Mauritania

Islamic Republic of Mauritania الجمهورية الإسلامية الموريتانية al-Ǧumhūriyyah al-ʾIslāmiyyah al-Mūrītāniyyah République Islamique de Mauritanie Republik bu Lislaamu bu Gànnaar (browse)
Flag Seal
Motto: شرف إخاء عدل   (Arabic) "Honor, Fraternity, Justice"
Anthem: "National anthem of Mauritania"
Capital (and largest city)		Nouakchott 18°09′N 15°58′W / 18.15°N 15.967°W / 18.15; -15.967
Official language(s)		Arabic,1
Recognised national languages		French[1]
Vernacular		Hassaniya, Fula, Wolof
Demonym		Mauritanian
Government		Islamic republic2
-	President	Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz
-	Prime Minister	Moulaye Ould Mohamed Laghdaf
Independence
-	from France	28 November 1960
Area
-	Total	1,030,700 km2 (29th) 397,954 sq mi
-	Water (%)	0.03
Population
-	2009 estimate	3,069,000[2] (135th)
-	1988 census	1,864,236[3]
-	Density	3.2/km2 (221st) 8.2/sq mi
GDP (PPP)		2011 estimate
-	Total	$7.075 billion[4] (147th)
-	Per capita	$2,173[4] (145th)
GDP (nominal)		2011 estimate
-	Total	$4.402 billion[4] (151st)
-	Per capita	$1,352[4] (143rd)
Gini (2000)		39 (medium)
HDI (2011)		0.453[5] (low) (159th)
Currency		Ouguiya (MRO)
Time zone		(UTC+0)
-	Summer (DST)	not observed (UTC+0)
Drives on the		right
ISO 3166 code		MR
Internet TLD		.mr
Calling code		222
1According to article 6 of Constitution: The national languages are Arabic, Pulaar, Soninke, and Wolof; the official language is Arabic. French is de facto co-official. 2Not recognized internationally. Deposed leaders President Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi and Prime Minister Yahya Ould Ahmed El Waghef no longer have power as they were arrested by military forces.

Mauritania^[6] is a country in the Maghreb and West Africa. It is bordered by the Atlantic Ocean in the west, by Western Sahara in the north, by Algeria in the northeast, by Mali in the east and southeast, and by Senegal in the southwest. It is named after the ancient Berber Kingdom of Mauretania, which later became a province of the Roman Empire, even though the modern state covers a territory far to the southwest of the old kingdom. The capital and largest city is Nouakchott, located on the Atlantic coast.

The government of Mauritania was overthrown on 6 August 2008, in a military coup d'état led by General Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz. On 16 April 2009, General Aziz resigned from the military to run for president in the 19 July elections, which he won. In Mauritania about 20% of the population live on less than US$1.25 per day.^[7]

History

Ancient history

The Bafours were primarily agriculturalist, and among the first Saharan people to abandon their historically nomadic lifestyle. With the gradual desiccation of the Sahara, they headed south. Successive waves of migration to West Africa included not only Central Saharans, but in 1076, Moorish Islamic warrior monks (Almoravid or Al Murabitun) who attacked and conquered the ancient Ghana Empire. Over the next 500 years, Arabs overcame fierce resistance from the local population (Berber and non-Berber alike) to dominate Mauritania. The Mauritanian Thirty-Year War (1644–74) was the unsuccessful final effort to repel the Yemeni Maqil Arab invaders led by the Beni Hassan tribe.

The descendants of the Beni Hassan warriors became the upper stratum of Moorish society. Berbers retained influence by producing the majority of the region's Marabouts—those who preserve and teach Islamic tradition. Many of the Berber tribes claimed Yemeni (and sometimes other Arab) origin; there is little evidence to suggest this, though some studies do make a connection between the two.^[8] Hassaniya, a Berber-influenced Arabic dialect that derives its name from the Beni Hassan, became the dominant language among the largely nomadic population.

Modern history

Imperial France gradually absorbed the territories of present-day Mauritania from the Senegal river area and upwards, starting in the late 19th century. In 1901, Xavier Coppolani took charge of the imperial mission. Through a combination of strategic alliances with Zawiya tribes, and military pressure on the Hassane warrior nomads, he managed to extend French rule over the Mauritanian emirates. Trarza, Brakna and Tagant quickly submitted to treaties with the colonial power (1903–04), but the northern emirate of Adrar held out longer, aided by the anticolonial rebellion (or jihad) of shaykh Maa al-Aynayn. It was finally defeated militarily in 1912, and incorporated into the territory of Mauritania, which had been drawn up in 1904. Mauritania would subsequently form part of French West Africa, from 1920.

French rule brought legal prohibitions against slavery, and an end to interclan warfare. During the colonial period 90% of the population remained nomadic, but many sedentary peoples, whose ancestors had been expelled centuries earlier, began to trickle back into Mauritania. As the country gained independence in 1960, the capital city Nouakchott was founded at the site of a small colonial village, the Ksar.

With independence, larger numbers of indigenous Sub-Saharan African peoples (Haalpulaar, Soninke, and Wolof) entered Mauritania, moving into the area north of the Senegal River. Educated in French language and customs, many of these recent arrivals became clerks, soldiers, and administrators in the new state. This occurred as France militarily suppressed the most intransigent Hassane tribes of the Moorish north, shifting old balances of power, and creating new cause for conflict between the southern populations and Moors. Between these groups stood the Haratin, a very large population of Arabized slaves of sub-Saharan African origins, who lived within Moorish society, integrated into a low-caste social position.^[9] Modern-day slavery is still a common practice in Mauritania.^[10] According to some estimates, up to 600,000 Mauritanians, or 20% of the population, are still enslaved.^[11][12] This social discrimination concerns mainly the "black Moors" (Haratin) in the northern part of the country, where tribal elites among “white Moors” (Beidane) hold sway, but low-caste groups within the sub-Saharan African ethnic groups of the south are affected by similar practices.

