ù†ØÙˆ ايذج بسرعة[76] ØŒ Ùظهر به هناك الصرع الذي يتبع [علة] القولنج ØŒ ومع ذلك كان يدبر Ù†Ùسه ويتØقن[77] Ù†Ùسه للسØج[78] ولبقية القولنج ØŒ Ùأمر يوماً باتخاذ دانقين بذر الكرÙس ÙÙŠ Øملة الØقنة[79] ØŒ طلباً لكسر Ø±ÙŠØ Ø§Ù„Ù‚ÙˆÙ„Ù†Ø¬ ØŒ ÙطرØ[80] بعض الأطباء الذي كان يتقدم [هو] إليه بمعالجته [ØŒ وطرØ] من بذر[81] الكرÙس خمسة دراهم لست أدري أعمداً Ùعله أم خطأ لأنني لم أك[82] معه، Ùازداد السØج [به] من Øدة [ذلك] البذر[83]ØŒ وكان يتناول المثروديطوس[84] لأجل الصرع ØŒ ÙØ·Ø±Ø Ø¨Ø¹Ø¶ غلمانه Ùيه شيئاً من الاÙيون [85] ØŒ وناوله إياه Ùأكله[86] وكان سبب ذلك خيانتهم ÙÙŠ مال كثير من خزائنه[87]ØŒ Ùتمنوا هلاكه ØŒ ليأمنوا عاقبة Ø£Ùعاله[88] . ونقل الشيخ كما هو إلى أصÙهان ØŒ Ùاشتغل بتدبير Ù†Ùسه . وكان من الضع٠بØيث لا يستطيع[89] القيام ØŒ Ùلم يزل يعالج Ù†Ùسه ØŒ Øتى قدر على المشي ØŒ ÙˆØضر مجلس علاء الدولة ØŒ وهو مع[90] ذلك لا يتØÙظ ØŒ ويكثر [ التخليط ÙÙŠ أمر ] المجامعة ØŒ ولم يبرأ من العلة كل البرء ØŒ وكان[91] ينتكس ويبرأ كل وقت.
ثم قصد علاء الدولة همدان وسار الشيخ معه[92] ØŒ Ùعاودته العلة ÙÙŠ الطريق[93] ØŒ إلى أن وصل إلى همدان ØŒ وعلم أن قوته [قد] سقطت ØŒ وأنها لا تÙÙŠ بدÙع المرض ØŒ Ùأهمل مداواة Ù†Ùسه وكان[94] يقول : المدبر الذي كان يدبر بدني قد عجز عن التدبير ØŒ والآن Ùلا تنÙع المعالجة ØŒ وبقي على هذا أياماً ØŒ ثم انتقل إلى جوار ربه .
ودÙÙ† بهمذان ÙÙŠ سنة ثمان وعشرين وأربعمائة ØŒ وكانت ولادته ÙÙŠ سنة سبعين وثلثمائة ØŒ وجميع عمره ثلاثاً وخمسون سنة . لقاه الله ØµØ§Ù„Ø Ø£Ø¹Ù…Ø§Ù„Ù‡ بمنه وكرمه[95] .
(انتهت)
قال Ù…Øرر هذه الكلمات هذا ما وقع لي من كتاب » Ùليسو٠عالم: دراسة تØليلية Ù„Øياة ابن سينا ÙˆÙكره الÙلسÙÙŠ « للدكتور جعÙر آل ياسين ØŒ دار الأندلس ØŒ بيروت ØŒ الطبعة الأولى ØŒ 1984Ù… - 1404هـ . ص 299-303. مع اضÙات هامة ومتممة من كتاب »Øياة ابن سينا« لوليم غولمان طبعة مطبعة جامعة ولاية نيورك بمدنية أولبني لعام 1974Ù… ص 44 - 88 ومع اضÙات لطيÙØ© وشارØØ© لبعض الغموضة من كتاب » عيون الأنباء ÙÙŠ طبقات الأطباء « لـ المؤل٠ابن أبي أصيبعة نقلاً من موقع الوراق ÙÙŠ الربع الآخير من عام 2003Ù… ولله الØمد والمنة والصلاة والسلام على رسولانا الكريم وآله الطيـبين الطاهرين وصØبه الغر الميامين إلى يوم الدين آمين آمين يارب العالمين.