The great Sahel droughts of the early 1970s caused massive devastation in Mauritania.

Nouakchott is the capital and the largest city of Mauritania. It is one of the largest cities in the Sahara

Moors reacted to changing circumstances, and to Arab nationalist calls from abroad, by increasing pressure to Arabize many aspects of Mauritanian life, such as law and language. A schism developed between those Moors who consider Mauritania to be an Arab country and those who seek a dominant role for the non-Moorish peoples, with various models for maintaining the country's cultural diversity being suggested, but none successfully implemented.

This ethnic discord was evident during intercommunal violence that broke out in April 1989 (the “1989 Events” and “Mauritania–Senegal Border War”), but which has since subsided. Some 70,000 sub-Saharan African Mauritanians were expelled from Mauritania in the late 1980s.^[13] Ethnic tension and the sensitive issue of slavery – past and, in some areas, present – are still powerful themes in the country's political debate; a significant number from all groups, however, seek a more diverse, pluralistic society.

The government bureaucracy is composed of traditional ministries, special agencies, and parastatal companies. The Ministry of Interior spearheads a system of regional governors and prefects modeled on the French system of local administration. Under this system, Mauritania is divided into thirteen regions (wilaya), including the capital district, Nouakchott. Control is tightly concentrated in the executive branch of the central government, but a series of national and municipal elections since 1992 have produced limited decentralization.

Mauritania, along with Morocco, annexed the territory of Western Sahara in 1976, with Mauritania taking the lower one-third at the request of former imperial power Spain. After several military losses to the Polisario – heavily armed and supported by Algeria, the local hegemon and rival to Morocco – Mauritania withdrew in 1979, and its claims were taken over by Morocco. Due to economic weakness, Mauritania has been a negligible player in the territorial dispute, with its official position being that it wishes for an expedient solution that is mutually agreeable to all parties. While most of Western Sahara has been occupied by Morocco, the UN still considers the Western Sahara a territory that needs to express its wishes with respect to statehood. A referendum is still supposed to be held sometime in the future, under UN auspices, to determine whether or not the indigenous Sahrawis wish to be independent as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, or to be part of Morocco. The Moroccan government has thus far blocked such a referendum.

Ould Daddah era (1960–78)

Mauritania left the Franco-African Community to became an independent nation in November 1960.^[14] In 1964 President Moktar Ould Daddah, originally installed by the French, formalized Mauritania as a one-party state with a new constitution, setting up an authoritarian presidential regime. Daddah's own Parti du Peuple Mauritanien (PPM) became the ruling organization in a single-party system. The President justified this decision on the grounds that he considered Mauritania unready for western-style multi-party democracy. Under this one-party constitution, Daddah was reelected in uncontested elections in 1966, 1971 and 1976. He was ousted in a bloodless coup on 10 July 1978, after bringing the country to near-collapse through a disastrous war to annex the southern part of Western Sahara, framed as an attempt to create a “Greater Mauritania”.

CMRN and CMSN military governments (1978–84)

Chinguetti was a center of Islamic scholarship in West Africa

Col. Mustafa Ould Salek's CMRN junta proved incapable of either establishing a strong base of power or extracting the country from its destabilizing conflict with the Sahrawi resistance movement, the Polisario Front. It quickly fell, to be replaced by another military government, the CMSN. The energetic Colonel Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidallah soon emerged as its strongman, and by giving up all claims to Western Sahara, he found peace with the Polisario and improved relations with its main backer, Algeria – but relations with the other party to the conflict, Morocco, and its European ally France, deteriorated. Instability continued, and Haidallah's ambitious reform attempts foundered. His regime was plagued by attempted coups and intrigue within the military establishment, and became increasingly contested due to his harsh and uncompromising measures against opponents; many dissidents were jailed, and some executed. In 1981 slavery was legally abolished, making Mauritania the last country in the world to abolish slavery.

Ould Taya’s rule (1984–2005)

In 1984 Haidallah was deposed by Colonel Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya, who, while retaining tight military control, relaxed the political climate somewhat. Ould Taya moderated Mauritania's previous pro-Algerian stance, and re-established ties with Morocco during the late 1980s, ties which deepened during the late 1990s and early 2000s as part of Mauritania's drive to attract support from Western states and Western-aligned Arab states. Mauritania has not rescinded its recognition of Polisario's Western Saharan exile government, and remains on good terms with Algeria. Its position on the Western Sahara conflict is, since the 1980s, one of strict neutrality.

The Parti Républicain Démocratique et Social (PRDS), formerly led by President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya, dominated Mauritanian politics after the country's first multi-party elections in April 1992, following the approval by referendum of the current constitution in July 1991. President Taya won elections in 1992 and 1997.

Political parties, illegal during the military period, were legalized again in 1991. By April 1992, as civilian rule returned, 16 major political parties had been recognized; 12 major political parties were active in 2004. Most opposition parties boycotted the first legislative election in 1992, and for nearly a decade the parliament was dominated by the PRDS. The opposition participated in municipal elections in January–February 1994, and in subsequent Senate elections - most recently in April 2004 - and gained representation at the local level, as well as three seats in the Senate.

Ethnic violence and human rights abuses

Background

Mauritania’s people is composed of several ethnics groups : the Moors (thought to be from Ancient Greek mauros, "dark") or Beidane, the Haratines who are black-skinned descendant of freed slaves still attached to their former masters’ culture, the Wolof, the Soninke, and the Halpulaar or Fulas (French: Peuls; Fula: Fulɓe) which includes settled farmers called Toucouleur and nomadic stock-breeders. Since its creation in 1960 by the colonial France, Mauritania’s society has been characterised by a constant discrimination towards black population, Fulas and Soninké which are seen as contesting the political, economic and social dominance of Moors.^[15] Mauritanian blacks faced discrimination in employment in the civil service, the administration of justice before the regular and religious courts, access to loans and credits from banks and state owned enterprise, and opportunity for education and vocational training .^[16]

Women in Atar

Between 1990 and 1991, a campaign of extreme violence particularly took place, across a process of Arabisation, interference with blacks’ association rights, expropriation, expatriation and slavery, slaves being only black.^[17] In April 1986, the Manifesto of the Oppressed Black Mauritanian (Manifeste du négro-mauritanien opprimé) was published by the African Liberation Forces of Mauritania FLAM (Force pour la Liberation Africaine de Mauritanie) which documented discriminations against Mauritania's black populations in every sector of public life. In response, in September 1986, thirty to forty black intellectuals were arrested, suspected to be involved in the publication of the Manifesto and were subjected to brutal interrogations. They were not allowed to have any visit until November 1987 . In the meantime, the authorities cracked down on black communities, using mass arrests as a form of intimidation.^[18]

In October 1987, the government allegedly discovered a tentative of coup d’Etat by a group of black army officers, backed by Senegal according to the authorities.^[19] Fifty one officers were arrested, and subjected to interrogation and torture without access to their lawyer.^[20] The torture consisted in “beatings, burns, electric shocks, applied to the genitals, stripping prisoners naked and pouring cold water over them, burying prisoners in sand to their necks, and subjected prisoners to jaguar, which consist in tying a victim’s hand and feet, suspending him upside down from a bar, and beating him particularly on the sole of the feet”.^[21] They were accused of “endangering the security of the State by participating in a conspiracy to overthrow the government and to provoke killing and devastation among the inhabitants of the country” and tried following a special summary procedure.^[21] Three of the officers arrested in October were sentenced to death; eighteen were sentenced to life imprisonment (including two who died in detention in 1988 due to prison conditions); nine were sentenced to twenty years; five were sentenced to ten years; three were given five years; six were given five-year suspended sentences with heavy fines; and seven were acquitted. None of those convicted were permitted to appeal. These ethnic tensions were catalysis for the events of 1989 which started as a result of a conflict in Diawara between Mauritanian Herders and Senegalese farmers over grazing rights ^[22] during which Mauritanian guards crossed the rivers, killed 2 Senegalese and took 13 other hostages^[23] into Selibaby, Mauritania on April 9, 1989 . This incident has resulted in several events which provoked series of ethnic violence, expulsions of blacks from Mauritania, expropriation extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, torture, rape, and confiscation of property. Following the incident several riots erupted in Bakel, Dakar and other towns in Senegal directed against Mauritanians which dominated the retails. A feature of this conflict is the tendency of Beydanes to see black Mauritanians as Senegalese which lead the latter to response to the attacks by attacking black Mauritanians. Therefore, anti-Mauritanese riots, added to the already existing tensions, lead to a campaign of terror against black Mauritanian.^[24] The voluntary confusion between black Mauritanian and Senegalese culminated during the international airlift agreed by Senegal and Mauritania under international pressure to prevent further violence. The Mauritanian Government used it as a way to extradite black Mauritanian, pretending they were Senegalese. It included intellectuals, civil servants, professionals, businessmen, militant trade unionists, those suspected of opposition, as well as farmers and cattle-herders from the Sénégal River Valley.^[25]

Expulsion^[26]

The main reason for expulsions and expropriation was economic. Indeed, Moors, usually nomadic, had lost their main source of revenue with the drought of 1968-1985 which decimated their camel, goats and other cattle and had lost their retails during the anti-Mauritanian riots in Senegal. Moreover, the Mauritanian part of the Senegalese river valley is the most fertile part of the country and, finally, the creation of the Organization for the Development of the Senegal river ( OMVS, on March 11, 1972 by Mali, Mauritania and Senegal, enhanced the potential value of the valley, with the construction of dams which permitted to increase the territory irrigated. In villages of the South, blacks were indiscriminately expelled by security forces which forced them to cross the Senegalese River to Senegal, taking their identity card and their belongings. Those who resisted or who tried to flee with their belongings were arrested, imprisoned and sometimes executed.^[18] In the larger towns and cities, the authorities targeted black civil servants, employees of private institutions, trade unionists, former political prisoners and, in some instances, the wives of political prisoners.^[15]

Mauritanian checkers, Nouakchott

However Fulas were mainly among those targeted. According to a study ^[27] conducted by Christian Santoir for a French research company (ORSTOM who became the Institute for research on Development in 1998) some 21,500 Fulas were expelled, which accounts for at least 57 per cent of the Fulas.

Expulsions were accompanied by many violations, such as: arbitrary arrest,^[18] rape, confiscation of belongings and of all identity papers. Furthermore, Fulas' liberty of movement was restricted, as they were subjected to harassment at checkpoints, being obliged to show their identity papers and sometimes detained.

The exact number of expulsions is not known but the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees ( UNHCR) estimates that, as of June 1991, there were 52,995 Mauritanian refugees in Senegal; in June 1993, 52,945 were registered. A smaller number of refugees have also fled into Mali; the official figure for those who have been registered there is about 13,000, but again, the real number is undoubtedly much higher because of the ease of integration into the life of local communities in Mali.^[28]

Expropriation ^[29]

Starting from 1983, exportation started to be institutionalized through the Ordinance 83.127 of June 5, 1983 which nationalized the all land in the country, abolishing the traditional system of land tenure. The potential nationalization of the land was based on the concept of dead land,^[30] being a land which has not being developed or which development cannot be seen. The Ordinance also made impossible any collective law suit regarding property rights which rendered impossible any law suit based on traditional rights of tenure. Indeed traditional systems of tenure were based on community rights that make them justiciable only collectively. Several methods ^[31] were used for expropriation . Confiscations are the most used methods. Moors exploited Article 9 of the Ordinance, which provides that registered property rights take precedence, by registering their rights using their relations, in order to prevent blacks from claiming it. Moors also established fake cooperative by which they could become members of previously black cooperative, which were the only registered black rights of property, getting ownership of the whole property of the cooperative.