[1] أول
[2] هذا الÙهرست من كتلب غولمان.
[3] سلطان الري
[4] غلبة
[5] اتÙÙ‚
[6] عن
[7] من المملكة
[8] دخدوك
[9] وعبي
[10] علةّ
[11] علي
[12] وكان
[13] قرب
[14] وأتى
[15] منها
[16] طهران
[17] كوى
[18] بيبي
[19] وصادÙÙ‡
[20] يستØÙ‚
[21] وأورد
[22] ÙÙŠ
[23] شبهاء
[24] الرصد
[25] الكتاب
[26] الجبائي
[27] نرضى
[28] استهدى
[29] وأنشأ
[30] من
[31] Ùعرض
[32] أنا
[33] وأشك
[34] أن ما
[35] Øتى
[36] Ùبقي على
[37] باشره
[38] عزم
[39] ما بين القوسين غير موجودة عند د. ØعÙر آل ياسين
[40] صدع
[41] ينزل
[42] وتغطية رأسه بها ÙÙعل
[43] قبول
[44] الجلنجبين السكري
[45] مائة منه وشÙيت المرأة
[46] ان
[47] Ùنظر
[48] Ùكتبوها
[49] بعلم التناظر
[50] وأضاÙ
[51] على يدي
[52] قاصد
[53] واستيجاز أجوبته Ùيه ØŒ وإذا الشيخ أبي القاسم دخل على الشيخ عند اصÙرار الشمس ÙÙŠ يوم صائ٠،
[54] وقطع أجزاء منه ØŒ Ùشددت خمسة
[55] واØد منها
[56] Ùأمر
[57] وأنا
[58] Ùأمر
[59] Ùعند
[60] Ø§Ù„ØµØ¨Ø§Ø Ù‚Ø±Ø¹ الباب Ùإذا رسول الشيخ
[61] ÙØضرته
[62] Ùقال
[63] الأجوبة
[64] Øملته إليه تعجب
[65] بهذه الØالة
[66] هذا الØديث
[67] إلها
[68] ثماني
[69] عن قصته ÙÙŠ
[70] الأرصاد ØŒ Ùتبين لي بعضها
[71] مسعود إلى اصÙهان
[72] إلى أن الشيخ قولنج
[73] برئه
[74] من هزيمة
[75] كرات
[76] Ùأسرعوا Ù†ØÙˆ ايذج
[77] ويØÙ‚
[78] لأجل السØج
[79] من بزر الكرÙس ÙÙŠ جملة ما ÙŠØتقن به وخلطه بها
[80] Ø§Ù„Ø±ÙŠØ§Ø ØŒ Ùصد بعض
[81] بزر
[82] أكن
[83] البزر
[84] المثرود بطوس
[85] Ùقام بعض غلمانه ÙˆØ·Ø±Ø Ø´ÙŠØ¦Ø§Ù‹ كثيراً من الاÙيون Ùيه
[86] وناوله Ùأكله
[87] خزانته
[88] أعمالهم
[89] يقدر على
[90] ولكنه مع
[91] Ùكان
[92] Ùسار معه الشيخ
[93] Ùعاودته ÙÙŠ الطريق تلك العلة
[94] وأخذ
[95] وكان عمره ثلاثاً وخمسين سنة، وكان موته ÙÙŠ سنة ثمان وعشرين وأربعمائة، وكانت ولادته ÙÙŠ سنة خمس وسبعين وثلثمائة
at the age of 77
I don't know he was so great
they didn't discover cacao but i believe they discovered cocoa. :)
Gold was discover in 1848 and one of the settlers are james marshell
Ibn Batuta
Ibn sina was a Islamabad Doctor.
Yes. There is no doubt that Ibn Sina is truly Muslim.
The population of Ibn Sina Trust is 5,000.
Ibn Sina Trust was created in 1980.
ibn sina was the first muslim scholar and ibn battuta was his assistant through the time of the ottoman turks
Ibn-i-Sina is credited with the discovery of steam distillation.
In chemistry Ibn Sina is known for the preparation of essential oils by distillation.
Ibn Sina was the scientist in the tenth century. Ibn Sina made big contributions in many areas like medicine, psychology, and pharmacology to geology.
Not that we are aware of.
nothing
Ray
Ibn Sina National College for Medical Studies was created in 2004.