Massacre of 1990-1991

From November 1990 to February 1991, between 500 and 600 Fulas and Soninke political prisoners were executed or tortured to death by government forces. They were part of the between 3000 and 5000 blacks arrested between October 1990 and mid-January 1991^[32] and rounded up, detained and tortured, allegedly because they were involved in an attempt to overthrow the government. There were first black officers of the military but then civil servants.^[33]

Nouakchott's street market

The severity of the torture, combined with the complete lack of medical care, ensured a high death toll, between 500-600 deaths from torture or summary execution is widely accepted. In addition, an unknown number of blacks found death by extrajudicial execution by security forces.^[34]

A military investigation was put in place by the government and the results were never made public. However several officials were reportedly involved: Colonel Sid'AhmedOuldBoilil, Colonel CheikhOuld Mohamed Salah, Major Mohamed CheikhOuld El Hadi, and Major Ely Fall .^[35]

In order to guarantee immunity for those responsible and to block any attempts at accountability for past abuses, an amnesty ^[36] was declared by the Parliament in June 1993 covering all crimes committed by the armed forces, security forces as well as civilians, between April 1989 and April 1992. The Government offered compensations to the families of victims but a very few accepted in absence of settlement.^[37]

Despite of this amnesty, some have had the courage to denounce the involvement of the government in the arrests and killings. In 1991 an opened letter was sent to President Taya, by 50 prominent Mauritanians, including former ministers, lawyers, doctors, and professors denouncing "the magnitude of the repression that was brought down upon the blacks civilians and military in the last months of 1990” and listing several hundred extrajudicial executions, atrocities, and disappearances. The Mauritanian Workers Union also called for an independent inquiry into the detentions.^[38] Women also played a role into denouncing the atrocities committed: in April 1991, more than seventy-five women - wives, sisters, nieces, and mothers of some of those presumed to have been killed in the detentions - signed a petition addressed to President Taya calling to the government to provide for the family left behind and break the silence.^[39]

Discrimination via Arabization

Since many years and particularly since 1986, Arabization has been a way to discriminate de facto black Mauritanians.^[40] Indeed, "[Arabization] is the key to the dispossession of blacks in terms of political power, economic opportunities, and employment possibilities.” ^[41]

Aerial view of Nouakchott. The population is estimated to have been 150,000 in 1980, and to have grown to above 2 million as of 2008.

Arabization has been put in practice by a policy of interference with blacks’ rights of association, particularly by out righting private and public black gatherings. Although the law did not prohibit gathering and association to black people, the system of authorization created by the Government and discriminately applied only to blacks, resulted in a prohibition.^[42]

Arabization was also sought by the way of education. Since January 1966 study in Arabic were compulsory for student at secondary school. This provoked strike among students, which were supported by civil servants. These strikes lead to the issuing of the Manifesto of Nineteen which listed grievance against the Moors’ domination.^[43]

The process of making Arabic the primary language of the country culminated in a new constitution, passed by referendum in July 1991 which set Arabic as the official language of the Country, without any reference to French.

Mauritanian international relationship under Ould Taya's rule

During the late 1980s, Ould Taya had established a close co-operation with Iraq, and pursued a strongly Arab nationalist line. At the same time, bloody clashes erupted with Senegal in 1989, during which both countries expelled ethnic minorities to the other country. Mauritania grew increasingly isolated internationally, and tensions with Western countries grew dramatically after it took a pro-Iraqi position during the 1991 Gulf War. During the mid-to late 1990s, Mauritania shifted its foreign policy to one of increased co-operation with the US and Europe, and was rewarded with diplomatic relaxation and aid projects.

In 1999, Mauritanian Foreign Minister Ahmed Sid’Ahmed and his Israeli counterpart David Levy signed an agreement in Washington DC, USA, on 28 October, establishing full diplomatic relations with Mauritania. The signing ceremony was held at the U.S. State Department in the presence of U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. Mauritania thereby joined Egypt, Palestine, and Jordan as the only members of the Arab League to officially recognize Israel. Ould Taya also started co-operating with the United States in antiterrorism activities, which was criticized by human rights NGOs, who talked of an exaggeration and instrumentation of alleged terrorist activities for geopolitical aims.^[44][45] (See also Foreign relations of Mauritania.)

Road from Nouakchott to Mauritanian - Senegalese border.

A group of current and former Army officers launched a bloody but unsuccessful coup attempt on 8 June 2003. The leaders of the attempted coup were never caught. Mauritania's presidential election, its third since adopting the democratic process in 1992, took place on 7 November 2003. Six candidates, including Mauritania's first female and first Haratine (former slave family) candidates, represented a wide variety of political goals and backgrounds. Incumbent President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya won reelection with 67.02% of the popular vote, according to the official figures, with Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidalla finishing second.

August 2005 military coup

On 3 August 2005, a military coup led by Colonel Ely Ould Mohamed Vall ended Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya's twenty-one years of rule. Taking advantage of President Taya's attendance at the funeral of Saudi King Fahd, the military, including members of the presidential guard, seized control of key points in the capital of Nouakchott. The coup proceeded without loss of life, and the officers, calling themselves the Military Council for Justice and Democracy, released the following statement:

"The national armed forces and security forces have unanimously decided to put a definitive end to the oppressive activities of the defunct authority, which our people have suffered from during the past years."^[46]

The Military Council later issued another statement naming Colonel Vall as president and director of the national police force, the Sûreté Nationale. Sixteen other officers were listed as members. Colonel Vall was once regarded as a firm ally of the now-ousted president, even aiding him in the original coup that brought him to power, and later serving as his security chief.

Widely applauded by the Mauritanian people^{[citation needed]}, but cautiously watched by the international community, the coup has since been generally accepted, while the military junta has organized elections within the promised two-year timeline. In a referendum on 26 June 2006, Mauritanians overwhelmingly (97%) approved a new constitution which limited the duration of a president's stay in office. The leader of the junta, Col. Vall, promised to abide by the referendum and relinquish power peacefully. Mauritania's establishment of relations with Israel – it is one of only three Arab states to recognize Israel – was maintained by the new regime, despite widespread criticism from the opposition, who viewed it as a legacy of the Taya regime's attempts to curry favor with the West.

Parliamentary and municipal elections in Mauritania took place on 19 November and 3 December 2006.

Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi.

2007 presidential election

Mauritania's first fully democratic presidential election took place on 11 March 2007. The election effected the final transfer from military to civilian rule following the military coup in 2005. This was the first time that the president had been selected in a multi-candidate election in the country's post-independence history.^[47]

The election was won in a second round of voting by Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, with Ahmed Ould Daddah a close second.

2008 military coup

The head of the Presidential Guards took over the president's palace in Nouakchott on 6 August 2008, a day after 48 lawmakers from the ruling party resigned. The army surrounded key government facilities, including the state television building, after the president fired two senior officers, one of them the head of the presidential guards.^[48] The president, the prime minister and the minister of internal affairs were arrested.

The coup was organized by General Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, former chief of staff of the Mauritanian army and head of the Presidential Guard, whom the president had just dismissed. Mauritania's presidential spokesman, Abdoulaye Mamadouba, said President Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, Prime Minister Yahya Ould Ahmed Waghf and the interior minister, were arrested by renegade Senior Mauritanian army officers, unknown troops and a group of generals, and were held under house arrest at the presidential palace in Nouakchott.^[49][50][51] In the apparently successful and bloodless coup d'état, Abdallahi's daughter, Amal Mint Cheikh Abdallahi, said: "The security agents of the BASEP (Presidential Security Battalion) came to our home and took away my father."^[52] The coup plotters, all dismissed in a presidential decree shortly beforehand, included General Muhammad Ould ‘Abd Al-‘Aziz, General Muhammad Ould Al-Ghazwani, General Philippe Swikri, and Brigadier General (Aqid) Ahmad Ould Bakri.^[53]

Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz in his home city Akjoujt, Mauritania, 15 Mar 2009

After the coup

A Mauritanian lawmaker, Mohammed Al Mukhtar, announced that "many of the country's people were supporting the takeover attempt and the government was "an authoritarian regime" and that the president had "marginalized the majority in parliament."^[54] The coup was also backed by Abdellahi's rival in the 2007 election, Ahmed Ould Daddah. However, Ould `Abd Al-`Aziz's regime was isolated internationally and punished by diplomatic sanctions and the cancellation of some aid projects. It found few supporters, among them Morocco, Libya and Iran, while Algeria, the United States, France and other European countries criticized the coup, and continued to refer to Abdellahi as the legitimate president of Mauritania. A group of parties also coalesced around Abdellahi to continue to protest the coup, causing the junta to ban demonstration and crack down on opposition activists. International and internal pressure eventually forced the release of Abdellahi, who was instead placed in house arrest in his home village. The new government broke off relations with Israel. In March 2010 Mauritania's female foreign minister Mint Hamdi Ould Mouknass announced that Mauritania had cut ties with Israel in a "complete and definitive way."^[55]

`Abd Al-`Aziz had since the coup insisted on organizing new presidential elections to replace Abdellahi, but was forced to reschedule them due to internal and international opposition. However, during the spring of 2009, the junta negotiated an understanding with some opposition figures and international parties, which dramatically changed the situation. Abdellahi formally resigned, under protest, as it became clear that some opposition forces had defected from him and most international players, notably including France and Algeria, now lined up behind `Abd Al-`Aziz. The United States continued to criticize the coup, but did not actively oppose the elections. Abdellahi's resignation paved the way for the election of military strongman Muhammad Ould `Abd Al-`Aziz as civilian president, on 18 July, by a 52% majority. Many of Abdellahi's former supporters criticized this as a political ploy and refused to recognize the results. They argued that the election had been falsified due to junta control, and complained that the international community had let down the opposition. Despite marginal complaints, the elections were almost unanimously accepted by Western, Arab and African countries, which lifted sanctions and resumed cooperation with Mauritania. By late summer, `Abd Al-`Aziz appeared to have secured his position and to have garnered widespread international and internal support, although several influential parties and political personalities, notably Senate chairman Messaoud Ould Boulkheir, continued to refuse the new order and call for `Abd Al-`Aziz's resignation.

In February 2011, the waves of 2010–2011 Middle East and North Africa protests spread to Mauritania, where hundreds of people took to the streets of Nouakchott.^[56]

Regions and departments

Mauritania is divided into 12 regions (régions) called wilaya and one capital district in Nouakchott, which in turn are subdivided into 44 departments (moughataa). The regions and capital district (in alphabetical order) and their capitals are:

Geography

Mountains in the Adrar region; desert scenes continue to define the Mauritanian landscape.

Bareina, a village in southwest Mauritania

At 397,929 square miles (1,030,631 km²),^[57] Mauritania is the world's 29th-largest country (after Bolivia). It is comparable in size to Egypt. It lies mostly between latitudes 14° and 26°N, and longitudes 5° and 17°W (small areas are east of 5° and west of 17°).

Mauritania is generally flat, with vast arid plains broken by occasional ridges and cliff-like outcroppings. A series of scarps face south-west, longitudinally bisecting these plains in the center of the country. The scarps also separate a series of sandstone plateaus, the highest of which is the Adrar Plateau, reaching an elevation of 500 meters (1,640 ft). Spring-fed oases lie at the foot of some of the scarps. Isolated peaks, often rich in minerals, rise above the plateaus; the smaller peaks are called guelbs and the larger ones kedias. The concentric Guelb er Richat (also known as the Richat Structure) is a prominent feature of the north-central region. Kediet ej Jill, near the city of Zouîrât, has an elevation of 1,000 meters (3,281 ft) and is the highest peak.

Approximately three quarters of Mauritania is desert or semidesert. As a result of extended, severe drought, the desert has been expanding since the mid-1960s. To the west, between the ocean and the plateaus, are alternating areas of clayey plains (regs) and sand dunes (ergs), some of which shift from place to place, gradually moved by high winds. The dunes generally increase in size and mobility toward the north.

Economy

Mauritania has one of the lowest GDP rates in Africa, despite being rich in natural resources. A majority of the population still depends on agriculture and livestock for a livelihood, even though most of the nomads and many subsistence farmers were forced into the cities by recurrent droughts in the 1970s and 1980s. Mauritania has extensive deposits of iron ore, which account for almost 50% of total exports. With the current rises in metal prices, gold and copper mining companies are opening mines in the interior. The nation's coastal waters are among the richest fishing areas in the world, but overexploitation by foreigners threatens this key source of revenue.^{[citation needed]} The country's first deepwater port opened near Nouakchott in 1986. In recent years, drought and economic mismanagement have resulted in a buildup of foreign debt. In March 1999, the government signed an agreement with a joint World Bank-International Monetary Fund mission on a $54 million enhanced structural adjustment facility (ESAF). The economic objectives have been set for 1999–2002. Privatization remains one of the key issues. Mauritania is unlikely to meet ESAF's annual GDP growth objectives of 4%–5%.

Oil was discovered in Mauritania in 2001 in the offshore Chinguetti field. Although potentially significant for the Mauritanian economy, it remains to be seen how much it will help the country. Mauritania has been described as a "desperately poor desert nation, which straddles the Arab and African worlds and is Africa's newest, if small-scale, oil producer."^[58] There may be additional oil reserves inland in the Taoudeni basin, although the harsh environment will make extraction expensive.^[59]

The Government's current main problem is privatizing the economy.

Human rights

Under the Abdallahi government there was a widespread public perception of governmental corruption and a lack of access to government information. Sexism, female genital mutilation, child labour, human trafficking, and the political marginalization of largely southern-based ethnic groups continued to be problems.^[60]

Following the 2008 coup, the military government of Mauritania faced severe international sanctions and internal unrest, and was accused by Amnesty International of practicing coordinated torture against criminal and political detainees.^[61] Amnesty has accused the Mauritanian legal system, both before and after the 2008 coup, of functioning with complete disregard for legal procedure, fair trial, or humane imprisonment. The organization has further accused the Mauritanian government of institutionalized and continuous use of torture throughout its post independence history.^[62][63][64]

Discrimination against black population

Since its creation in 1960 by colonial France, Mauritania’s society has been characterised by constant discrimination towards black populations, mainly Fula and Soninké, which are seen as contesting the political, economic and social dominance of Moors. Mauritanian blacks face discrimination in employment in the civil service, the administration of justice before regular and religious courts, access to loans and credits from banks and state owned enterprise, and opportunity for education and vocational training. This constant discrimination has been put in practice by periodic campaigns of violence (particularly between 1990 and 1991), a process of Arabisation, interference with blacks’ association rights, expropriation of property, forced expatriation, and enslavement.

Slavery

Article 1 of the 1926 Slavery Convention defines slavery as “the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised”. Although formally abolished in 1981 by President Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidallah, slavery is still practiced in remote parts of Mauritania.^[65]

Slavery is prohibited by many international law instruments ratified by Mauritania, such as Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1951 Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others, ratified on June 6, 1986; the 1957 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, also ratified on June 6, 1986; the 1930 Forced Labor Convention of the International Labor Organization(ILO); the 1957 Abolition of Forced Labor Convention of the ILO; the 1981 African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights.

Slavery is deeply rooted in Mauritanian society for several reasons. Because of a high rate of illiteracy, slaves are not aware of their rights, and are forbidden to enter into contact with freed blacks who might educate them. Many have been led to regard serving their masters as a religious duty. Another reason is economic. Slaves are often unskilled and face hardship finding employment after escaping from their master, or having been freed. Former slaves are often ill-regarded by many throughout Mauritanian society, and former masters at times impede their finding work.

Demographics

School children in Mauritania

This section requires expansion.

Population

3,281,634 (July 2011 estimated)^[66]

• 20% Arab (White Moor/Berber/Beidane)
• 30% Black (Black Moor/Haratin, Soninke, Toucouleur, Fula)
• 50% Afro-Arab (Mixed Arab and Black African)

Mauritania’s population is composed of several ethnics groups: the Moors (White or Arab) or Beidane, the Haratins, who are black-skinned descendants of freed slaves still attached to their former masters’ culture; and the Soninke and the Hal-pulaar or Fulas which includes settled farmers called Toucouleur and nomadic stock-breeders.

Religion

Camel market in Nouakchott

The country is nearly 100%^[66] Muslim, most of whom are Sunnis. The Roman Catholic Diocese of Nouakchott, founded in 1965, serves the 4,500 Catholics in Mauritania.

Languages

Hassaniya dialect of Arabic (official and national); Other languages spoken include: Pulaar, Soninke, Imraguen language, Wolof and French (widely used in media and among educated classes, see African French).

Health

Life expectancy at birth was 61.14 years (2011 estimate).^[66] Per capita expenditure on health was 43 US$ (PPP) in 2004.^[67] Public expenditure was 2% of the GDP in 2004 and private 0.9% of the GDP in 2004.^[67] In the early 21st century there were 11 physicians per 100,000 people.^[67] Infant mortality is 60.42 deaths/1,000 live births (2011 estimate).^[67]

The obesity rate among Mauritanian women is high, perhaps in part due to the local standards of beauty, in which obese women are considered beautiful while thin women are sometimes regarded as "sickly".^{[citation needed]}

On 18 January 2011, the Islamic leaders of Mauritania issued a fatwa, a religious opinion concerning Islamic law, outlawing female genital mutilation.^[68]

Culture

Qur'an collection in a library in Chinguetti

• Mauritania and Madagascar are the only two countries in the world not to use decimal-based currency. The basic unit of currency, the ouguiya, comprises five khoums. In practice, no khoum coins have been minted since 1973, and they are rarely used due to their extremely low value.
• Filming for several documentaries and films has taken place in Mauritania, including Fort Saganne (1984), The Fifth Element (1997), The Books Under the Sand (1997), Life without Death (1997), Winged Migration (2001), and Heremakono (2002).

Education

Since 1999, all teaching in the first year of primary school is in Arabic; French, however, is introduced in the second year, and is used to teach all scientific courses.^[69] The use of English and the Weldiya dialect is increasing.^{[citation needed]} The country has the University of Nouakchott and other institutions of higher education, but most highly-educated Mauritanians have studied outside the country. Public expenditure on education was at 10.1% of 2000–2007 government expenditure.^[67]

See also

Geography portal Africa portal Mauritania portal

• Outline of Mauritania
  
• Index of Mauritania-related articles
  

v d e Mauritania topics Politics and law Constitution · Elections · Flag · Foreign relations · President · Prime Minister · Law enforcement · Military · Parliament · Political parties History Precolonial Mauritania · Colonial Mauritania · 1960-1978 · 1978-1991 · 1991-present Geography Cities · Departments · Ecoregions · Regions · Wildlife Economy and infrastructure Agriculture · Airports · Central bank · Currency · Tourism · Transport Culture and society Christianity · Demographics · Education · Films · Health · Islam · Music  · Slavery · Sport · Women List of Mauritania-related articles

Notes

References

• CIA World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mr.html
• US State Department, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5467.htm
• Encyclopaedia Britannica, Mauritania – Country Page

Further reading

• Foster, Noel, Mauritania: The Struggle for Democracy, (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010)
• Hudson, Peter, Travels in Mauritania, (Flamingo, 1991)
• Murphy, Joseph E, Mauritania in Photographs, (Crossgar Press, 1998)
• Pazzanita, Anthony G, Historical Dictionary of Mauritania, (Scarecrow Press, 2008)
• Ruf, Urs, Ending Slavery: Hierarchy, Dependency and Gender in Central Mauritania, (Transcript Verlag, 2001)
• Sene, Sidi, The Ignored Cries of Pain and Injustice from Mauritania, (Trafford Publishing, 2011)

External links

Find more about Mauritania on Wikipedia's sister projects:
	Definitions and translations from Wiktionary
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• République Islamique de Mauritanie official government site
• Mauritania entry at The World Factbook
• Mauritania web resources provided by GovPubs at the University of Colorado–Boulder Libraries
• Mauritania at the Open Directory Project
• Wikimedia Atlas of Mauritania
• Mauritania travel guide from Wikitravel

Links to related articles v d e Mauritania topics Politics and law Constitution · Elections · Flag · Foreign relations · President · Prime Minister · Law enforcement · Military · Parliament · Political parties History Precolonial Mauritania · Colonial Mauritania · 1960-1978 · 1978-1991 · 1991-present Geography Cities · Departments · Ecoregions · Regions · Wildlife Economy and infrastructure Agriculture · Airports · Central bank · Currency · Tourism · Transport Culture and society Christianity · Demographics · Education · Films · Health · Islam · Music  · Slavery · Sport · Women List of Mauritania-related articles

Geographic locale v d e Countries and territories of Africa Sovereign states Algeria Angola Benin Botswana Burkina Faso Burundi Cameroon Cape Verde Central African Republic Chad Comoros Democratic Republic of the Congo Republic of the Congo Côte d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) Djibouti Egypt Equatorial Guinea Eritrea Ethiopia France Mayotte Réunion Gabon The Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Italy Pantelleria Kenya Lesotho Liberia Libya Madagascar Malawi Mali Mauritania Mauritius Morocco Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Portugal Madeira Rwanda São Tomé and Príncipe Senegal Seychelles Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa South Sudan Spain Canary Islands Ceuta Melilla Plazas de soberanía Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Tunisia Uganda Yemen Socotra Zambia Zimbabwe States with limited recognition Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic Somaliland Dependencies Îles Éparses (France) Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha (United Kingdom) Unclear sovereignty Western Sahara

International membership v d e Arab Maghreb Union  Algeria  Libya  Mauritania  Morocco  Tunisia v d e Union for the Mediterranean Member states Albania Algeria3 Austria1 Belgium1 Bosnia and Herzegovina Bulgaria1 Croatia2 Cyprus1 Czech Republic1 Denmark1 Egypt3 Estonia1 Finland1 France1 Germany1 Greece1 Hungary1 Ireland1 Israel Italy1 Jordan3 Latvia1 Lebanon3 Libya3,4 Lithuania1 Luxembourg1 Malta1 Mauritania3 Monaco Montenegro Morocco3 Netherlands1 Palestinian Authority3 Poland1 Portugal1 Romania1 Slovakia1 Slovenia1 Spain1 Sweden1 Syria3 Tunisia3 Turkey2 United Kingdom1 See also Euromediterranean Partnership Euromed FTA Bold: countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea Italic: countries with overseas territory bordering the sea 1 EU member 2 EU candidate 3 Arab League member 4 Observer member v d e Members of the Arab League Members Algeria Bahrain Comoros Djibouti Egypt Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Mauritania Morocco Oman Palestine Qatar Saudi Arabia Somalia Sudan Tunisia United Arab Emirates Yemen Suspended Syria Observers Brazil Eritrea India Turkey Venezuela Diplomacy Arab Peace Initiative Arab League peace plan (Syria) v d e Member states of the African Union (AU) Algeria Angola Benin Botswana Burkina Faso Burundi Cameroon Cape Verde Central African Republic Chad Comoros Democratic Republic of the Congo Republic of the Congo Côte d'Ivoire Djibouti Egypt Equatorial Guinea Eritrea Ethiopia Gabon The Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Kenya Lesotho Liberia Libya Madagascar Malawi Mali Mauritania Mauritius Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic São Tomé and Príncipe Senegal Seychelles Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa South Sudan Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Tunisia Uganda Zambia Zimbabwe v d e Islamic republics      Afghanistan  Iran  Mauritania  Pakistan v d e Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Members Afghanistan Albania Algeria Azerbaijan Bahrain Bangladesh Benin Burkina Faso Brunei Cameroon Chad Comoros Côte d'Ivoire Djibouti Egypt Gabon Gambia Guinea Guinea-Bissau Guyana Indonesia Iran Iraq Jordan Kuwait Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Lebanon Libya Maldives Malaysia Mali Mauritania Morocco Mozambique Niger Nigeria Oman Pakistan Palestine Qatar Saudi Arabia Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia Sudan Suriname Syria Tajikistan Turkey Tunisia Togo Turkmenistan Uganda Uzbekistan United Arab Emirates Yemen Observers Countries and territories Bosnia and Herzegovina Central African Republic Russia Thailand Northern Cyprus (as Turkish Cypriot State) Muslim communities Moro National Liberation Front International organizations Economic Cooperation Organization African Union Arab League Non-Aligned Movement United Nations v d e Member states and observers of the Francophonie Members Albania Andorra Armenia Belgium French Community Benin Bulgaria Burkina Faso Burundi Cambodia Cameroon Canada New Brunswick Quebec Cape Verde Central African Republic Chad Comoros Cyprus1 Democratic Republic of the Congo Republic of the Congo Côte d'Ivoire Djibouti Dominica Egypt Equatorial Guinea France (French Guiana Guadeloupe Martinique St. Pierre and Miquelon Gabon Ghana1 Greece Guinea Guinea-Bissau Haiti Laos Luxembourg Lebanon Macedonia2 Madagascar Mali Mauritania Mauritius Moldova Monaco Morocco Niger Romania Rwanda St. Lucia São Tomé and Príncipe Senegal Seychelles Switzerland Togo Tunisia Vanuatu Vietnam Observers Austria Croatia Czech Republic Dominican Republic Georgia Haiti Hungary Latvia Lithuania Mozambique Poland Serbia Slovakia Slovenia Thailand Ukraine 1 Associate member. 2 Provisionally referred to by the Francophonie as the "former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"; see Macedonia naming dispute.

Languages v d e Afro-Asiatic-speaking countries Berber  Algeria  Egypt  Libya  Mali  Mauritania  Morocco  Niger  Tunisia Chadic  Cameroon  Chad  Niger  Nigeria Cushitic  Djibouti  Eritrea  Ethiopia  Kenya  Somalia  Tanzania Beja  Egypt  Eritrea  Sudan Coptic  Egypt Omotic  Ethiopia Semitic Arabic / Maltese  Algeria  Bahrain  Djibouti  Egypt Gaza Strip  Iraq  Israel  Jordan  Kuwait  Lebanon  Libya  Malta  Mauritania  Morocco  Oman  Palestinian Authority  Qatar  Saudi Arabia  Somalia  Sudan  Syria  Tunisia  UAE  Yemen Northwest Semitic1  Iraqi Kurdistan  Israel  Syria South Semitic  Eritrea  Ethiopia  Oman  Yemen 1 Aramaic and Hebrew v d e Niger–Congo-speaking nations   Mande      Gambia  Guinea  Guinea-Bissau  Mali  Mauritania  Senegal  Sierra Leone  Liberia  Côte d'Ivoire  Nigeria  Burkina Faso  Benin  Togo   Atlantic      Benin  Burkina Faso  Cameroon  CAR  Chad  Côte d'Ivoire  Gambia  Guinea  Guinea-Bissau  Liberia  Mali  Mauritania  Niger  Senegal  Sierra Leone  Sudan  Togo   Savanna     Gur  Benin  Burkina Faso  Côte d'Ivoire  Ghana  Mali  Nigeria  Togo Adamawa  Cameroon  CAR  Chad  Nigeria   (other branches)     Dogon  Mali Senufo  Benin  Côte d'Ivoire  Mali Kru  Burkina Faso  Côte d'Ivoire  Liberia Kwa  Côte d'Ivoire  Ghana  Togo Volta–Niger  Ghana  Togo  Benin  Nigeria Ijoid  Nigeria Kordofanian  Sudan   Benue–Congo     Bantu  Angola  Botswana  Burundi  Cameroon  DRC (other)  Cameroon  Rep. of the Congo  Equatorial Guinea  Gabon  Kenya  Lesotho  Nigeria  Nigeria  Malawi  Mozambique  Namibia  Rwanda  South Africa  Swaziland  Tanzania  Uganda  Zambia  Zimbabwe CAR = Central African Republic DRC = Democratic Republic of the Congo